Sommaire

1.

Reprise de la session

3

2.

Ouverture de la séance

3

3.

Approbation des procès-verbaux des séances précédentes

3

4.

Composition du Parlement

3

5.

Vérification des pouvoirs

3

6.

Composition des groupes politiques

4

7.

Composition des commissions et des délégations

4

8.

Négociations avant la première lecture du Parlement (article 71 du règlement)

4

9.

Rectificatif (article 241 du règlement)

4

10.

Signature d'actes adoptés conformément à la procédure législative ordinaire (article 79 du règlement)

4

11.

Ordre des travaux

4

12.

Reprise de la séance

8

13.

Situation des détenus dans les prisons hongroises, y compris le cas d'Ilaria Salis (débat)

8

14.

Virements instantanés en euros (débat)

12

15.

Situation de l'industrie solaire de l'UE face à la concurrence déloyale (débat)

20

16.

Mesures destinées à assurer un niveau élevé d'interopérabilité du secteur public dans l'ensemble de l'Union (règlement pour une Europe interopérable) (débat)

31

17.

Effet à l'échelle de l'Union de certaines décisions de déchéance du droit de conduire (débat)

35

18.

Situation en Haïti à la veille du déploiement de la mission multinationale d'appui à la sécurité des Nations unies (débat)

43

19.

Interventions d'une minute sur des questions politiques importantes

48

20.

Ordre du jour de la prochaine séance

55

21.

Approbation du procès-verbal de la présente séance

56

22.

Levée de la séance

56

Compte rendu in extenso des débats du 5 février 2024

PRESIDENZA: ROBERTA METSOLA

President

1.   Reprise de la session

President. – I declare resumed the session of the European Parliament adjourned on Thursday, 25 January 2024.

2.   Ouverture de la séance

(The sitting opened at 17.01)

3.   Approbation des procès-verbaux des séances précédentes

President. – The minutes and the texts adopted of the sittings of 18 and 25 January are available. Are there any comments?

That does not seem to be the case. Therefore the minutes are approved.

4.   Composition du Parlement

President. – The competent authorities of France have notified me of the election of Guy Lavocat to the European Parliament replacing Stéphane Séjourné with effect from 12 January 2024.

The competent authorities of Germany have notified me of the election of Niels Geuking to the European Parliament replacing Helmut Geuking with effect from 5 February 2024.

I wish to welcome both Mr Geuking and Mr Lavocat and recall they take their seats in Parliament and on its bodies in full enjoyment of their rights, pending the verification of their credentials.

5.   Vérification des pouvoirs

President. – On the proposal of the Committee on Legal Affairs, Parliament verifies the credentials of Witold Pahl and Włodzimierz Karpiński with effect from 16 November 2023, of Rafał Romanowski with effect from 29 November 2023, and of François Thiollet with effect from 30 November 2023.

6.   Composition des groupes politiques

President. – Aldo Patriciello is no longer a member of the EPP Group and has joined the ID Group as of 29 January 2024.

Petros Kokkalis is no longer a member of The Left Group and has joined the Greens/EFA group as of 31 January 2024.

7.   Composition des commissions et des délégations

President. – The EPP, Renew Europe, Greens/EFA, ID and The Left groups have notified me of decisions relating to changes to appointments within committees and delegations. Those decisions will be set out in the minutes of today's sitting and take effect on the date of this announcement.

8.   Négociations avant la première lecture du Parlement (article 71 du règlement)

President. – Several committees have decided to enter into interinstitutional negotiations pursuant to Rule 71(1) of the Rules of Procedure. The reports which constitute the mandates for the negotiations are available on the plenary webpage and their titles will be published in the minutes of the sitting.

Pursuant to Rule 71(2), Members or political groups reaching at least the medium threshold may request in writing by tomorrow, Tuesday, 6 February at midnight that the decisions be put to the vote. If no request for a vote in Parliament is made before the deadline, the committees may start the negotiations.

9.   Rectificatif (article 241 du règlement)

President. – The Legal Affairs Committee has transmitted a corrigendum to a text adopted by Parliament. Pursuant to Rule 241(4), that corrigendum will be deemed approved unless, no later than 24 hours after its announcement, a request is made by a political group or Members reaching at least the low threshold that it be put to the vote.

The corrigendum is available on the Plenary webpage; its title will be published in the minutes of this sitting.

10.   Signature d'actes adoptés conformément à la procédure législative ordinaire (article 79 du règlement)

President. – I would like to inform you that, together with the President of the Council, I shall on Wednesday sign five acts adopted under the ordinary legislative procedure in accordance with Rule 79 of Parliament's Rules of Procedure. The titles of the acts will be published in the minutes of this sitting.

11.   Ordre des travaux

President. – We now come to the order of business. The final draft agenda as adopted by the Conference of Presidents on 31 January pursuant to Rule 157 has been distributed.

I have been made aware of a couple of points of order, starting with Barry Andrews.

Barry Andrews (Renew). – Madam President, I would like to take this opportunity to welcome the formation of a new government in Northern Ireland at the weekend.

This was a very historic occasion. Michelle O'Neill was elected to be the first nationalist leader of Northern Ireland in its 100-year history.

I'd like to also congratulate our former MEP colleague Naomi Long, who resumes her duties as Minister for Justice, and Matthew O'Toole, who will lead the Opposition in the new Northern Ireland Assembly.

I would encourage the EU institutions at the earliest time to invite the new First Minister and Deputy First Minister to Brussels, particularly to focus on governance arrangements, and also to engage with their UK colleagues on a potential investment conference, so Northern Ireland can really take advantage of its dual market access to bring peace and prosperity to all of the communities in Northern Ireland.

Enikő Győri (NI). – Signora Presidente, parlerò in italiano. Desidero protestare contro la procedura applicata per il dibattito su Ilaria Salis, che non è conforme all'articolo 137, paragrafo 4, del regolamento e viola i valori europei.

Uno Stato membro, l'Ungheria, è gravemente accusato, e in quanto deputata ungherese non mi è concesso il diritto di intervenire nel dibattito. Questo non rispetta il principio del giusto procedimento e così si va contro lo Stato di diritto. Il Parlamento europeo sta assumendo il ruolo di un tribunale e non concede la parola all'accusato. Mi chiedo, Presidente, che tipo di procedura è questa.

La situazione di base è che una cittadina italiana è stata arrestata a Budapest per aver brutalmente aggredito cittadini ungheresi e non, insieme ad altri complici, selezionando casualmente le loro vittime in base al loro abbigliamento. Tutto è stato registrato dalle telecamere di sorveglianza e questa persona ci accusa di trovarsi in condizioni non degne.

Di nuovo, Presidente, come mai non dare l'opportunità a un intervento ungherese?

Presidente. – Abbiamo guardato l'articolo che Lei ha citato. Vediamo quale sarà il tipo di dibattito, ma abbiamo visto anche che c'è un deputato di un gruppo politico che parlerà e anche uno che rappresenta i non iscritti. La ringrazio per aver sollevato tale punto, lo vedrò.

Now we go to other changes to the agenda.

In accordance with Rule 9(9), the following reports are added to the final draft agenda for a vote on Tuesday: the report by Ilana Cicurel on the request for the waiver of the immunity of Eva Kaili; the report by Sergey Lagodinsky on the requests for the waiver of the immunity of Ioannis Lagos; and the report by Angel Dzhambazki on the requests for the waiver of the immunity of Georgios Kyrtsos.

Now we move to changes requested by political groups.

For Tuesday, the Greens Group has requested that a Commission statement on «Water crisis and droughts in the EU as a consequence of the global climate crisis and the need for a sustainable, resilient water strategy for Europe» be added as the second item in the afternoon. As a consequence, the sitting would be extended to 23.00.

I give the floor to Bas Eickhout to move the request.

Bas Eickhout, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, I think the reason for the request is quite clear: we are seeing droughts all over Europe happening.

The climate crisis is hitting us as we speak, and I think we as Europe need to really be better in our water strategy on that. I know that other political groups have also come up with this item, so this title from us is an attempt to bring the different ideas together, and therefore I will repeat it once – you said it already, but it's always good to have it once more.

So it will be a Commission statement on «Water crisis and droughts in the EU as a consequence of the global climate crisis and the need for a sustainable, resilient water strategy for Europe». We would like to put it forward as a roll-call vote, no resolution and indeed, on the second item on the Tuesday afternoon.

President. – I have received an alternative proposal from The Left Group to add Council and Commission statements on «The response to recurrent situations of drought and extreme drought».

Ms Pereira, please go ahead.

Sandra Pereira, em nome do Grupo The Left. – Senhora Presidente, propomos este debate porque as situações de seca e seca extrema são cada vez mais frequentes, com impactos negativos significativos nas atividades agrícola e pecuária e no acesso das populações à água. É, por isso, importante trazer a debate as respostas necessárias, não só as urgentes, mas também, essencialmente, as estruturais.

É necessário hierarquizar o uso da água. É necessário investimento público em infraestruturas e dotar os Estados de meios de gestão dos recursos hídricos.

É urgente este debate e por isso o propomos. Aceitamos o título e consideramos que deve ter lugar quanto antes, não nos opondo a que se realize em fevereiro II.

President. – So, Ms Pereira, would you agree with the Greens' title? Good. So we can just vote on the Greens' request by roll call.

(Parliament approved the request)

We will have a debate, as proposed by Mr Eickhout.

For Tuesday as well, the Greens/EFA Group has requested that the debate on the Commission statement on «State of play of the implementation of the Global Gateway and its governance two years after its launch» be wound up with a resolution to be voted in the February II part-session.

I give the floor to Mr Bütikofer to move the request.

Reinhard Bütikofer, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, dear colleagues, this Parliament has supported the Commission's connectivity policy with broad majorities. This Parliament has been in favour of the Global Gateway Initiative. Fortunately, groups have agreed to have this debate this week, but this Parliament is not just a supporter, this Parliament can also help shape the agenda. We have a contribution to make.

We want more clarity, more transparency. We want priorities clearly defined and we want to exercise our right of oversight. Having a resolution would give us the opportunity of expressing explicitly that, so I would ask you to support that proposal.

President. – As no one wants to speak against, I shall put the request to the vote.

(Parliament rejected the request)

For Tuesday, The Left Group has requested that Council and Commission statements on «Steps to be taken by the EU to reinforce the provisional measures ordered by the ICJ in the case of South Africa v. Israel» be added before the debate on Council and Commission statements on further repression against the democratic forces in Venezuela. As a consequence, the sitting would be extended to 23.00.

I give the floor to Manu Pineda to move the request on behalf of The Left Group.

Manu Pineda, en nombre del Grupo The Left. – Señora presidenta, Sudáfrica denunció a Israel ante la Corte Internacional de Justicia apelando a la Convención contra el Genocidio. La Corte Internacional de Justicia ha visto evidencias de que se está cometiendo un genocidio y ha impuesto una serie de medidas cautelares para evitar que se siga perpetrando.

Hubiéramos entendido que este Parlamento hubiera convocado incluso un pleno extraordinario en la medida en que estamos colaborando con ese régimen acusado de genocidio. Pero no solo no se convocó un pleno extraordinario inmediato, sino que no se lleva ese debate a este pleno. No podemos esperar tres semanas más para debatir sobre esto, porque tres semanas más suponen miles de muertos más sin que nosotros hayamos hecho nada. Y como ha dicho el exfiscal de la Corte Penal Internacional, Moreno Campos, la cooperación con Israel —sobre todo en el ámbito armamentístico— supone, posiblemente, ser también juzgados por genocidio. Así que pedimos que se someta a debate en este pleno.

President. – Mr Marques, you want the floor?

Pedro Marques (S&D). – Madam President, yes I do, in the name of the S&D Group. We want to make it clear that we are absolutely for a proper debate of the current situation in Gaza, but we have been able up until now as a Parliament to stay united, and the strength of the European position regarding this situation, which on the ground is so dire, is that we have been able to do this – particularly us here in Parliament.

We need to continue to be clear on asking for a stop of the situation of the attacks in Gaza, for a ceasefire, but at the same time taking into account all the events that have actually occurred in these last days and weeks, some of them regarding the conditions in which the initial attack by Hamas was perpetrated. We were also very clear on condemning, from the beginning, the attack of Hamas.

We want to preserve that unity. We want Parliament and we want Europe to remain united and be strong – to stop the situation, the dire humanitarian situation in Gaza. But it is not the time for us to be divided. We want this proper debate in February II, as it was agreed between the political groups.

President. – So I shall put the request made by Mr Pineda on behalf of The Left Group to a vote by roll call.

(Parliament rejected the request)

For Wednesday, the ID Group has requested that a Commission statement on «Presentation of the draft implementing regulation providing for a derogation from CAP provisions as regards the application of the GAEC standard 8 for claim year 2024» be added in the morning in a joint debate with the Council and Commission statements on empowering farmers and rural communities.

I give the floor to Gilles Lebreton to move the request on behalf of the ID Group.

Gilles Lebreton, au nom du groupe ID. – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, dans un communiqué du 31 janvier dernier, la Commission a validé pour 2024 une nouvelle dérogation sur les jachères. C'était l'une des revendications des agriculteurs qui ont manifesté leur mécontentement ces dernières semaines, et avec lesquels le groupe ID s'est entretenu à Bruxelles.

La réponse apportée par la Commission les laisse toutefois insatisfaits. La dérogation à l'exigence de maintenir un minimum de 4 % de surfaces non productives ne jouera en effet qu'à condition de cultiver 7 % de leurs terres sans produits phytosanitaires. Pour les agriculteurs français, cela ne change donc rien, puisque cette alternative était déjà prévue par le plan stratégique français – et l'ensemble des agriculteurs européens craint de toute façon qu'elle ne soit irréalisable.

Je regrette donc que la Commission n'ait pas réellement entendu les revendications des agriculteurs. Ce qu'ils voulaient était une dérogation sans condition à l'exigence des 4 % de jachère jusqu'en 2027 et non la concession en trompe-l'œil qu'elle a imaginée. Il convient donc que la Commission puisse s'en expliquer.

President. – As no one wishes to speak against the request, we will go directly to the vote.

(Parliament rejected the request)

For Wednesday, the Greens/EFA Group has requested that a Commission statement on «Commemoration of the 70th anniversary of “Abbé Pierre's appeal” on addressing homelessness in the context of persisting poverty and social exclusion» be added as the last item in the evening. The statement would be followed by a round of political group speakers, and the sitting would be extended to 23.00.

I give the floor to David Cormand to move the request.

David Cormand, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Madame la Présidente: «Mes amis, au secours… Une femme vient de mourir gelée, cette nuit, à trois heures, sur le trottoir du boulevard Sébastopol, serrant sur elle le papier par lequel, avant-hier, on l'avait expulsée.» Ces mots ont été prononcés par l'abbé Pierre lors de l'hiver 1954, le 1er février, dans un déchirant appel passé à la radio. À l'indifférence générale face aux morts de froid il a voulu opposer une insurrection de la bonté. Cette insurrection de la bonté inspirera le développement des communautés Emmaüs, dans de nombreux pays européens et dans le monde, ainsi que des lois en faveur du logement social. Mais, soixante-dix ans plus tard, la crise du logement, l'indifférence face à la pauvreté et le mépris envers les pauvres demeurent encore trop souvent une réalité.

L'Union européenne porte depuis son origine une promesse de paix et de prospérité. Celles-ci ne peuvent advenir sans justice. Or, la première des justices, c'est d'assurer à toutes et à tous le pouvoir de se loger. Car, comme disait l'abbé Pierre, gouverner, c'est d'abord loger son peuple. C'est pourquoi nous nous permettons de demander à notre Parlement de tenir cette semaine un débat en séance plénière intitulé «Commémoration du 70e anniversaire de l'appel de l'abbé Pierre sur la lutte contre le sans-abrisme dans le contexte de la persistance de la pauvreté et de l'exclusion sociale».

President. – As no one wishes to speak against the request, I shall put it to the vote by roll call.

(Parliament agreed to the request)

President. – The agenda is adopted. The order of business is established.

(The sitting was suspended for a few moments)

VORSITZ: KATARINA BARLEY

Vizepräsidentin

12.   Reprise de la séance

(The sitting resumed at 17.23)

13.   Situation des détenus dans les prisons hongroises, y compris le cas d'Ilaria Salis (débat)

Die Präsidentin. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärung der Kommission zur Lage Inhaftierter in ungarischen Gefängnissen, insbesondere dem Fall Ilaria Salis (2024/2559(RSP)).

Ich weise die Mitglieder darauf hin, dass nur eine Rednerrunde der Fraktionen vorgesehen ist. Deshalb werden weder spontane Wortmeldungen noch blaue Karten akzeptiert.

Enikő Győri (NI). – Signora Presidente, devo ripetere la mia richiesta di ascoltare anche l'Ungheria in questo dibattito, se questo Parlamento ritiene importante lo Stato di diritto e il processo giusto. Come ho accennato prima, secondo l'articolo 137, paragrafo 4, del regolamento, che è un importante articolo, un deputato ha il diritto di essere rispettato in un dibattito. In questo dibattito non viene dato il diritto all'Ungheria di fare un intervento, mentre ci accusano di cose molto gravi.

La verità è che un criminale, cioè, una persona, una cittadina italiana ha fatto dei crimini molto gravi in Ungheria ed è sotto accusa in carcere. Ci accusa di condizioni non degne, mentre si è trovato chiaramente che ha mentito durante la procedura legale. Signora Presidente, vorrei chiedere che si possa fare anche un intervento da parte dell'Ungheria.

Die Präsidentin. – Frau Kollegin, Ihr Antrag ist vorhin von der Präsidentin ja bereits beantwortet worden.

Mairead McGuinness, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, I want to thank the House for putting on the agenda of this plenary the situation of prisoners in Hungarian jails, including the case of Ilaria Salis. As you know, detention issues are mainly a competence and responsibility of the Member States, but the Charter of Fundamental Rights does require that, within the scope of EU law, detention conditions do not violate fundamental rights. In addition, all EU Member States have committed to respect standards on this matter from the Council of Europe, such as the 2006 European Prison Rules, at EU level in December 2022.

The Commission adopted a Recommendation on the procedural rights of suspects and accused persons subject to pre-trial detention and on material detention conditions. While the minimum standards laid down in the recommendation are not legally binding on Member States, they serve as a reference point to improve the situation in prisons within the EU.

The issue of detention is one of the priorities of the Belgian Presidency of the Council. The topic of small-scale detention was discussed at the informal Justice Council on 26 January. I would like to draw your attention to EU legislation which is relevant here. The Council Framework Decision 2009/829/JHA of 2009 on the European supervision order allows suspected persons to be supervised in their home country while awaiting trial in another Member State. It has been transposed by Hungary and Italy. The Framework Decision aims to prevent inequalities between residents and non-residents in the trial state. This is because non-residents are remanded in custody more often than residents in similar circumstances.

The Commission is aware that bilateral contacts have taken place between Italy and Hungary. They have discussed the possibility of alternatives to detention in the case of Ms Salis, including the possibility of house arrest, while she awaits trial. This situation would be in line with the Council conclusions on alternative measures to detention, adopted during the Finnish Presidency in 2019. These conclusions point out that non-custodial sanctions and measures should be considered where they are appropriate to the circumstances of a case.

I would like to underline that the Commission is available to help find a viable solution within the EU framework. The Commission attaches great importance to the respect for procedural rights for suspects and accused persons in criminal proceedings. The EU has adopted six procedural rights directives to establish EU-wide minimum standards for a high level of fair trial rights.

These rights include the right to interpretation and translation, the right to information and access to the materials of the case and, in particular, all materials essential to effectively challenge the lawfulness of an arrest or detention. They also include the presumption of innocence, from which derives the prohibition on presenting suspects and accused persons as being guilty in court or in public through the use of measures of physical restraint.

The Commission's priority is to make sure that all these rights are correctly and effectively implemented in practice by the Member States. Where necessary, the Commission will not hesitate to launch infringement proceedings if there are violations of EU law.

More generally, the Commission will continue to monitor the efficiency, quality and independence of the national justice systems of Member States through its annual Rule of Law Reports and the EU Justice Scoreboard.

Tom Vandenkendelaere, namens de PPE-Fractie. – Voorzitter, collega's, commissaris, de situatie in Hongaarse gevangenissen roept een aantal vragen op na de opsluiting van de Italiaanse burger Ilaria Salis tijdens een gewelddadige anti-nazirally in Boedapest vorig jaar en haar verschijning — zwaar geboeid — in de rechtbank een paar dagen geleden.

Verschillende internationale instanties hebben de afgelopen jaren hun bezorgdheid geuit over overvolle gevangenissen, ondermaatse detentieomstandigheden en het gebrek aan effectieve rechtsmiddelen voor gevangenen in Hongarije. Het Europees Hof voor de Rechten van de Mens en het Comité inzake voorkoming van foltering van de Raad van Europa hebben gevallen van mensenrechtenschendingen gedocumenteerd, wat zou wijzen op een systematisch probleem met het Hongaarse strafrechtsysteem.

Mijn vraag is dan ook eenvoudig en vooral gericht aan de Europese Commissie: is de Europese Commissie inderdaad op de hoogte van deze situatie en kan zij beoordelen of de fundamentele normen inzake detentieomstandigheden in Hongaarse gevangenissen worden nageleefd en dus of de noodzaak bestaat om een procedure op te starten? Meer algemeen tot slot ook de vraag: welke zijn de concrete verdere stappen die de Europese Commissie wil nemen in de discussie rond minimumregels over detentieomstandigheden in Europa?

Brando Benifei, a nome del gruppo S&D. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, l'Ungheria di Orbán si è macchiata nuovamente di una grave violazione dello Stato di diritto, a cui quest'Aula deve reagire. Mi riferisco al caso di Ilaria Salis, cittadina europea, da un anno in stato di arresto in condizioni molto dure, costretta a firmare fogli in ungherese senza traduzione e portata al guinzaglio e con catene in un'aula di tribunale. In Europa, i diritti, anche degli arrestati e dei detenuti, che siano poi ritenuti colpevoli o innocenti, vanno rispettati.

Mi vergogno del silenzio del governo italiano. La premier Meloni è pronta ad accogliere l'ultradestra orbaniana nel suo gruppo politico, ma non riesce a chiedere rispetto per una sua cittadina. Leggo di suoi ministri che non hanno visto, che non sanno, che poi sono costernati, ma che alla fine sono muti di fronte ai nazionalisti, all'ultradestra dei loro amici. Una sottomissione imbarazzante, indegna, che suscita rabbia e una giusta indignazione.

Questo è un caso – non unico, ma a suo modo emblematico – di quello che accade in un paese che pensa che l'Europa sia solo una fonte di risorse, di denaro a cui attingere senza rispettare regole. Bene, allora diciamolo forte, almeno qui, in maniera chiara, almeno in quest'Aula: l'Europa, primo ministro Orbán, non è un bancomat! I diritti umani, in quest'Aula, vengono prima di tutto e su di essi è fondata la nostra Unione.

Dunque, anche da qui lanciamo un messaggio chiaro: dignità per Ilaria Salis, dignità per una persona che deve poter essere trattata in maniera adeguata rispetto ai valori europei. Da questo caso come da altri – ma, come ho detto, questo è un caso emblematico – passa la nostra dignità. Mettiamoci uniti, facciamo uno sforzo per dare un messaggio unitario da quest'Aula, perché Ilaria Salis ha bisogno di sentire vicine le istituzioni per la sua dignità, per la sua vita.

Nicola Danti, a nome del gruppo Renew. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, c'è un problema che riguarda molti paesi europei, a partire dal mio: quello del rispetto dei diritti dei detenuti. Un tema sul quale le istituzioni europee devono prendere sempre maggiore coscienza, evitando di rifugiarsi in facili «no comment» per il fatto che questa è materia di competenza nazionale. Perché, parafrasando una frase attribuita a Voltaire, è dalle carceri che si misura la civiltà della nostra Unione.

Potremmo allora parlare delle condizioni di carcerazione, mai smentite da nessuna autorità belga, riservate alla nostra collega Kaili, o di quelle presenti in molti istituti penitenziari italiani, dove il sovraffollamento e la mancanza di servizi essenziali degradano la vita dei detenuti, portandoli talvolta al suicidio, quando invece il dovere principale che spetta allo Stato, con la detenzione, è quello della rieducazione e del reinserimento sociale.

O potremmo parlare del caso di Filippo Mosca, detenuto in Romania, a cui sono stati negati i diritti base durante il dibattimento processuale, e che, soprattutto, è recluso in un carcere rumeno in condizioni inumane.

E potremmo infine parlare del caso di Ilaria Salis. Ben prima delle scioccanti immagini dell'aula giudiziaria, io e altri colleghi avevamo chiesto di porre l'attenzione sulla situazione detentiva e processuale di Ilaria. Non spetta a noi dire e giudicare se e per cosa è colpevole, ma spetta a noi verificare se la magistratura, in un paese in cui il potere giudiziario è totalmente asservito al potere politico, faccia il suo dovere in modo imparziale. Tocca a noi verificare che siano rispettati i diritti umani durante lo stato detentivo dell'imputata e tocca a noi alzare forte la voce quando ci troviamo davanti alle immagini di una giovane donna, incatenata mani e piedi e al guinzaglio davanti alle telecamere, che ledono la dignità umana.

Avremmo voluto sentire su questo anche la voce del nostro capo del governo, Giorgia Meloni, e invece abbiamo solo sentito un reticente silenzio, per evitare di disturbare l'amico Orbán, che si appresta ad accogliere nel proprio gruppo politico europeo. Cari colleghi, un capo del governo che non è in grado di difendere la dignità di un proprio cittadino non sarà mai in grado di difendere il proprio paese.

Ignazio Corrao, a nome del gruppo Verts/ALE. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, lo dico anche alla collega Győri per l'intervento di poco fa: non siamo qui per stabilire se Ilaria Salis, che è un'insegnante italiana attualmente detenuta in Ungheria, sia colpevole o innocente per i reati di cui è accusata. Non siamo un tribunale, non siamo giudici, ma siamo qui per parlare, ancora una volta, di diritti fondamentali violati da uno Stato membro dell'Unione europea: l'Ungheria.

Ilaria Salis è stata condotta in tribunale in catene, come una schiava di non si sa quale epoca, dopo aver trascorso mesi privata dei diritti basici di ogni imputato in uno Stato di diritto, senza poter telefonare, in condizioni disumane, legata al collo e circondata da topi e da insetti.

C'è anche un altro caso simile, colleghi, che vorrei sollevare in quest'Aula e riguarda un altro Stato membro: la Romania. È il caso di Filippo Mosca, un ragazzo siciliano, italiano, europeo, detenuto anche lui in condizioni disumane nel carcere di Porta Alba di Costanza sulla base di un iter processuale inaccettabile per gli standard europei.

È cruciale garantire a Ilaria, a Filippo e a tutti i detenuti i diritti fondamentali e un giusto processo. Nessuno chiede di non rispettare la legge o la sovranità di questi Stati membri, ma è essenziale che le stesse garanzie processuali e la tutela della dignità umana vengano osservate in modo analogo in tutta l'Unione europea.

Pietro Fiocchi, a nome del gruppo ECR. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, intervengo per dire, innanzitutto, che questo dibattito su Ilaria Salis non avrebbe dovuto neppure aver luogo. Pensiamo che si tratti di una richiesta strumentale della sinistra, il cui vero fine non è una preoccupazione umanitaria per la detenuta, ma un'occasione per attaccare l'Ungheria e l'Italia in un clima di campagna elettorale, come del resto dimostrano gli attacchi da parte della presidente del Pd Elly Schlein nei confronti di Giorgia Meloni.

Io ricordo che Tajani e la stessa Giorgia Meloni hanno parlato con Orbán per risolvere la situazione e la trattativa è in corso. Noi non sappiamo se la Salis sia veramente responsabile o no dei fatti dei quali è accusata, ma quello di cui siamo certi è che per Ilaria Salis, e in generale per tutti i connazionali che si trovano detenuti all'estero, il governo italiano sta facendo tutti i passi necessari, politici e diplomatici, affinché a tutti loro venga garantito un trattamento rispettoso della dignità dell'essere umano, nonché un processo giusto e rapido.

Ricordiamoci che ci sono migliaia di detenuti in paesi europei che non sono il loro paese. Allora, non è competenza del Parlamento decidere se una persona è colpevole o meno, però, sicuramente, il Parlamento europeo deve fare in modo che gli standard di umanità nelle carceri europee – in Ungheria come in Belgio, come in Olanda, come in Francia – vengano rispettati e che a questi detenuti venga riservato un trattamento dignitoso e un processo giusto. Questo vale sia per Ilaria Salis che per qualsiasi altro detenuto, specie se in attesa di giudizio.

Jean-Lin Lacapelle, au nom du groupe ID. – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, le Parlement européen tient de nouveau une session plénière et met de nouveau à son ordre du jour un débat hostile à la Hongrie. Le prétexte de cette semaine est la condition des prisonniers, parmi lesquels Ilaria Salis. Comme personne, chez les défenseurs autoproclamés des droits de l'homme, ne va le faire, je vais rappeler quels sont les faits, afin que les Européens sachent de quelle criminelle le Parlement européen prend le parti.

Ilaria Salis est une antifa italienne. Motivée par une idéologie d'extrême gauche ultra-violente, elle s'est arrogé le droit d'entrer dans un pays étranger, la Hongrie, et d'imposer aux Hongrois sa loi politique en attaquant des nationalistes hongrois par surprise, dans la rue ou chez eux, à coups de marteau, et à huit contre un.

Parmi tous ceux qui la plaignent aujourd'hui, combien ont vu la vidéo de cette agression insoutenable? Si le contraire s'était produit, si des nationalistes avaient franchi les frontières pour agresser chez eux à coups de marteau des militants de gauche, l'Union européenne tout entière hurlerait à la mort. Mais, comme c'est l'extrême gauche qui attaque des nationalistes, l'Union européenne s'inquiète de la santé et du confort de l'agresseur, sans un mot pour les victimes, alors qu'elle ouvre sa compassion aux actes les plus anodins habituellement.

C'est en réalité une complicité politique qui vous anime, et la preuve, c'est que, depuis des années que l'Union européenne critique la Hongrie par des dizaines de rapports, c'est la toute première fois qu'il est question des conditions de vie dans les prisons hongroises, lesquelles n'avaient, avant l'emprisonnement de cette criminelle, jamais été évoquées.

Une fois encore, l'Union européenne utilise cette affaire pour s'ingérer dans la politique intérieure de la Hongrie et dénigrer le gouvernement hongrois. En ce qui nous concerne, nous serons toujours du côté de la souveraineté et de l'état de droit. Nous disons, nous, la même chose que le gouvernement italien: il y a des juges et une justice en Hongrie; nous avons confiance en eux; qu'ils fassent leur devoir!

Sabrina Pignedoli (NI). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, le catene che in un'aula di giustizia legavano mani e piedi a Ilaria Salis hanno fatto il giro del mondo, perché non è pensabile che ciò avvenga in un paese dell'Unione europea. Da quasi un anno, questa cittadina italiana è rinchiusa in condizioni degradanti in una cella in Ungheria, dove ha subito maltrattamenti e umiliazioni. Questa è una palese violazione dei diritti umani.

Quello che ci preoccupa maggiormente è l'accanimento dimostrato nei confronti di Ilaria per il suo essere un'attivista antifascista. La Commissione ha più volte sottolineato la mancanza di indipendenza del potere giudiziario dal governo in Ungheria. Ilaria potrà avere un giusto processo? Dalla richiesta spropositata di pena e dalla mancanza di garanzie difensive, ci sembra che la risposta sia no. Speriamo di sbagliarci, ma qui la collega l'ha già definita «criminale» senza ancora una sentenza.

Questa penosa situazione mostra anche la fragilità dei nostri trattati e l'importanza, con l'allargamento dell'Unione, di abbandonare la regola dell'unanimità. Il potere di veto dell'Ungheria in Consiglio, infatti, non può spingere la Commissione a essere più morbida sulla questione del rispetto dei diritti umani e dello Stato di diritto, che non sono negoziabili.

Mairead McGuinness, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, thank you, colleagues, for your contribution to this debate. The Commission is committed to upholding fundamental values in the area of detention and a high level of procedural safeguards in criminal proceedings in the European Union.

At the informal Justice and Home Affairs Council at the end of January, the Commission reminded Member States to take the necessary steps at national level to align their practices with the December 2022 Commission Recommendation on detention. Member States are obliged to inform the Commission of their follow-up to this Recommendation within 18 months of its adoption. Based on this information, the Commission will assess the measures taken by Member States and submit a report at the end of 2024.

Die Präsidentin. – Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

14.   Virements instantanés en euros (débat)

Die Präsidentin. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über den Bericht von Michiel Hoogeveen im Namen des Ausschusses für Wirtschaft und Währung über den Vorschlag für eine Verordnung des Europäischen Parlaments und des Rates zur Änderung der Verordnungen (EU) Nr. 260/2012 und (EU) 2021/1230 im Hinblick auf Sofortüberweisungen in Euro (COM(2022)0546 – C9-0362/2022 – 2022/0341(COD)) (A9-0230/2023).

Michiel Hoogeveen, rapporteur. – Madam President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, let me first thank the Commission for its excellent initiative. That was the basis for the work done by the Parliament and the Council. With the agreement on instant payments, we deliver on an opportunity to do something that people and businesses truly care about. They will be able to transfer money within 10 seconds at any time of the day, including outside business hours, not only within the same country, but also to another EU Member State.

This is not about some abstract plumbing of the financial system, or super-technical capital requirements for banks or insurance companies, or fine-tuning of the European statistical system; instead, this is something very concrete, and something that Europeans truly care about in their daily lives.

Ask yourself: have you ever wondered why a package from an online retailer reaches you faster than a payment from a friend from another EU Member State? Why can we send emails all over the world in a split second, but a payment from Belgium to Latvia still takes two to three business days?

Madam President, our payments transaction system is based on a system from the 1980s. With the Instant Payments Regulation, we finally enter the 21st century. I would like to highlight four important aspects.

First, convenience: 10 seconds for each transaction. Some EU countries, such as the Netherlands or Spain, already have their own national instant payment scheme, but this will now become a reality across Europe. Good for citizens and companies who can send and receive their money faster.

Second, security: the IBAN name check – as some banks are already using in my country, the Netherlands – is now introduced across Europe, making transactions more secure than ever.

Third, we make our markets less dependent on foreign companies for both online and card payments.

Fourth, openness and innovation: fintechs will also gain access to the payments infrastructure, but even market vendors will be able, in theory, to set up their own QR system for receiving instant payments. No more high costs to rent a payment terminal in order to be connected to the payment infrastructure.

It is high time that instant payments become a reality: for European citizens, as they will enjoy smoother payment options; for European businesses, as they will face lower costs; and for European payment services, as they will become more and more competitive.

I enthusiastically welcome the trilogue agreement, which clearly shows the ambition that Europe needs. Ambition on scope, for example, by the inclusion of payment institutions and electronic money institutions, as insisted by the Parliament. This should enhance innovation. Ambition on fees, most notably by requiring that charges for instant payments may not be higher than charges for traditional, non-instant payments. Such affordability is the key to realising the maximum benefits for consumers. And last but not least, ambition on the entry into force of this regulation; the Parliament negotiating team has successfully negotiated implementation deadlines in the very near future.

Let me conclude by thanking the Commission – Commissioner McGuinness – for an excellent proposal, and the Spanish Presidency and my colleagues, shadow rapporteurs, for the constructive collaboration during our negotiations.

Mairead McGuinness, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, colleagues, I was almost was going to say «let me second the speech of the rapporteur» and maybe start with a big thank you to Michiel Hoogeveen, because you worked tirelessly and effectively with the shadows to get this piece of legislation done in a very timely manner.

The matter of instant payments should not be new, but it is not the norm and won't be unless this legislation is in place. Instant payments are a very practical issue for all of us, businesses and citizens. The idea is very simple, allowing all of us to send and receive money in less than 10 seconds.

Instant payments have a really powerful impact: consumers can easily avoid penalties for late payments and manage their household budgets more effectively. Businesses get better cash flow, which is really important for SMEs. Retailers get more options around payments, allowing them to offer better services to their customers, including instant refunds. NGOs and charities can receive contributions more quickly, especially when funds are urgently needed in times of crisis. In the public sector, too, there's advantages in terms of cash flow and collecting fiscal revenues.

Now we are not trailblazing in this area: this regulation will allow the EU to catch up with international markets like Brazil, India, Australia and the UK, where instant payments are growing fast. The technology to provide for instant payments is well established and, frankly, uptake has been too low in the EU.

But your work in this chamber, and the colleagues who specifically worked on the file: your work will make a difference, it will change matters for the better. And I repeat the fact that you worked very effectively and in a timely way, and we would say that this is rare indeed on files in the European system. As Gaeilge, that's in Irish, we would say «an rud is annamh is iontach» – «what's seldom is wonderful». The outcome of the negotiations struck a very good balance: Parliament helped make sure that the regulation is ambitious, and your work has also been welcomed by both payment service users and providers.

You led important changes, allowing payment institutions and electronic money institutions to become eligible to participate in designated payment systems, improving consumer protection against fraud with your changes to the payment verification service, where providers will have to enable users to check whether the name and the IBAN match. This service will now be made available not just for instant payments, but for all non-instant payments, and this verification service will be provided to all users free of charge.

I really do look forward to the vote on Wednesday. Colleagues, there are some files which test all our patience and reserves, but happily this is not one of them.

Markus Ferber, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, Frau Kommissarin, liebe Kolleginnen, liebe Kollegen! Jeder kennt die Situation: Man macht eine Überweisung, das Geld ist sofort vom eigenen Konto abgebucht, aber es dauert mindestens einen, meistens zwei Tage, bis das Geld auch beim Empfänger angekommen ist. Und ist das Wochenende dazwischen, ist ein Feiertag dazwischen, dauert es noch entsprechend länger.

Im 21. Jahrhundert gibt es eigentlich keinen guten Grund mehr dafür, dass die Wertstellung so lange dauert. Deswegen ist es auch richtig, dass hier der europäische Gesetzgeber eingegriffen hat: Künftig reden wir bei Überweisungen nicht mehr von Tagen, sondern von Sekunden. Der Übergang von der klassischen Überweisung zur Sofortüberweisung ist wie der Wechsel von der Postkutsche zum E-Mail.

Mit der neuen Verordnung werden Sofortüberweisungen künftig zum Standard, und zwar genau zu denselben Konditionen wie normale Überweisungen. Heute haben wir noch die Situation, dass einige Banken Sofortüberweisungen als Premium-Dienstleistung anbieten und sich diesen Service auch noch gut bezahlen lassen. Das wird künftig anders sein. Der europäische Gesetzgeber hat sich hier für eine absolut verbraucherfreundliche Variante entschieden, und das unterstützen wir als EVP-Fraktion natürlich.

Mit Sofortüberweisungen machen wir einen ganz großen Schritt hin zum Zahlungsverkehr der Zukunft. Das bedeutet aber auch, dass wir uns überlegen müssen, ob wir Initiativen wie den digitalen Euro für den Endkunden wirklich benötigen.

Die Europäische Zentralbank hat ja die unmittelbare Wertstellung von Transaktionen als einen der großen Vorteile gepriesen, aber auch, dass keine Zwischenhändler, Kreditkartensysteme oder andere Anbieter benötigt werden. All das lösen wir jetzt mit der Sofortüberweisung auch.

Deswegen glaube ich schon, dass wir uns noch einmal darüber unterhalten sollten, wie wir einen digitalen Euro ausgestalten sollen. Mit dieser Regelung haben wir jedenfalls ein gutes Argument, dass wir ihn für den Endverbraucher nicht brauchen.

Marek Belka, w imieniu grupy S&D. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Pani Komisarz! Przede wszystkim dziękuję Michielowi Hoogeveenowi, sprawozdawcom cieniom i naszemu zespołowi technicznemu za współpracę nad tym dossier. Pamiętam, że gdy zgłosiłem się, by być współodpowiedzialny za ten dokument, mówiono mi: po co ci to? To przecież tylko o przelewach w euro, w Radzie nawet nie chcą, by to dotyczyło krajów spoza strefy euro. Nawet nie wiedzą Państwo, jak mnie to zmotywowało i koniec końców wspólnie stworzyliśmy bardzo dobry dokument.

Po pierwsze, przelewy natychmiastowe w euro będą także dostępne z i na konta niedenominowane w euro. Wywalczyliśmy to, by nie dzielić Unii Europejskiej na kraje A i kraje B, pokazując jak powinien funkcjonować wspólny rynek. Po drugie, przelewy natychmiastowe w euro mają być nie droższe niż zwykłe przelewy w euro dostępne przez 24 godziny na dobę, 7 dni w tygodniu. To nie tylko wygoda dla obywateli, ale także krok ku strategicznej autonomii Unii w sprawach finansowych i konkurencja dla pozaunijnych kart kredytowych. Pomogliśmy instytucjom niebankowym w dostępie do bankowej infrastruktury, walczymy z praniem pieniędzy, zapobiegamy błędnym przelewom.

Kluczowym jest jednak to, że pokazaliśmy, że w tak skomplikowanej materii, jaką są finanse i bankowość, Unia Europejska robi coś dla obywatela, coś, co obywatel rozumie i odczuje w życiu codziennym. Pokazujemy, że Orbán, Kaczyński, Wilders czy inni przeciwnicy Unii nie mają racji. Unia Europejska działa i działa dla nas wszystkich.

Stéphanie Yon-Courtin, au nom du groupe Renew. – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, chers collègues, avez-vous déjà fait un virement où l'on vous propose de payer 1 euro supplémentaire pour choisir l'option de paiement instantané en dix secondes? Eh bien c'est désormais fini, car nous faisons du paiement instantané la norme.

Désormais, les prestataires de services de paiement devront fournir aux consommateurs et aux entreprises des solutions de paiement instantanées en plus des virements classiques. Il ne sera plus possible d'appliquer des frais supplémentaires aux paiements instantanés qui soient supérieurs à ceux facturés pour les virements ordinaires.

Oui, nous continuons la numérisation de notre économie, et nous le faisons en renforçant la sécurité. Comment? En nous assurant que, pour les paiements instantanés et les virements ordinaires, le nom du bénéficiaire corresponde bien à l'IBAN (par le biais d'une vérification), et ce afin d'éviter les erreurs et les fraudes.

Nous rappelons également, avec ces nouvelles règles, que l'euro est bien notre projet politique et redisons notre attachement à cette monnaie unique, puisque les nouvelles règles entreront aussi en vigueur dans des pays qui ne sont pas membres de la zone euro – d'ici une période plus longue, toutefois.

Alors que l'Union des marchés de capitaux est une priorité pour 2024, cette nouvelle étape nous permettra de développer des solutions de paiement plus compétitives, de fluidifier les transactions dans l'Union européenne, d'améliorer l'autonomie stratégique du secteur économique et financier européen, afin de ne plus être dépendants des institutions financières de pays tiers.

Oui, grâce à cela, nous avons un verrou favorable à l'union des marchés des capitaux, et qui permet d'avancer.

Claude Gruffat, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, Monsieur le rapporteur, chers collègues, le texte que nous sommes sur le point d'adopter apportera des bénéfices certains pour les consommateurs et consommatrices de l'Union européenne. Les virements instantanés, c'est davantage de facilité, d'assurance, de sécurité et de praticité pour chacune et chacun en tant qu'individu, mais aussi en tant que petite ou moyenne entreprise.

Dans quelques mois, grâce aux travaux et combats que nous avons menés dans le cadre de ce règlement, il sera possible d'envoyer ou de recevoir très simplement des virements dans la zone euro en quelques secondes et gratuitement. Les banques ne pourront plus surtaxer ces virements instantanés. Au-delà de l'aspect pratique, la sécurité sera également au rendez-vous puisque la vérification de l'IBAN devra être réalisée par le fournisseur de service, et cela sans frais supplémentaires. Nous avons par ailleurs assuré les conditions de concurrence loyale et équitable avec les opérateurs électroniques, qui devront offrir les services aux mêmes conditions.

On peut regretter que ce délai soit plus long pour les pays hors zone euro, mais ces virements instantanés seront bientôt une réalité pour toute l'Union européenne, et c'est bien ainsi.

Eugen Jurzyca, za skupinu ECR. – Vážená pani predsedajúca, bankový sektor vo väčšine členských krajín Európskej únie akoby v niektorých segmentoch zaspal dobu. Platby do inej banky, tuzemskej alebo zahraničnej, trvajú aj viac dní. Konkurencia ku klasickým bankám, teda moderné fintech spoločnosti, pritom umožňuje okamžité platby do celej Európskej únie, a dokonca väčšinou zadarmo.

Banky v súčasnosti takéto služby neponúkajú najmä kvôli chýbajúcemu konkurenčnému tlaku, myslím si. Neochotu bánk vidno aj na tom, že vo všetkých krajinách s najväčším podielom okamžitých platieb bol prvotný impulz koordinovaný centrálnou autoritou, napríklad štát, národná banka alebo banková asociácia.

Ide o príklad regulácie, ktorá prinesie úžitok pre spotrebiteľov. Keďže bankový sektor je regulovaný na celoúnijnej úrovni, aj túto reguláciu je potrebné koordinovať v rovnakom priestore. Opatrenie prispeje tiež k efektívnejšiemu fungovaniu na jednotnom trhu vďaka prehĺbeniu konkurencie na trhu s platbami. Podľa Komisie oneskorenie prevodov peňazí dočasne blokuje 200 miliárd EUR. Uvoľnenie tejto sumy bude znamenať rast 1,8 miliardy EUR.

France Jamet, au nom du groupe ID. – Madame la Présidente, mes chers collègues, la mise en place de paiements instantanés dans la zone euro devrait être indéniablement un progrès pour les utilisateurs et les consommateurs dans l'Union européenne. Mais, ne nous y trompons pas: nous ne sommes pas pour autant sortis de la dépendance financière vis-à-vis des États-Unis.

Comment se fait-il que l'on ne parvienne pas à accorder nos 27 États membres vers ce même objectif, alors même que les BRICS, si différents soient-ils, ont réussi à se mettre d'accord sur un objectif politique commun: diminuer leur dépendance vis-à-vis des États-Unis pour ce qui est de leurs transactions financières? Bien sûr, ni la dédollarisation ni la fin de la domination américaine sur le système monétaire international ne sont pour demain. Mais partout – partout! – sauf au sein de l'Union européenne, qui s'aligne sur les États-Unis, au détriment d'ailleurs de la souveraineté nationale des États, les premiers pas sont lancés.

Il est étrange que l'on ne puisse tendre vers le même objectif – 27 États membres – dans le cadre de cette Union, qui, je vous le rappelle, a été créée justement pour peser sur la scène mondiale. Alors, soit la méthode est mauvaise, soit on peut s'interroger sur la volonté politique réelle de l'Union européenne quant à notre indépendance à l'égard de Washington.

Mislav Kolakušić (NI). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, danas Europskom unijom vladaju tri najveće mafijaške organizacije.

Prva i potpuno nedodirljiva farmaceutska mafija. Druga, koja je također u potpunosti nedodirljiva, to je bankarska mafija. One uopće ne odgovaraju za sitna potkradanja svojih klijenata, svojih potrošača. Znači, bankama je dozvoljeno, primjerice, da bez ikakve obavijesti zatvore vaš račun do 10 eura. Milijuni računa po 10 eura – nikom ništa. Banke prisvajaju konstantno novac građana. Kada naprave određenu prevaru, možete li ih kazneno goniti? Ne možete.

Ovaj dom i parlamenti nacionalni donijeli su da sve plaće moraju ići preko banaka. I onda oni izmišljaju tisuće naknada koje se građanima otimaju iz džepa jer građani nemaju mogućnost i pravo da uzmu taj novac direktno i da prime plaću u gotovini.

Mora se zaustaviti banke, mora se vratiti plaćanje plaća, isplata, u gotovini i na taj način ljudima omogućiti da ih pojedinci ne pljačkaju, jer to je mafija. To nije ništa drugo nego mafija.

Lídia Pereira (PPE). – Senhora Presidente, há, de facto, poucas leis europeias que tenham tanto impacto nas nossas vidas como as que regulam os pagamentos. Praticamente todos os dias compramos algum produto ou contratamos algum serviço. E naturalmente, pagamos.

É por isso mesmo que precisamos que os pagamentos na Europa sejam seguros, sejam fáceis e sejam rápidos. Aliás, precisamos mesmo é que sejam instantâneos.

Este Regulamento vai, por isso, no sentido certo: garantir que os nossos pagamentos, as nossas transferências, são instantâneas. E na era da digitalização já não faz sentido esperar dias por uma transferência.

Exigir esta rapidez ao mercado, enquanto abrimos o espaço para as empresas de tecnologias financeiras, muitas delas start-ups, significa mais que apoiar a concorrência. É incentivar a inovação tecnológica e, por isso, a competitividade da nossa economia. E vamos continuar este trabalho com o pacote de pagamentos, ainda antes do final desta legislatura.

Estou francamente cansada de ver os governos nacionais a ignorar estas reformas, enquanto justificam os seus fracassos com a União Europeia.

Não se paga aos agricultores porque a Europa não deixa. Não se aumentam as polícias ou os professores por causa de uma interpretação das regras orçamentais europeias. Não se decide sobre os aeroportos e a ferrovia porque faltam fundos europeus. A desculpa é que já não pega.

A Europa discute, decide e faz. E este relatório é mesmo prova disso. Iremos além e os governos seriam bem-vindos a também acompanharem este trabalho.

Jonás Fernández (S&D). – Señora presidenta, señora comisaria, en demasiadas ocasiones, los que trabajamos en la Comisión de Asuntos Económicos y Monetarios, fundamentalmente en asuntos relacionados con la regulación financiera, discutimos, aprobamos, negociamos reglamentos, directivas, y, en muchas ocasiones, es difícil traducir al lenguaje común lo que hacemos. Es difícil hablar de la solvencia de las entidades, de requerimientos de capital: son conceptos, quizá, demasiado alejados del día a día de los europeos.

Pero hoy estamos aquí para celebrar la aprobación de un nuevo Reglamento con cuyo contenido estamos relacionados diariamente. ¿Quién no ha hecho una transferencia bancaria? ¿Quién no ha intentado hacer un pago instantáneo a través de su cuenta corriente y ha visto que su banco le quería fijar una comisión? Pues bien, con este acuerdo del Consejo y del Parlamento, establecemos una nueva regulación de esos pagos instantáneos para hacer la vida mucho más fácil a los ciudadanos, para avanzar en la unión de los mercados de capitales y en la propia unión bancaria y, como digo, facilitar la vida de todos los europeos. Así que felicidades a todos. Un placer.

Katarína Roth Neveďalová (NI). – Vážená pani predsedajúca, dnes, keď chcete napríklad s kolegami ísť na obed a zaplatiť tú čiastku, ktorú ste dlžní, alebo keď chcete zaplatiť napríklad kaderníkovi prevodom na jeho účet, tak často sa stáva, že táto platba trvá nejaký čas, pretože vaša banka si tie peniaze necháva, aby mohla s nimi obchodovať a na nich zarábala.

Momentálne tieto okamžité platby, o ktorých dnes hovoríme, sú častokrát špeciálne spoplatnené alebo stoja nejaké navyše peniaze. Som veľmi rada, že to už dlho tak nebude a že Európska únia pristupuje k takémuto kroku, že okamžité platby, ktoré sa veľmi často využívajú, nebude možné spoplatňovať vyššími poplatkami, čo sa týka bánk, a takisto ich budú viac môcť ľudia využívať, pretože sú to naozaj platby, ktoré občas potrebujete v poslednom momente zaplatiť, aby ste možno nedostali napríklad nejakú pokutu, ak s niečím meškáte. Som veľmi rada, že hovoríme o tom, že tieto platby by mali dokonca trvať 10 sekúnd, čiže by mali byť veľmi krátke, ale takisto, že hovoríme aj o ochrane ľudí, ktorí tieto peniaze používajú, čiže budeme kontrolovať aj to, na aké účty tieto peniaze idú, či naozaj ten účet, ktorý si myslíte, že patrí tomu človeku, je naozaj jeho.

V tejto súvislosti ale treba povedať, že samozrejme nenahrádzame hotovosť. Hotovosť bude naďalej používaná v Európskej únii, ale len umožňujeme ľuďom, aby mohli využívať okamžité platby ako rýchlejší spôsob platenia, a nebudú za ne špeciálne spoplatňovaní.

Martine Kemp (PPE). – Madam President, dear colleagues. According to the Commission, nearly EUR 200 billion are temporarily blocked every day due to delays in payments, losing as a result an economic benefit of EUR 1.8 billion per year. Yes, you heard that right – the inefficiency of the European payment system costs us almost EUR 2 billion per year.

Such inoperability has been having a tremendous impact, not only on the efficient management of the household budgets of our citizens, especially of young people who have grown up in a digitalised world, but also on our SMEs, which are the backbone of our economy that lose control of their limited cash flows, and our NGOs and charities whose rapid action is urgently needed, particularly in times of crisis.

Dear colleagues, let's face the truth – this reality is unacceptable for the biggest trading bloc of the world. Therefore, I very much welcome the Commission proposal that finally tackles the roots of the issue, making instant euro payments universally available and affordable, while increasing the level of trust and removing the level of friction in its processing.

I say «finally», because as a leading European country for instant payments, Luxembourg has been advocating for the key importance of the matter for quite some time. This is a position that we hold because of our high level of awareness, awareness that must be spread to the whole union in order to avoid fragmentation – a demon that our community is fighting so hard to beat.

Eero Heinäluoma (S&D). – Arvoisa puhemies, olen iloinen, että omassa talous- ja raha-asioiden valiokunnassani valmisteltu maksuliikennettä koskeva asetus on nyt tulossa lopullisesti hyväksyttäväksi.

Esitän kiitokset komissiolle ja koko parlamentin neuvottelutiimille ja erityisesti hyvälle ystävälleni Marek Belkalle. Olette tehneet hyvää työtä, joka helpottaa kansalaisten elämää ja tuo eurooppalaisen päätöksenteon hyödyt kaikkien kansalaisten ulottuville.

Uusi asetus mahdollistaa nopeat rahansiirrot: raha siirtyy jatkossa sekunneissa, ei enää päivissä. Vihdoinkin, voisi sanoa. Euroalueen rahasiirrot ja koko euroalueen rahaliikenne on jatkossa maksutonta. Kuluttajan asema paranee, kun pankit ovat velvollisia varmistamaan, että tilinumerot ja rahansaajan nimi vastaavat toisiaan. Neuvoteltu ehdotus täyttää parlamentin ja oman ryhmäni neuvottelutavoitteet hyvin ja ansaitsee tulla hyväksytyksi.

Francesca Peppucci (PPE). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, quante volte vi è capitato di fare un pagamento, di veder uscire dal vostro conto corrente le risorse, ma di non vedere arrivare l'erogazione per giorni, un periodo che aumenta nel caso di festività. Ebbene, quotidianamente circa 200 miliardi di euro vengono bloccati in transito nel sistema finanziario.

Dieci secondi per un bonifico bancario, indipendentemente dal giorno e dall'ora: finalmente una decisione di buon senso, un passo in avanti per permettere che i nostri sistemi di pagamento siano all'avanguardia e capaci di rispondere velocemente alle esigenze di consumatori e di imprese per effettuare transazioni rapide, pratiche e sicure. Ma, soprattutto, basta con la differenza tra i costi tra i diversi tipi di pagamento e bonifici. La disponibilità dei propri soldi deve essere nelle mani di chi ne ha la proprietà e non deve incontrare lungaggini burocratiche o costi aggiuntivi.

L'Europa, con questo provvedimento, va ad armonizzare i sistemi di pagamento, garantendo vantaggi evidenti. Le imprese, soprattutto le piccole e medie imprese e i commercianti, potranno essere certe di avere immediatamente i loro fondi trasferiti. Un ampio passo in avanti, un grande passo in avanti che va ad armonizzare le misure in tutta l'Unione europea. Andiamo avanti verso la modernità, andiamo avanti verso le esigenze dei cittadini europei.

Seán Kelly (PPE). – A Uachtaráin, a Choimisinéir Mairead agus Deirdre ó Chorcaigh, the world of banking has evolved as technology becomes more advanced. While there is and should continue to be a place for cash payments in today's society, the reality is that personal and business finance has become more and more digitised. Instant transfer banking, such as Revolut, has become very popular for a reason. The nature and means by which people transfer money has changed and we should embrace this shift.

While instant payments have been offered in the EU for a number of years, with this legislation, instant payments in euros will become a requirement, not a possibility, for payment service providers. This is good news for customers, as the proposals would require banks to be capable of receiving and sending instant payments without surcharge and across all channels, with payments capped at EUR 100 000.

This is particularly important for Irish consumers, as none of the Irish retail banks currently provide their customers with the ability to transfer money instantly. Relying on transfers that can take up to three working days is holding us back, and I support measures that mandate instant payment services, as we can see how efficient and convenient the technology is.

However, it is very important that enough time be given to implement this change securely. The last thing we want to see is unnecessary risks to our bank system security. Fortunately, this legislation also provides provisions to make transfers more trustworthy. This is a good news story for consumers, making instant euro payments affordable and accessible to citizens.

Spontane Wortmeldungen

Maria Grapini (S&D). – Doamnă președintă, doamna comisară, stimați colegi, acest regulament era așteptat de mult timp. Trebuie să înțelegem cu toții. Mă surprinde poziția unor colegi. Acest regulament de fapt ajută pe toată lumea: îl ajută pe consumator, pe cetățean, ajută IMM-urile, ajută siguranța, bineînțeles. Ajută, de asemenea, timpul, costul.

Să fim serioși, de foarte multe ori ni se întâmplă ca noi să plătim o marfă, banii pleacă de la noi, nu ajung la furnizori și sunt ținuți de bancă. Cashflow-ul și numerarul stau de fapt în bancă. Acest regulament va permite ca băncile să nu mai facă facultativ și contracost acest serviciu de plăți instant.

De aceea, cred că trebuie foarte bine explicat cetățenilor care este avantajul. Nu are legătură cu plata cash. Nu poți să plătești din Germania în Franța cash. Trebuie să faci aceste plăți instant și sper să se aplice cât mai repede acest regulament care, așa cum spuneam, pe lângă protecția gratuită a IBAN-ului, se verifică și se protejează acesta. Facem ca cashflow-ul la IMM-uri, mai ales, dar și numerarul să ajungă la timp și nu să fie stocat la bănci.

Mick Wallace (The Left). – Madam President, (start of speech off mic) … the speed, ease and availability of instant payments on apps like Revolut and Monzo have been welcome, but the legislative proposal does not include any considerations regarding the prospective energy consumption and possibilities to ensure energy efficiency if the use of instant payments is increased.

While instant payments can enhance financial inclusion, ensuring that vulnerable populations have access to these systems without compromising their security or privacy remains a concern. I am also worried that increasing the uptake of IPs will also most likely reduce the will to maintain the ever-decreasing funding of infrastructure for cash payments.

Cash is still the most inclusive means of payment. There are no hidden charges when paying with cash and it provides the highest degree of independence and protection available from the private banking sector. Cash is still king, and I hope it stays that way.

(Ende der spontanen Wortmeldungen)

Mairead McGuinness, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, thank you very much, colleagues, for all of the contributions. And I think we now need to move to the next stage, which is implementation of the regulation. What I want to see are that these new rules are implemented not just quickly, but smoothly.

The payment sector is fully aware of what needs to be done and it has already started doing it. The deadlines are short but without deadlines there could be even further delays on instant payments, and this would deny consumers and businesses the chance of reaping the benefits of these instant payments. The payment sector can count on the support of the Commission, and we will make clarifications if questions arise during implementation.

The work of supporting instant payments does not stop with this regulation. This is at EU level but there is also the wider international picture to consider, especially the G20's ambition around instant payments internationally. And we are committed as a Commission to that international work on instant payments.

And just as I finish, the honourable Member Mr Wallace will be glad to know that we do have on your desk at the moment a proposal referring to access and acceptability of cash. I certainly wasn't the one who invented the phrase «cash is king», but I've used it frequently because consumers want choice. They want the choice between digital and cash. And I hope that this House will pass the rules we have put in place to make sure that Member States abide by those requirements.

Michiel Hoogeveen, rapporteur. – Madam President, I thank you, Commissioner McGuinness and all the colleagues who have contributed to this very important debate.

As I've already highlighted, the best feature of the Instant Payments Regulation for citizens is that it takes the EU closer to frictionless payments. This Regulation is important for Europe's strategy to encourage European innovation, and we do this by making credit transfers cheaper for citizens and merchants.

This Regulation features rolling deadlines for Eurozone and non-Eurozone payment service providers to be able to receive and send instant payments. The first of these deadlines, that of payment service providers being able to receive instant payments in the Eurozone, will come into force already nine months from the entry of force of this Regulation, so we can expect instant payments will be a feature of the Eurozone before the end of 2024. Non-Eurozone Member States, understandably, need some extra time, and as someone who believes that the EU should be a flexible organisation, I was glad to support this as a rapporteur.

Now, Madam President, if you would allow me, as this mandate is coming to an end, it makes one contemplate on what we have achieved, what difference did we make for the people.

The EU is often perceived as this distant organisation to the people; often that's probably true. With this file, it's really the fundamental motivation of why I entered into politics; and that is to improve lives directly for the people, for our businesses, for our competitiveness.

I'm very proud of the work that we, as the Parliament, as a team and as an interinstitutional team have done on the file. I look forward to seeing the effects of our joint efforts come to fruition.

Die Präsidentin. – Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

Die Abstimmung findet am Mittwoch, 7. Februar 2024, statt.

Schriftliche Erklärungen (Artikel 171 GO)

Andżelika Anna Możdżanowska (ECR), na piśmie. – Jak długo dzisiaj czekamy na międzynarodowy przelew w euro? W zależności od banku, trwa to zazwyczaj od kilku godzin do nawet dwóch dni. Oferty poszczególnych banków oraz krajowe regulacje różnią się znacznie w tym zakresie, więc chcąc dokonać płatności (czy na nią oczekując) musimy uzbroić się w cierpliwość i hamować irytację. Rozporządzenie, które przyjmujemy, stanowi bardzo istotny element budowy prawdziwej integracji europejskiej i prawdziwego wspólnego rynku. Bo żeby jednolity rynek oraz swoboda przemieszczania rzeczywiście funkcjonowały – zarówno dla biznesu jak i dla klienta konieczna jest możliwość natychmiastowego przelewu i natychmiastowej płatności. Płatności natychmiastowe pozwolą przelać pieniądze w 10 sekund – nawet poza godzinami pracy banku – także do innego państwa członkowskiego. Dzięki temu każdy z nas będzie mógł szybciej dokonywać płatności, przedsiębiorstwa będą ponosić niższe koszty, a systemy w całej UE będą bardziej konkurencyjne. To nie tylko dbałość o interes konsumentów, ale także dążenie do strategicznej autonomii UE (w tym wypadku – do niezależności od międzynarodowych operatorów kart płatniczych) uzasadnia potrzebę tego rozporządzenia. I choć jest ono dość wymagające dla banków – zwłaszcza banków spoza strefy euro – wydaje się niezbędnym krokiem naprzód. W epoce cyfrowej możliwość natychmiastowego przelewu powinna być oczywistością.

15.   Situation de l'industrie solaire de l'UE face à la concurrence déloyale (débat)

Die Präsidentin. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über die Erklärung der Kommission zur Lage der Solarindustrie in der EU vor dem Hintergrund des unlauteren Wettbewerbs (2024/2558(RSP)).

Mairead McGuinness, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, colleagues, I want to thank the Parliament for the opportunity to take the floor on this very crucial issue, the situation of the EU solar industry.

I do want to start with some good news: the EU installed 56 GW of solar photovoltaic (PV) last year, according to industry data. This is a record and is twice as much as just two years earlier. Solar energy is one of the key pillars of the energy transition; it is the fastest growing source of electricity, responsible for 8 % of the electricity generated last year in the European Union. Solar installations are an equally important contributor to our energy autonomy: the installations of the last two years allow us to save 15 billion cubic metres of Russian gas imports, and these are impressive figures.

Yet, in order to reach our ambitious 2030 target for renewables, we still need to see further acceleration in both solar and wind deployment. In six years, by 2030, we expect the solar panels deployment to increase by 20 %. Two thirds of these solar installations last year were on our rooftops. Citizens and companies have taken advantage of this cheap source of energy to weather the high energy prices of the past two years.

This boom is also a source of economic growth and job creation: in 2022, the sector was responsible for 650 000 jobs, and this number is increasing rapidly towards 1 million. Eight out of ten jobs in this sector are related to solar panel deployment, one out of ten to solar panel manufacturing.

The EU needs to have access to affordable solar panels to fuel the green transition and unlock the economic opportunities, and the green transition is also an economic opportunity for the EU. This rapid deployment builds on the solar energy strategy adopted in May 2022 as part of the REPower EU package. The strategy included a set of actions to promote solar energy, including the development of the solar manufacturing industry. The supply of the EU market is highly dependent on imports, as more than 97 % of the solar panels deployed in Europe are imported, mainly from China.

However, if we take a closer look at the solar supply chain, the EU has some strong assets on which it could develop this ecosystem. The EU has one of the strongest, or rather is one of the strongest producers of polysilicon worldwide, but also has globally competitive manufacturers of inverters and trackers.

With the exception of the period of COVID-related related supply chain turbulence, the increasingly rapid deployment of solar energy across the EU has been driven over the years by the decreasing costs and prices. Colleagues, since 2023, a global oversupply and a surge of imports in the EU has put under strong pressure the solar supply chains. Solar panel prices have plummeted by over 40 %. These falling prices are an opportunity for citizens and solar panel installers as it supports internal demand, and it is clearly a challenge to EU solar panel producers. Our European solar panel manufacturers have their modules in stock suffering from losses and are forced to scale back or freeze production lines.

As spelled out by the International Energy Agency in its outlook, the uncertainties on the evolution of prices are high: on the one hand, global solar panel deployment is expected to further accelerate. On the other hand, the deployment of massive expansion of production is also in the making, mainly in China, and this situation might remain.

The EU is therefore actively working on a vast set of instruments to support the solar industry. In order to support the acceleration of the green transition, the EU adopted the Green Deal industrial plan: it creates a supportive environment to scale up the EU's net-zero industry, including solar. As part of this plan, the Commission presented a proposal for a net-zero industry act, which is at the final stretches of the negotiations between Parliament and the Council. We hope that both institutions will find an ambitious agreement on this important piece of legislation in the trilogue tomorrow.

The net-zero industry act (NZIA) includes several measures relevant for the solar panel sector. In particular, it aims at the leveraging of public demand through renewable energy auctions and public procurement, using resilience and sustainability criteria to favour the diversification of the sourcing of net-zero technologies. The NZIA package will include guidelines and recommendations to help EU Member States to make full use of the flexibilities under the existing legislative framework, which already allows the inclusion of non-price criteria in competitive auctions and procurements. Some EU Member States are already using these flexibilities. By applying more systemically objective, transparent and non-discriminatory non-price criteria, the resilience and sustainability contributions of the different offers will be better taken into consideration by EU Member States, and that will contribute to diversifying their source of supply.

Additionally, to organise and support the EU solar industry in scaling up, the Commission also launched the European Solar PV Industry Alliance, which set itself the target of 30 GW of production capacity along the value chain by 2025. This is a pipeline of projects waiting for a financing decision. The European Investment Bank has recently adopted a financial package to boost the production capacity of high-performance bifacial PV modules, and this is to be done by one of the EU key manufacturers in Italy. Europe's biggest solar factory, 3SUN, secured EUR 560 million's worth of financing from the EIB and a pool of Italian banks led by UniCredit and backed by the Italian export credit agency.

On the financing side, the current state aid framework – the temporary crisis and transition framework – allows Member States to provide support to new investments in clean tech industries, including solar panels. EU Member States can use this flexibility. In less than a year, since March 2023, the Commission has approved 9 schemes with a budget of over EUR 12 billion for strategic equipment necessary for the net-zero transition, including solar panels. Furthermore, several aid measures for solar panel manufacturers have been approved under the regional aid guidelines. Member States have until the end of 2025 to approve their plans and, as I said, several of them have already done so.

As regards EU funds, the Innovation Fund has so far granted support to new investment in solar manufacturing projects to the tune of EUR 400 million over two years. The ongoing call for proposals has a strong focus on manufacturing. The objective of the new Strategic Technologies for Europe Platform is precisely to support sectors like solar panel manufacturing. In addition, we need to ensure that solar panels installed in the EU are produced in a sustainable manner. This is why the Commission is working on developing eco-design and energy labelling requirements. Other horizontal legislation might also be relevant for this sector, such as the regulation to ban products made using forced labour.

The EU is also working with reliable third countries on reinforcing our supply chains. We share a common interest in de-risking our joint over-dependency by promoting the diversification of our sourcing. For instance, the EU is cooperating actively with the US and India in order to boost the development of the PV sector.

Finally, when justified, the EU also has instruments to tackle unfair trade practices such as dumping of injurious subsidisation – when that is in the overall Union interest, we can take that action. Given that we currently rely to a very important degree on imports to reach EU solar deployment targets, any potential measure needs to be weighed against the objectives we have set ourselves when it comes to the energy transition. Thank you colleagues for your attention and I look forward to the debate.

Maria da Graça Carvalho, em nome do Grupo PPE. – Senhora Presidente, Senhora Comissária, Caros Colegas, até ao início do ano 2000, a União Europeia foi líder mundial na produção de painéis solares e dos seus componentes. Hoje, esse controlo pertence à China e a posição de quase monopólio que aquele país detém neste mercado coloca riscos reais aos nossos objetivos de transição energética.

Assumimos metas muito ambiciosas para o solar. Queremos triplicar até 2030 a capacidade de produção desta energia em face de 2022. Mas, se pretendemos liderar a transição energética, temos que ser mais autónomos na capacidade de produção dos componentes necessários. Não podemos permitir que aconteça com a energia solar o mesmo que aconteceu com o gás natural proveniente da Rússia.

A dependência de países terceiros, que são nossos concorrentes na economia e com os quais temos divergências no plano político, é um risco que não podemos voltar a correr.

Temos de diversificar as cadeias de abastecimento, de aumentar exponencialmente a nossa própria capacidade de produção. O Net-Zero Industry Act estabelece a meta de que até 2030 pelo menos 40 % dos componentes dos painéis solares que utilizamos sejam produzidos na União Europeia.

Mas estamos, só, a seis anos deste prazo e a realidade dos números mostra-nos que não estamos mais próximos do objetivo. Por isso, é urgente que se tomem medidas, que se reforcem investimentos e compromissos, para que não venhamos a lamentar no futuro o que hoje deixámos de fazer.

Matthias Ecke, im Namen der S&D-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, Frau Kommissarin! Ich bin mir gerade nicht ganz sicher, ob wir dieselbe Einschätzung von der Dimension des Problems haben – wenn ich Ihren Ausführungen zugehört habe. Also, ich komme aus Deutschland. Jedes fünfte Solarmodul der Welt kam vor einiger Zeit mal aus Deutschland. Doch dann gab es eine schwarz-gelbe Bundesregierung, die hat die Solarbranche im Regen stehen lassen – das ist schon viele Jahre her. Jetzt sind wir aber wieder in einer Situation, wo der europäische Solarmarkt boomt, aber unsere heimischen Hersteller davon nicht so viel haben. Sie haben die positiven Zahlen des Ausrollens der Solarenergie erwähnt.

Eigentlich ist unsere Industrie doch mit ihren Qualitätsprodukten gut aufgestellt, aber die werden doch im Moment von chinesischen Produkten überschwemmt – von spottbilligen Dumpingprodukten aus China. Meyer Burger, Heckert Solar, Solarwatt in Sachsen erwägen alle, ihre Kapazitäten abzubauen. Das sind große europäische Hersteller. Und das ist etwas, was drängt. Die Zeit drängt. Das ist ein Weckruf für ganz Europa, und wir müssen schnell handeln. Sie haben sie genannt: die Resilienzmaßnahmen, die wir in der Netto-Null-Industrie-Verordnung planen. Da sind wir alle zuversichtlich, dass die helfen. Und wir hoffen, dass wir da morgen zu einem Abschluss kommen.

Ich habe auch durchaus große Hoffnungen in die Gesetzgebung zur Unterbindung von Zwangsarbeit, aber ich habe eigentlich heute ein bisschen mehr erwartet. Wir müssen wirklich ganz rasch handeln. Es gibt Vorschläge, die auf dem Tisch liegen, wo es darum geht, auch kurzfristig Aufkäufe von Modulen europäischer Hersteller sicherzustellen. Sie selber haben erwähnt, dass man sehr sorgfältig schauen muss, ob man auch gezielt und temporär handelspolitische Maßnahmen ergreift.

Ich erwarte mir da einfach mehr von der Kommission, damit die Hersteller, die wir eigentlich stärken wollen, nicht am Ende einfach weg sind. Dann können wir unsere Ziele nicht erreichen, weder beim manufacturing noch beim deployment. Dann können wir gar keine Ziele erreichen. Und deswegen würde ich mir wünschen, dass die Kommission hier den Ernst der Lage besser erkennt.

Marie-Pierre Vedrenne, au nom du groupe Renew. – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, hier, nous, Européens, étions les pionniers de l'industrie solaire, conquérants et leaders d'un marché en devenir et d'avenir. Aujourd'hui, eux, Chinois, dominent le secteur des panneaux solaires à coups de subventions massives et de comportements de prédation. Demain, eux, Américains, investiront, à raison, dans les technologies du futur. Dans cette réalité déconcertante, nos industries vacillent, nos PME encaissent, nos travailleurs subissent. Notre marché intérieur ne peut et ne doit être inondé de panneaux solaires ultrasubventionnés. D'aucuns affirment que certains de nos ports européens détiennent l'équivalent de deux ans de nos besoins en panneaux solaires subventionnés chinois. C'est inacceptable.

Madame la Commissaire, il faut agir, agir plus rapidement, agir encore plus fortement. Redevenons des producteurs exigeants, restons des compétiteurs intraitables, demeurons des innovateurs et des créateurs, donnons-nous tous les moyens de nos ambitions. Nous négocions actuellement la plateforme «Technologies stratégiques pour l'Europe» (STEP), ainsi que notre règlement pour une industrie «zéro net» (NZIA). Ne soyons pas timides, ne soyons pas tièdes. Stop à la demi-mesure! Il faut que notre soutien financier soit clair, ainsi que nos engagements d'investissement.

Anna Cavazzini, im Namen der Verts/ALE-Fraktion. – Liebe Frau Präsidentin, liebe Frau Kommissarin, sehr geehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Der globale Wettlauf um die grüne Industrie ist im vollen Gange, und wir können es uns einfach nicht leisten, dass wir als Europäische Union hinterherhinken oder sogar einzelne Branchen in Gefahr geraten. Dazu sind mehrere Dinge wichtig; ein paar haben Sie auch schon angesprochen.

Erstens: Der regulatorische Rahmen, der Green Deal, ist die Erfolgsgeschichte, dass wir in der Europäischen Union weiter in diesem globalen Wettlauf mithalten, und anstatt ihn auszuhöhlen, wie das diese Seite des Parlaments will, müssen wir den Green Deal weiter stärken.

Zweitens: Wir müssen den Hebel der öffentlichen Beschaffung stärker nutzen. Es kann doch nicht sein, dass wir 13 % des Bruttoinlandsprodukts – 2 Billionen an Steuergeldern – nicht strategisch einsetzen.

Natürlich werden jetzt im Net-Zero Industry Act erste Schritte gemacht. Aber wir müssen einfach dahin kommen, dass wir in jeder öffentlichen Beschaffung die nachhaltigen Produkte bevorzugen, dass wir wirklich dazu kommen, dass wir die öffentliche Beschaffung als strategisches Industrieinstrument einsetzen.

Drittens: Wir brauchen fairen Wettbewerb. Es kann nicht sein, dass anderswo Dumping betrieben wird – sei es durch Unterwanderung von Sozial- und Umweltstandards, aber auch durch illegitime Beihilfen –, und unsere europäischen Produzenten sich an die Regeln halten. Wir brauchen endlich Wettbewerbsregeln, die für alle gleich sind. Dazu gehört die Reform der Zollunion, die ja gerade läuft, dass wir schauen, dass wirklich keine illegitimen Produkte auf dem europäischen Markt landen. Das Verbot für Produkte aus Zwangsarbeit müssen wir endlich schnell abschließen, da sind wir in den letzten Zügen.

Aber vor allen Dingen finde ich es ganz wichtig, dass die Kommission auch prüft, welche kurzfristigen Maßnahmen es braucht. Handelsinstrumente wurden schon angesprochen, aber auch andere wurden von den Kollegen hier gerade angesprochen. Es muss auch kurzfristige Instrumente geben neben diesen ganzen strukturellen Maßnahmen.

Virginie Joron, au nom du groupe ID. – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, Madame la Commissaire: «Thank you, USA» , comme l'avait dit notre ancien collègue Radek Sikorski, président de la délégation pour les relations avec les États-Unis, après les explosions qui ont frappé les gazoducs Nord Stream dans la mer Baltique. Cette délégation par le biais de laquelle Washington nous dit que, pour récupérer notre autonomie en matière de semi-conducteurs, il faut conclure un traité avec Taïwan.

«Thank you, USA.» Microsoft récupère le marché de nos données de santé, le peu d'industries qu'il nous reste s'exile aux États-Unis grâce aux subventions alléchantes qui y sont proposées, Pfizer a obtenu le marché des vaccins jusqu'en 2027, on a même failli avoir une Américaine à la tête de la protection de la concurrence européenne, et aujourd'hui nous nous félicitons d'être les premiers du monde à avoir des normes sur l'intelligence artificielle alors que nos principaux concurrents nous vendent l'intelligence artificielle. «Thank you, USA.»

Les panneaux solaires, c'est pareil. Madame la Commissaire, vous nous avez brossé un tableau peu réjouissant de la situation de l'industrie solaire européenne: bravo! Mais le constat n'est pas nouveau: Mme von der Leyen semble s'inquiéter uniquement lorsque des entreprises allemandes se plaignent et quand M. Meyer Burger délocalise.

Vous découvrez aujourd'hui que la seule entreprise qu'il reste en Europe va s'exiler aux États-Unis. Vous êtes les responsables de ce désastre industriel. Vous avez surfé sur des crises pour nous achever, pour détruire le peu d'indépendance que nous avions, alors que nous proposions, avec des amendements, la défense de nos fleurons nationaux. Vous avez détruit le nucléaire français, notre énergie pas chère pour notre industrie et nos concitoyens. Il fallait absolument fermer Fessenheim, abandonner Astrid à Bill Gates. Résultat: les prix d'électricité et du gaz explosent, et nous sommes devenus un désert industriel.

Vous venez maintenant nous expliquer que c'est terrible. Finalement, les éoliennes, les panneaux solaires, les usines allemandes ou espagnoles n'y arrivent pas. Cette administration, ce n'est pas une stratégie, c'est une tragédie; c'est l'opéra-comique de la souveraineté. Sur l'achat-gaspillage des vaccins contre la COVID-19, sur les milliards d'emprunts à taux variable, sur la question agricole: 90 % des problèmes se trouvent à Bruxelles. Mais «thank you, USA» . Et un conseil à nos amis allemands, c'est d'acheter le dernier livre d'Emmanuel Todd, La Défaite de l'Occident.

Cornelia Ernst, im Namen der Fraktion The Left. – Frau Präsidentin! Ich komme aus dem ostdeutschen Sachsen. In meiner Heimatstadt Dresden steht Solarwatt vor dem Aus. 35 Kilometer weiter will in Freiberg Meyer Burger schließen, weitere 35 Kilometer weiter Heckert Solar in Chemnitz. Mit diesen Schließungen würden nicht nur ostdeutsche Standorte bedroht, sondern die deutsche und europäische Solarindustrie. Und können Sie sich vorstellen, was das für eine Region heißt, die bereits große Umbrüche und Transformationen hinter sich hat, wenn Hunderte Arbeitsplätze verloren gehen?

Mitgliedstaaten und EU müssen handeln, und zwar jetzt, denn durch den IRA und das damit verbundene Ausweichen Chinas auf den europäischen Markt ist dieser zum Dumpingmarkt für Solarmodule geworden.

Wir brauchen Resilienz-Boni für Solarhersteller, um gleiche Wettbewerbsbedingungen herzustellen, ein EU-Programm zum Aufkauf vorhandener Billigmodule, damit europäische Hersteller wieder rentabel werden, und mittelfristig mehr öffentliche Kontrolle über klimaneutralen Umbau, zum Beispiel durch eine europäische Industrie-Stiftung.

Katarína Roth Neveďalová (NI). – Vážená pani predsedajúca, som veľmi rada, že sa rozprávame o tejto téme, ako je solárny priemysel v Európskej únii, pretože ide o štandardnú obchodnú vojnu. Nadprodukcia solárnych panelov v Číne spôsobila výrazný pokles cien, viedla k prebytku dovážaných modulov v prístavoch a skladoch Európskej únie a dnes európski výrobcovia nie sú schopní predať svoju produkciu, pretože čínske spoločnosti ju predávajú pod výrobné náklady. Aj keď sa zameriavame na podporu domácej výroby a chceli by sme znížiť závislosť, ktorej momentálne dominuje Čína v oblasti výroby solárnych panelov, tak nejako sa nám to veľmi nedarí.

Z môjho pohľadu ale nejde iba o to, aby sme zachovali priemysel a zachovali zisky a firmy, ktoré v tomto priemysle fungujú, ale musíme sa zamerať na ľudí, na pracovné miesta, ktoré potrebujeme chrániť aj v oblasti solárneho priemyslu. Musíme tento priemysel podržať. A som veľmi rada, že pani komisárka hovorila o niekoľkých opatreniach, ktoré Komisia predstavila, pretože tie pracovné miesta a tí ľudia sú naozaj tí, na ktorých by sme mali my momentálne hľadieť ako Európsky parlament. Zástupcovia priemyslu nás varujú, že ide o zatváranie výrobných liniek, a naozaj by sme sa mali zamerať na to, ako tomuto zabrániť.

Tom Berendsen (PPE). – Voorzitter, beste collega's, beste commissaris, ik heb vanaf deze plek als rapporteur industriebeleid namens de EVP al een aantal jaar aangegeven dat klimaatbeleid — het Europees klimaatbeleid, de Europese Green Deal — niet zonder Europees industriebeleid kan. Dat zien we vandaag ook bij de zonne-industrie weer.

Want terwijl wij in Europa steeds verder vergroenen en onze afhankelijkheid van fossiele brandstoffen afbouwen, krijgen we daar tegenover een afhankelijkheid van andere delen van de wereld voor terug. Namelijk een afhankelijkheid op het gebied van batterijen, op het gebied van elektrische auto's en ook op het gebied van zonnepanelen.

Op dit moment wordt zo'n 80 % van de zonnepanelen geproduceerd door Chinese bedrijven en veelal mede dankzij Chinese staatssteun gedumpt op onze Europese markt. Dat betekent dat onze eigen industrie zwaar onder druk staat, terwijl juist onze eigen industrie op dit moment de vruchten zou moeten plukken van het feit dat wij in Europa besluiten over te schakelen op groene technologie. Dat moet juist kansen opleveren voor het Europese bedrijfsleven, maar daar slagen we op dit moment onvoldoende in.

We slagen er onvoldoende in om ons bedrijfsleven voldoende te beschermen en we slagen er onvoldoende in om daadwerkelijk Europees industriebeleid te zetten naast die pijler van klimaatbeleid. Dat is de opdracht voor de komende jaren. Laat dit wederom een les zijn voor de Europese Commissie dat het ene niet zonder het ander kan.

Maria-Manuel Leitão-Marques (S&D). – Senhora Presidente, Senhora Comissária, a concorrência desleal tem muitas causas e prejudica sempre as nossas empresas, em especial as mais pequenas. Mas eu quero centrar-me hoje apenas numa: o trabalho forçado.

Sabemos que o grande concorrente da indústria solar europeia é a China e sabemos também, graças a relatórios como os da Universidade de Sheffield Hallam, que a indústria solar chinesa recorre em larga escala ao trabalho forçado, sobretudo trabalho forçado imposto pelo Estado.

Sou relatora da proposta de regulamento para banir a existência de produtos feitos com trabalho forçado no mercado interno. Na posição do Parlamento, incluímos um mecanismo para lidar especificamente com este tipo de situações de trabalho forçado imposto pelo Estado.

Espero agora que o Conselho e a Comissão sejam capazes, no decurso da negociação, de nos acompanhar nesta ambição e que consigamos, em conjunto, aprovar a inversão do ónus da prova para este tipo de situações. Sem um instrumento dedicado para lidar com o trabalho forçado imposto pelo Estado, continuaremos a ver as nossas empresas e a nossa indústria nos painéis solares e em outras áreas a ser vítima da pior concorrência desleal, que é aquela que se baseia na violação dos direitos humanos.

Mauri Pekkarinen (Renew). – Arvoisa puhemies, 600 gigawatin tehotavoite EU:n aurinkovoimalle on mahdollinen ja hyvä. Mutta kenen teknologialla kiinalaiset tarjoavat halvemmalla ja nopeammin? Alan eurooppalainen teollisuus sulkee tänään tehtaita.

Olemme vaikean valinnan edessä. Mikäli voidaan osoittaa, että Kiinan toimet kiistatta rikkovat WTO-sääntöjä, tuonnin esteet voisivat olla perusteltuja. Mutta toimivatko nekään, nuo tuonnin esteet? Kokemukset vuosikymmenten takaa osoittavat, että alan kiinalaista teknologiaa ei nujerreta esimerkiksi tulleilla. Taisin itse olla aikanaan neuvostossa tekemässä niitä päätöksiä. Ne eivät onnistuneet. Oman tuotantomme tukeminen suorin valtiontuin on sekin väärin. Sellainen romuttaa sisämarkkinoita. Aito kilpailukyky syntyy tälläkin alalla vain tutkimuksen ja kehittämisen mittavilla panostuksilla, ei valtiontuilla taikka tuonnin esteillä.

Nopeasti vaikuttava vaihtoehto voisi olla se, että EU koordinoi jäsenmaiden kanssa markkinoille sellaiset interventiot, joilla hankitaan esimerkiksi huoltovarmuusperustein eurooppalaisen tuotannon aurinkokomponentteja, aurinkopaneeleja ja aurinkoteknologiaa. Se voisi auttaa ainakin ylimenokauden ajan, kunnes kilpailukyky muuten paranee.

Ciarán Cuffe (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, Commissioner McGuinness. Ireland and Europe are in the middle of a solar revolution. In our own country, tens of thousands of homes had solar panels installed last year. In total, we're going to get a gigawatt of new solar this year.

Commissioner McGuinness, you and I studied the Ardnacrusha scheme back in school. We're installing three times the power of that hydropower station every year. It's an extraordinary achievement. Solar and wind will soon be the main source of electricity in the European Union, and with the Energy Performance of Buildings Directive, we will be mandating that every new building is ready for solar.

However, we are reliant on China for a lot of our solar needs. 40% of the world's PV comes from Xinjiang, where the Uyghur people are systemically persecuted. We need to ensure that we're not dependent on China and we need to make a choice: will this solar revolution be red or fully green? That is the choice we need to make. The Net Zero Industry Act will help us in that, but we need to make sure that the money is available.

Commissioner, you know all about the European taxonomy. We need to make sure in the next mandate that we continue with empowering the finance that is required to make this solar revolution continue to create green jobs on European soil.

Aurélia Beigneux (ID). – Madame la Présidente, peut-être est-ce lié aux événements en cours en Europe, mais voici que ce Parlement se penche enfin sur la concurrence profondément déloyale qu'exercent les autres pays sur notre économie.

Sur l'énergie solaire comme dans de nombreux autres domaines, nos industries sont affaiblies par des contraintes administratives étouffantes et par une concurrence totalement incontrôlée à nos frontières. À chaque fin de mois, nos entreprises, nos agriculteurs ou encore nos artisans constatent l'augmentation indécente des prix de l'énergie. Les commerces ferment, et les factures précipitent les ménages français, notamment les classes moyennes, vers une paupérisation totalement dramatique. Prendre des mesures strictes pour protéger nos fabricants relève donc du bon sens. Dans tous les domaines, exigeons que nos producteurs européens connaissent les mêmes normes que les produits qui sont déversés sur notre continent à grands coups d'accords de libre-échange signés ici même.

Sur la production d'électricité, rappelons une autre évidence: seule l'énergie nucléaire nous garantira un approvisionnement massif et respectueux de la planète. Seule l'énergie nucléaire nous permettra de relancer nos industries – enfin! Pour rebâtir une économie puissante sur les ruines que vous avez laissées, sortons du culte du renouvelable et capitalisons enfin sur notre avantage mondial en matière de nucléaire.

Marc Botenga (The Left). – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, de grands producteurs de panneaux solaires menacent de délocaliser depuis l'Allemagne vers les États-Unis. Entre-temps, dans ma ville, à Bruxelles, en Belgique, les travailleurs d'Audi ont peur que leur entreprise ne délocalise la production d'une voiture électrique. Ces entreprises, souvent, comme Audi pour les voitures ou Meyer Burger pour les panneaux solaires, ont obtenu des aides publiques européennes ou locales. Quel échec pour votre politique industrielle verte!

Depuis cinq ans je vous le répète: prenez cela en main, planifiez cela publiquement, y compris pour ce qui est de l'installation! Mais vous refusez. Alors je vous ai dit: attachez au moins des conditions aux subsides, aux aides d'État. Quand l'État donne de l'argent, des soutiens à des entreprises, il faut leur demander de respecter l'emploi et d'investir. Mais là encore, à chaque fois, vous avez refusé.

Voilà les conséquences. Aujourd'hui, ces entreprises ont fait le plein de profits, et elles sont maintenant encouragées par votre principal partenaire économique, votre allié, les États-Unis, à délocaliser. Mais, pour les travailleurs, aucune garantie. Aujourd'hui, la politique industrielle européenne protège les profits et non les travailleurs. Basta!

Liudas Mažylis (PPE). – Pirmininke, Komisijos nare, kolegos. Saulės energetika yra vienas kritinių svertų siekiant atsisakyti iškastinio kuro, kovojant su klimato kaita. O Europos saulės baterijų industrijos iššūkiai jau šiandien reikalauja neatidėliotino dėmesio.

Mūsų pramonė yra atakuojama į ES rinką mažesnėmis kainomis patenkančio importo iš trečiųjų šalių, skatinamo didelių subsidijų. Jei Kinija teikia savo gamintojams valstybės paramą, tai apie sąžiningą konkurenciją vargu ar gali eiti kalba. Tai kelia grėsmę mūsų atsinaujinančios energijos pramonei.

2023-iųjų vasario mėnesį mes Europos Parlamento rezoliucijoje pabrėžėme būtinybę kovoti su šia nesąžininga konkurencija.

Importo apribojimai neatrodo garantuota išeitis, tad tenka svarstyti neatidėliotiną paramą įrangos gamintojams.

Europos Sąjungos pramonės strategija turi tikslingai pagreitinti ir supaprastinti finansavimą įvairiais kanalais vietiniams gamintojams, įskaitant privatų finansavimą, valstybės pagalbą, Europos Sąjungos lėšas ir naują Europos suverenumo fondą, o šios priemonės turi būti pajungtos skatinant vietinių medžiagų ar komponentų pirkimą. Kinijos įtaka yra pagrindinis šiandienos problemos dėmuo, trukdantis Europos siekiui tapti sparčiai augančia žaliosios energetikos rinka.

Ką reiškia atiduoti monopoliją Kinijai bet kurioje atskirai paimtoje srityje, mes jau pamatėme pandemijos pradžioje. Nebeturime teisės kartoti tų klaidų.

Engin Eroglu (Renew). – Frau Präsidentin, sehr geehrte Frau Kommissarin! Frau Kommissarin, ich sehe es ein bisschen wie Herr Ecke. Ich bin ein bisschen unzufrieden mit Ihrer Rede, denn ich bin der festen Überzeugung, Sie wissen um den Ernst der Lage doch Bescheid. Und ich bin der festen Überzeugung, dass wir den Menschen in der Europäischen Union doch klar sagen können, in welcher Situation unsere Industrie ist.

Es geht um unfairen Wettbewerb mit China. Wir sehen doch, dass die chinesische Autokratie hier systematisch die europäische Solarindustrie kaputt gemacht hat. Und wir sehen jetzt erneut, dass gerade die Weltmarktführer – zumindest die Bestandteile aus Deutschland – abwandern. Sie wandern nicht ab in irgendeinen Drittstaat, wo wir Dumping haben, sondern sie wandern ab in die USA, das heißt, in einen befreundeten Drittstaat.

Und meine Aufforderung an Sie ist doch, Frau Kommissarin: Es bringt doch nichts, wenn wir jetzt der europäischen Solarindustrie 500 Millionen EUR hinwerfen und sagen, wir schenken euch die Fabrikhalle, und wir uns noch 13 Millionen Arbeitslose in der Europäischen Union gönnen, aber sozusagen die Arbeitnehmer bei uns doch ordentlich bezahlt werden müssen und dann Zwangsarbeit in China stattfindet.

Das heißt, Subventionen bringen uns nicht weiter. Wir müssen mit den Chinesen auf Augenhöhe verhandeln, dass das nicht geht, dass Dumping nicht geht. Und wir haben es damals schon versäumt: Die USA hat vor der Europäischen Union Anti-Dumping-Zölle eingeführt, und wir müssen dort jetzt vielleicht vor den USA handeln.

Und eine Bitte noch: Wir haben es bei der Solarindustrie erlebt, und wir dürfen jetzt nicht zulassen, dass unsere Automobilindustrie in der Europäischen Union genauso von den Chinesen zerstört wird wie die Solarindustrie.

Michael Bloss (Verts/ALE). – Frau Präsidentin, Frau Kommissarin, liebe Kolleginnen, liebe Kollegen! China, die USA, die ganze Welt fördert mit großen staatlichen Programmen ihre Solarindustrie – nur Europa denkt, der Markt regelt es. Seien Sie nicht so naiv! Die europäische Solarindustrie steht kurz vor dem Ruin.

Und wir Grüne, wir fordern Sie als EU-Kommission auf: Lassen Sie das nicht zu! Wenn die europäischen Solarfabriken jetzt dichtmachen, dann kommen die nicht wieder. Dann gehen uns Millionen von Arbeitsplätzen und Milliarden-Umsätze durch die Lappen.

Drei Ideen, was die EU jetzt tun kann: Erstens: Wer mit EU-Geldern Solaranlagen finanziert, muss europäische Solaranlagen kaufen. Zweitens: Kaufen Sie den Herstellern die Solaranlagen jetzt ab. Und drittens: Starten Sie damit ein neues Programm: eine Million europäische Solaranlagen auf einer Million europäischen Schuldächern.

Das wären Win-win-win-Situationen. Es ist kurz vor zwölf. Tun Sie etwas!

Marina Mesure (The Left). – Madame la Présidente, l'industrie européenne des panneaux photovoltaïques est à l'agonie. Pourtant, sous l'impulsion des énergies renouvelables, le marché des panneaux solaires est en plein essor. Mais à qui cela profite-t-il? Visiblement, pas à nos usines européennes, qui ferment les unes après les autres: en Allemagne, aux Pays-Bas… Et bientôt, ce sera le tour de nos deux derniers producteurs français, que j'ai rencontrés récemment.

C'est simple, le Syndicat européen de l'industrie solaire nous le dit: à ce rythme, 2 000 emplois vont disparaître, et la Chine sera en situation de monopole en Europe. Car, oui, le problème vient directement d'une concurrence déloyale de la part de la Chine, qui depuis quelques mois inonde le marché européen de panneaux solaires vendus en dessous des coûts de production, donc à perte. Cette situation est insoutenable. Pendant que les dirigeants européens regardent ailleurs, les panneaux solaires chinois s'accumulent dans les hangars européens, représentant désormais deux ans de stock, soit autant de perdu pour les usines européennes.

Pour stopper l'hémorragie, il est temps d'agir et vite. Il faut prendre des mesures de sauvegarde pour bloquer l'accès aux panneaux solaires chinois et inscrire enfin la préférence locale dans la commande publique. Les États-Unis l'ont fait. Arrêtons d'être les naïfs du marché. Tout le monde protège son industrie stratégique, sauf nous. Sauver notre industrie solaire, c'est créer un demi-million d'emplois d'ici 2025 et garantir notre souveraineté énergétique. Qu'attendons-nous pour agir?

Seán Kelly (PPE). – Madam President, solar energy is becoming increasingly important in Europe's energy transition, with the scale of deployment surprising many experts. There were 20GW of new EU solar installations in 2020, doubling to 40 in 2022. Last year, as Commissioner Mairead McGuinness pointed out, Europe installed 56GW of solar capacity. Very impressive.

This success is extremely welcome, but we cannot expect industry to maintain this positive trend if we expose European producers to unfair trading practices. Currently, we're negotiating legislation to boost domestic production of key technologies, such as solar panels, wind turbines and heat pumps, aiming to reduce dependence on China, which currently accounts for almost 80% of global solar manufacturing.

However, we must ask: will this happen quickly enough? Can we meet the target of having 40% of European demand for solar panels produced within Europe by 2030 if producers are already struggling? If we are to avoid economic vulnerabilities, we need to stand on our own two feet. Solar is an extremely important industry for the future, and Europe must be a significant part of it.

SĒDI VADA: ROBERTS ZĪLE

Priekšsēdētājas vietnieks

Henrike Hahn (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Frau Kommissarin! Solarenergie ist zentral für unsere Energiewende in Europa. Und trotzdem ist die europäische Photovoltaikindustrie gerade in der Krise, und das können wir natürlich so nicht hinnehmen.

Europa muss zum Herz der Klimaindustrie werden. Wir haben in Europa jetzt schon eine solare Wertschöpfungskette von der Solarzelle zum Modul zur fertigen Solaranlage, mit Firmen wie Wacker Chemie in Bayern, Meyer Burger und Solarwatt in Sachsen, Energetica in Österreich. Und das sind alles Firmen, die gerade vor großen Herausforderungen stehen.

Es gilt jetzt, die Solarindustrie zu halten und weiter auszubauen. Und um das klar zu sagen: Es liegt im Zentrum des Interesses von Europa, einen entscheidenden Anteil von Transformationstechnologien bei uns in Europa selbst zu produzieren, unabhängig von China und standortattraktiv.

Das heißt konkret: Wir brauchen jetzt im Rahmen des Net-Zero Industry Act Resilienz-Ausschreibungen im Photovoltaikbereich, und wir müssen europäische Wertschöpfung unterstützen, genau da, wo es nur geht, mit den höchstmöglichen ökologischen und sozialen Kriterien als Standortfaktor. Und das muss man hierbei auch noch mal klar sagen, ohne die Unternehmen gleichzeitig aus der Verantwortung für ihre Wettbewerbsfähigkeit zu entlassen. Das heißt, der Rat, gerade auch ein deutscher Finanzminister, muss sich an die Seite der europäischen Unternehmen stellen.

Wir müssen einen EU-Souveränitätsfonds schaffen, der in eine europäische Solarindustrie …

(Der Präsident entzieht der Rednerin das Wort.)

Emmanuel Maurel (The Left). – Monsieur le Président, je trouve que certains collègues, ici, ont une mémoire de poisson rouge. Je ne parle même pas de la Commission, qui verse des larmes de crocodile à propos d'une situation dont elle est en grande partie responsable, parce que c'est la deuxième fois en dix ans que l'Europe subit un déferlement de panneaux solaires chinois. Déjà en 2013 notre industrie photovoltaïque avait été massacrée, elle s'était effondrée. Pourquoi? Parce que la réponse européenne à la concurrence déloyale avait été tardive et molle, comme d'habitude dès qu'il s'agit de commerce international. Et cela, c'est quand même le résultat d'une politique: la politique de libre-échange de la Commission, qui détruit une base industrielle qui émergeait, qui se développait et qui devenait compétitive.

Alors maintenant il faut agir, parce que la situation est encore pire: durant dix ans, l'État chinois a versé 50 milliards de subventions à son industrie, laquelle a raflé la plupart des matières premières et des chaînes d'approvisionnement. Et nous, qu'est-ce qu'on a fait? On a saupoudré: à peine 5 milliards d'euros, face à cette concurrence déloyale.

Pour éviter un nouveau désastre, il faut prendre des mesures immédiates: on achète les stocks industriels européens et, surtout, on décide de ne verser aucune aide publique à des panneaux solaires dont la fabrication n'est pas assurée en Europe. Sauvons l'industrie européenne! C'est encore possible, mais c'est maintenant!

Mikuláš Peksa (Verts/ALE). – Pane předsedající, vážené kolegyně, vážení kolegové, máme tady debatovat o tom, jak neférová soutěž ovlivňuje evropskou výrobu fotovoltaiky. Ta přiznaně zažívá velmi nedobré časy, protože momentálně vyrobíme asi tak 1 % světové produkce, zatímco 78 % se vyrobí v Číně. Ono je celkem běžné, že různé státy se zaměřují na různé věci podle toho, co se hodí s ohledem na místní podmínky, charakter průmyslu a tak podobně. Ale solární panely bychom v Evropě vyrábět mohli, protože se jedná už v podstatě o poměrně primitivní technologii.

Zároveň tahle výroba má obří strategický význam, protože je to nejrychlejší a nejlevnější způsob zajišťování nové energie. A pokud chceme posunout vlastně dodávky na úroveň jednotlivých domácností, decentralizovat naši síť a obecně ji učinit odolnější, tak solární energie je ta správná cesta. Myslím si, že pro to máme všechny klíčové komponenty a nemusí to být jenom přímé investice. Já si dovedu představit, že bude prostě v Evropě u veřejných zakázek platit pravidlo «Nakupuj v Evropě», abychom právě podpořili domácí průmysl. Tak to pojďme prosím udělat, není to tak velký krok.

Sandra Pereira (The Left). – Senhor Presidente, o papel da energia solar no aprovisionamento de energia deve ser valorizado como solução de presente e de futuro, em particular nos países, como Portugal, com elevado potencial endógeno neste domínio.

Subordinar os interesses da indústria e da energia, solar ou outra, aos interesses privados é uma afronta à soberania dos povos, aos direitos dos trabalhadores e das populações. Mas são essas as opções políticas tomadas pela União Europeia: liberalização, privatização e desregulação do setor da energia.

As consequências destas políticas desastrosas são bem conhecidas e sentidas por todos. Aumentaram os preços pagos pelos consumidores, diminuiu o emprego com direitos, desrespeitaram-se os interesses e a soberania energética dos Estados-Membros, desprezando a defesa de um serviço público de qualidade que sirva os reais interesses dos consumidores e o desenvolvimento e progresso social. Ao mesmo tempo, as empresas energéticas, privatizadas, continuam a acumular milhões de lucros todos os dias.

A energia, solar ou outra, é um bem público e o fornecimento e a acessibilidade da energia são um serviço público essencial. O que se exige, pois, é a defesa da soberania energética, da segurança, do abastecimento, preços acessíveis e ajustados à evolução das economias e um serviço público de qualidade.

Catch-the-eye procedure

Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, doamna comisară, stimați colegi, cred că ne-am abătut foarte mult de la titlul dezbaterii pentru că trebuia să vorbim, de fapt, despre situația energiei solare în contextul competiției neloiale. S-a vorbit mai mult despre mix energetic, despre ce contribuții a avut energia solară.

Problema este, doamnă comisară, dacă ne puteți spune, cum combatem competiția neloială. Avem o politică, o strategie industrială, o politică de reindustrializare a Uniunii Europene. Nu avem probleme numai cu panourile solare, avem probleme și cu alte domenii. Cred că piața internă a Uniunii Europene este cel mai puțin protejată de concurența neloială și cred că aici, dacă vrem într-adevăr să crească lanțul valoric și toate componentele ce contribuie la energia solară, trebuie să ne uităm serios în acest plan de reindustrializare. Cum susținem acest lucru?

Apoi, dumneavoastră ați spus că energia solară a contribuit cu 8 % și a înlocuit importul de gaze rusești. Așa este, dar trebuie să vedem că Soarele nu este la fel în toate statele membre și nu putem impune un proiect … (Președintele a întrerupt vorbitoarea)

Clare Daly (The Left). – Mr President, solar panels just keep getting cheaper and cheaper, solar prices have dropped by 85 %, that's something we should be delighted about. At those prices, we can actually undergo a rapid transition of our energy system and meet our climate goals with ease.

But instead of that, we're in here complaining about it. We say that other countries subsidising their solar panel manufacturing is unfair competition; it's unjustified state aid. Well, it's a bit ironic that you're constantly in here saying about how the EU is a great leader in all of these things, and other countries are doing nothing. How is subsidising solar panels and renewable energy unjustified? Are we just in the business of trying to make money for shareholders, or do we want to change the global energy system?

It is true, of course, that we need an EU solar manufacturing capability, like we do all strategic sectors, but this crisis is what happens when you liberalise the energy sector and leave it all up to the market. We do not need massive handouts to private industry; we need to actually take control of this transition with public oversight and ownership.

Robert Hajšel (S&D). – Vážený pán predsedajúci, v decembri sme schválili pozíciu Európskeho parlamentu k mechanizmu Európskej vodíkovej banky, kde som bol hlavným spravodajcom. Prioritou bola podpora domácej európskej produkcie vodíka tak, aby sme boli čo najmenej závislí od jeho dovozu, najmä z nedemokratických krajín. Podobný prístup musíme zvoliť aj v prípade solárnych panelov, kde svetový trh ovláda Čína nielen vďaka obrovským dotáciám, ale bohužiaľ aj kvôli takým nástrojom, ako sú napríklad nútené práce alebo neekologická výroba. Na druhej strane, v súčasnosti si nemôžeme dovoliť úplne zastaviť dovoz Číny. Ochromilo by to ponuku na trhu technológií obnoviteľných zdrojov, ktoré veľmi potrebujeme.

Predovšetkým však musíme masívne investovať do výroby panelov v Európe a maximálne podporiť domácich výrobcov dostupnými prostriedkami. Na tento účel už máme legislatívu, kam patria aj solárne panely medzi preferované technológie a aj kriticky dôležité nerastné suroviny, kde by sme mali zvýšiť aj recyklačné kapacity, napríklad v prípade hliníka potrebného na ich výrobu. Ďalšou dôležitou oblasťou je podpora dopytu.

Mick Wallace (The Left). – Mr President, 96% of all solar panels installed in Europe in 2022 came from China. It would be absurd to criticise China for building up a solar industry. China's solar manufacturing accounts for 78% of the world's total PV module production. We'd be lost without China's solar panel manufacturing. China's industrial policy is helping massively to decarbonise the world.

Tariffs on China would absolutely be the wrong approach. Solar Panel Europe, which is one of the largest solar industry representative associations, has been very clear that it does not support trade measures against China. Instead, it wants a relaxation of state aid rules for the industry. It wants resilience auctions and credit guarantees.

China has invested over $50 billion in new PV supply capacity – 10 times more than Europe. In a crisis – and the climate crisis is the biggest crisis we've ever had to face – we need a strong state and we need strong state supports. If we want good quality, green jobs in Europe, we should follow China's example instead of giving out about them.

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

Mairead McGuinness, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, colleagues, thank you all for your very strong contributions to this debate. There is concern, well expressed in this House, about the state of the EU solar industry, as you say in the title, «in light of unfair competition». I did say in the opening remarks that we do have instruments to tackle unfair trade practices – so, just to put that again clearly to you – whenever this is, of course, in the European Union's overall interest.

Just to say that the EU has a plan to nurture net-zero manufacturing technologies that will limit our overdependence on imports, and create jobs and growth in Europe. Building on the existing practice of some EU Member States, the NZIA will result in the more regular use of resilience and sustainability criteria in EU auctions and procurement. This objective, transparent and competitive tenders, will help in addressing EU dependencies.

The EU and its Member States will continue to monitor the situation and work closely with EU industry to deploy every effort at technical and political level to make the solar strategy a success, despite the complexity of the current market situation. We will, of course, keep the European Parliament closely involved along the way, and we count on your support.

Sēdes vadītājs. – Debates ir slēgtas.

16.   Mesures destinées à assurer un niveau élevé d'interopérabilité du secteur public dans l'ensemble de l'Union (règlement pour une Europe interopérable) (débat)

Sēdes vadītājs. – Nākamais darba kārtības punkts ir debates par Ivara Ijaba ziņojumu Rūpniecības, pētniecības un enerģētikas komitejas vārdā par priekšlikumu Eiropas Parlamenta un Padomes regulai, ar ko nosaka pasākumus augsta līmeņa publiskā sektora sadarbspējai visā Savienībā (Sadarbspējīgas Eiropas akts) (COM(2022)0720 – C9-0387/2022 – 2022/0379(COD)) (A9-0254/2023).

Ivars Ijabs, referents. – Godātais sēdes vadītāj! Sadarbspējīgas Eiropas akta moto varētu būt «domāt, pirms darīt» – apdomāt un novērtēt, kā mūsu jaunie lēmumi varēs tikt īstenoti digitāli; kā jauni noteikumi, kurus mēs te gribam pieņemt, ietekmēs pilsoņu, uzņēmēju spēju saņemt publiskos pakalpojumus raiti, digitāli un bez liekām robežām visā Eiropā; vai kāda jauna informācijas sistēma, kuru mēs par miljoniem eiro gatavojamies iegādāties, spēs sarunāties ar līdzīgām sistēmām citās Eiropas valstīs un bez liekas birokrātijas palīdzēt cilvēkiem. Piemēram, nodokļu, īpašumu, iedzīvotāju, transportlīdzekļu reģistrs jau sākotnēji ir jāveido tā, lai tie spētu sazināties ar attiecīgām sistēmām gan savā, gan citās Eiropas valstīs.

Diemžēl joprojām daudzviet datu apmaiņa starp iestādēm notiek vai nu uz papīra, vai faktiski manuāli pārliekot pat digitālu informāciju. Tas ievērojami apgrūtina publisko pakalpojumu sniegšanu cilvēkiem un uzņēmumiem un bremzē ekonomikas attīstību. Turklāt runa nav tikai par saziņu starp dažādām dalībvalstīm. Sadarbspējas ļoti bieži pietrūkst pat vienas valsts sniegto pakalpojumu starpā.

Šis likums ir svarīgs arī tāpēc, lai tas būtu saistošs tiem digitalizācijas projektiem, kuriem šobrīd ir atvēlēti daudzi miljardi Eiropas fondu naudas, piemēram, atgūšanās un atjaunošanas fondā un citur. Patiesībā šiem principiem jau būtu sen bijis jābūt spēkā, vismaz kādus gadus 15, bet labāk vēlu nekā daudz par vēlu.

Turpmāk visām sabiedriskā sektora iestādēm Eiropā būs jānovērtē jaunie projekti no sadarbspējas viedokļa, jāpārliecinās, vai tie būs sadarbspējīgi pāri robežām. Tas ietaupīs daudz nodokļu maksātāju naudas un arī paātrinās biznesa procesus. Svarīgi, ka šī regula definē Eiropas digitālos publiskos pakalpojumus, kurus iestādes sniedz mijiedarbojoties gan cita citai, gan fiziskām un juridiskām personām. Šādu pakalpojumu piemēri ir, piemēram, akadēmisko diplomu apmaiņa, transportlīdzekļu datu apmaiņa ceļu satiksmes drošībai, piekļuve sociālās drošības un veselības datiem, akreditācija publiskajiem iepirkumiem, digitālās autovadītāja tiesības un tamlīdzīgi.

Sarunās ar Padomi par šo regulu mēs uzsvērām nepieciešamību nodrošināt pienācīgu atbalstu vietējām un reģionālām pašvaldībām aktu īstenošanā. Daudzvalodība ir Eiropas Savienības pamatprincips, un tas ir jāsaglabā arī digitālajos pakalpojumos. Svarīga ir publiskā sektora darbinieku apmācība sadarbspējai. Mums izdevās vienoties arī par sadarbspējas regulatīvo smilšukastu izveidi, lai kontrolētā vidē eksperimentētu un radītu jaunus, inovatīvus publisko pakalpojumu sniegšanas veidus.

Visbeidzot, sarunās mēs arī pastiprinājām Eiropas Parlamenta lomu regulas īstenošanas uzraudzībā. Kopīgais pētniecības centrs jeb JRC ir aprēķinājis sadarbspējas ietekmi Eiropā naudas izteiksmē. Tas ļautu samazināt laiku, ko iedzīvotāji katru gadu pavada attiecībās ar publisko sektoru, par 25 %, un par 15 % palielinātos to iedzīvotāju skaits, kuri izmanto tiešsaistē publiskos pakalpojumus. Tā ir miljardos mērāma efektivitāte pilsoņiem un uzņēmumiem.

Dāmas un kungi! Mēs esam vienisprātis par to, ka Eiropas ekonomikai nepieciešama strauja digitālā pārveide, taču reizēm trūkst izpratnes par ko citu. Proti, sabiedriskajam sektoram – dalībvalstīm, reģionālām, vietējām pašvaldībām, kas sniedz pilsoņiem pakalpojumus, un arī Eiropas pašas institūcijām – šeit ir jāiet pa priekšu un jārāda priekšzīme, nevis jāvelkas nopakaļus. Veicināt šo līderību tad arī ir sadarbspējīgas Eiropas likuma galvenais uzdevums.

Mairead McGuinness, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, colleagues, the Interoperable Europe Act will make digital public services across the Union more efficient and more effective. Our goal is clear – the seamless interaction of digital public services across borders for citizens, businesses and public administrations. So the significance of this act cannot be understated. It lays the groundwork for a future where digital services are not hindered by geographic or bureaucratic boundaries, and this will make a real difference to European citizens.

The Commission will make sure that this initiative is implemented cohesively across every level of government at the European, national, regional and local level. The agreement reached by the Parliament and Council respects a spirit of cooperation. Notably, there will be structured EU cooperation, with public administrations coming together in the framework of projects co-owned by Member States, regions and municipalities.

There is a multi-level governance framework steered by the Interoperable Europe Board. Interoperability assessments will be mandatory to ensure better interconnection and synergies among public services. Interoperability solutions can be shared and reused, powered by a one-stop shop for solutions and community cooperation, the Interoperable Europe Portal, and supported by measures to promote innovation, improve skills and knowledge exchange.

I would like to thank the rapporteur and his team for his efforts and constructive approach. You have shown your expertise and your commitment to finding pragmatic, common solutions, working in a very ambitious time frame. As we start to implement the act, I am sure we will keep the constructive dialogue going. The Commission will remain an active partner in this journey, ready to provide support and ensure that this act moves from paper into practice.

We look forward to continuing our cooperation with the European Parliament on this file. We will provide annual reports to both Council and Parliament on the state of interoperability in the European Union. That means the Interoperable Europe Act will undoubtedly remain at the centre of our discussions.

In summary, this act is a vital step towards a more integrated and innovative European digital landscape. It will help shape a responsive and forward-looking public sector. This is really important work, and I am sure that the constructive dialogue that has brought us to this stage will continue. I look forward to the rest of the debate.

Francisco Guerreiro, relator de parecer da Comissão do Mercado Interno e da Proteção dos Consumidores. – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Comissária, Senhores Deputados, este é um daqueles debates que, se calhar, não serve só para lançar soundbites para as redes sociais e para a comunicação social, mas é um debate que envolve algo muito importante que é a melhoria dos serviços públicos da nossa União Europeia.

E talvez por isso mesmo, porque é um debate que envolveu muitas horas de debate, envolveu muitas posições e envolveu muitas alterações construtivas para melhorar efetivamente o dia a dia dos cidadãos e de muitas empresas, nomeadamente as pequenas e médias empresas da União Europeia, talvez seja por isso que a extrema direita não está aqui, não só porque não participou, mas porque também não tem nada a acrescentar.

Porque se fala de temáticas profundas que realmente vão ao núcleo do que é preciso ser feito na União Europeia, que é debater como é que nós, agentes políticos, melhoramos a vida do dia a dia de cidadãos e de empresas. Este quadro legislativo é efetivamente um desses casos e, por isso, é de felicitar todo o trabalho que aqui foi feito, e, mais uma vez, de notar que a extrema direita não está cá para debater matérias fundamentais para o dia a dia dos cidadãos e das empresas europeias.

Gheorghe Falcă, în numele grupului PPE. – Domnule președinte, doamna comisară, dragi colegi, în calitate de raportor din partea PPE, salut rezultatul la care am ajuns împreună cu colegii raportori la acest regulament.

Este vorba despre un nou pas important pentru realizarea unui spațiu digital european, dar și pentru consolidarea leadershipului european în acest domeniu. Cu toții ne dorim, pentru tot ce este în Uniunea Europeană, administrații moderne, ancorate în viitor, eficiente și cu costuri reduse, iar acum oferim noi șanse pentru a atinge acest obiectiv.

Prin negocierile pe acest regulament, mă bucur pentru țara mea, unde am lucrat 19 ani în administrația locală, că vom avea servicii publice digitalizate în interesul cetățenilor și al antreprenorilor. De asemenea, în regulament am reușit să includ Centrul european pentru securitate cibernetică din București pe lista membrilor cu statut de observator în cadrul Comitetului pentru Europa interoperabilă, un organism consultativ strategic al Comisiei.

În același timp, ca europarlamentar român, nu pot să nu remarc că, cu această ocazie, în vreme ce țara mea va fi parte a ceea ce înseamnă Schengen digital, încă avem parteneri europeni care țin România în afara spațiului Schengen terestru. Sper totuși ca propaganda rusă să nu funcționeze pentru mult timp. De aceea, fiți alături de noi!

Josianne Cutajar, f'isem il-grupp S&D. – President, kollegi, kburija bir-riżultati li se niksbu permezz ta' dan l-Att, li se joħloq il-kundizzjonijiet biex is-servizzi pubbliċi tal-Istati Membri jsiru verament interoperabbli fl-ambitu diġitali.

F'dinja dejjem aktar interkonnessa, il-kapaċità tas-sistemi u l-organizzazzjonijiet li jaħdmu flimkien saret importanti ferm għaċ-ċittadini u n-negozji Ewropej. Wieħed mill-benefiċċji primarji tal-interoperabbiltà huwa t-titjib tal-effiċjenza u l-produttività li jwassal għal anqas spejjeż u l-allokazzjoni b'mod aktar strateġiku tar-riżorsi. Minn dispożizzjonijiet biex jiġu mnaqqsa l-piżijiet amministrattivi għal oħrajn bl-għan li jissaħħaħ l-aċċess ugwali għal kulħadd, kif ukoll il-ħaddiema tas-settur pubbliku, fejn jidħlu l-ħiliet tagħhom, dan l-Att se jiżgura li ċ-ċittadini Ewropej, l-SMEs u n-negozji tagħna jkunu jistgħu jiddependu aktar fuq is-servizzi pubbliċi online madwar l-Unjoni Ewropea kollha.

Id-diġitalizzazzjoni u l-effiċjenza jridu jimxu id f'id biex jiġu assigurati servizzi pubbliċi ta' kwalità. Din il-liġi għandha l-għan ukoll li tikseb il-mira li s-servizzi pubbliċi ewlenin jinqalbu online kollha kemm huma sal-2030. Mira importanti tal-programm tad-Deċennju Diġitali li ħdimt fuqu wkoll bħala negozjatriċi għan-nom tas-Soċjalisti. Ninsab kburija li, huwa insistenza li għamilt, daħlet ukoll referenza għall-importanza li tinżamm l-aċċessibbiltà offline tas-servizzi pubbliċi, fl-interess ta' dawk li m'għandhomx il-ħiliet diġitali neċessarji. Anki r-referenza inklussiva li tassigura attenzjoni speċjali lir-reġjuni żvantaġġjati bħall-gżejjer. Ejjew inkomplu naħdmu għal Ewropa diġitali aktar kompetittiva, innovattiva u inklussiva.

Jordi Solé, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, Commissioner, one of the Digital Decade targets is that public services are 100% available online by 2030. At the same time, in the digital single market, digital public services should be provided and be accessible from anywhere in the EU without technical barriers. However, as we know, too many obstacles hindering interoperability persist today. The Interoperable Europe Act will be an instrument for removing such obstacles and will deliver smooth, cross-border, digital public services.

It establishes a robust foundation for the use and sharing of interoperability solutions, including those based on open source. It fosters trust and cooperation between public administrations across the EU, as citizens called for in the Conference on the Future of Europe, and it will accelerate the digital transformation of Europe's public sector at both local and regional level. This will be good news for citizens, for businesses and for a digital innovative Europe.

Antonius Manders (PPE). – Voorzitter, collega's, ik wil vooral namens mijn oudere kiezers mevrouw McGuinness nog danken voor de invoering van de IBAN-naamcheck waar wij twee jaar geleden over hebben gesproken. Ik had toen geen spreektijd, vandaar dat ik het nu nog doe, aansluitend op de verordening over instantovermakingen. Nogmaals bedankt, want vooral oudere mensen zullen heel veel baat hebben bij een veiligere interne markt en een veiliger betaalsysteem.

Dan interoperabel Europa, het samenwerken tussen digitale bestanden. De interne markt bestaat pas dertig jaar en het is goed dat we erover nadenken om de overheden ook te laten samenwerken. Dat zou heel erg goed zijn. Wij denken dat de samenwerking vooral op juridisch gebied sneller en beter moet kunnen. Het moet makkelijker zijn om de digitale dienst te bereiken vanuit alle lidstaten. Ik heb voorgesteld om een soort Erasmus-programma voor ambtenaren in te voeren, waardoor er een uitwisseling komt in de diverse lidstaten, waardoor er meer begrip komt voor de verschillende systemen, maar vooral voor het verschil van culturen in Europa en de manier van denken. Dat zou goed zijn en daarmee ontwikkelen we ook een stukje Europese identiteit, want dat hebben wij nodig in de toekomst. Zonder een Europese identiteit en emotie zal Europa ophouden te bestaan. Dus ik hoop dat we er iets aan kunnen doen.

Dan roep ik de overheden op om er in de grensstreken alles aan te doen om de communicatie die wordt geblokkeerd voor het telefoonverkeer in de grensstreken zo snel mogelijk op te heffen. Dat is namelijk een enorm probleem voor de communicatie in de grensstreek. Als u de grens over gaat, dan stopt uw telefoon gewoon voor tien minuten en pas later wordt het signaal herkend.

Maria-Manuel Leitão-Marques (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Comissária, tenho ouvido neste Parlamento defender duas posições que me parecem igualmente contestáveis. Uma sustenta que toda a regulação é um fardo para as empresas. A outra considera que os dados devem ser protegidos a qualquer custo e nunca partilhados para nenhum propósito. A proposta que estamos a debater mostra que ambas as posições são incorretas.

O uso da interoperabilidade permite partilhar dados com segurança entre diferentes instituições públicas e até privadas e, assim, reduzir os encargos administrativos no cumprimento de várias obrigações que as empresas têm para com as suas administrações. Permite ainda simplificar e desenhar os serviços públicos centrados nos seus utentes, reduzindo as obrigações de prestação de informação ao nível nacional e europeu.

Senhora Comissária, quanto mais interoperáveis forem as nossas administrações públicas, mais integrado será o mercado interno e mais efetivas serão as liberdades que o compõem. Em certa medida, a interoperabilidade é, assim, uma tecnologia que pode ajudar à construção de uma verdadeira cidadania europeia.

Catch-the-eye procedure

Mick Wallace (The Left). – Mr President, first of all, the only thing I know about computers is that you can't eat them, right? Interoperability, I believe, is the ability of computer systems or software to exchange and make use of information. Now the regulation is linked to an Interoperable Europe Act. The aim of this Act, it says, is to help public administrations and the private sector work together and establish an ecosystem of interoperability solutions for the EU's public sector.

Now, I agree that the public sector, particularly hospitals, should be able to share patient information on a cross-border basis if this can help the needs of the patient. But I'm not convinced of the private sector's involvement in the proposal. And the idea of the public sector and private sector working together for the benefit of citizens – a bit of a farce. It's neoliberalism 101, and it generally results in the private sector making massive profits off the back of the public sector, with citizens paying the price.

Clare Daly (The Left). – Mr President, the Trilogue outcome that we're discussing today is a fairly mixed one – some good stuff, some bad. However, the general theme that public sector systems should be interoperable is an important one and something that the EU has been championing for a while. Against that backdrop, it's really strange that the Irish Government has recently concluded a contract for EUR 86 million for electronic health records management for our new children's hospital with Epic Systems, whose software has been described infamously as not playing nicely with others.

Other European countries that have implemented this record software have found it to be disastrous. In Finland and Denmark, 62% of doctors said they were not satisfied. In Norway, 90% of doctors said after using this system that it was a threat to patient health, and just dealing with this system cost one hospital EUR 10 million, monies that then couldn't be used for a mental health centre.

Why on earth would this be chosen in the world's most expensive children's hospital, which is already costing EUR 2 billion? It makes you think.

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

Mairead McGuinness, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, thank you, colleagues, for this positive discussion on the Interoperable Europe Act, because this provides a practical blueprint for the future of Europe's digital landscape. You are ensuring that our citizens and businesses will benefit from seamless and borderless digital public services.

I want to thank you for your dedication and commitment, which I know will continue as we put this act into practice.

Ivars Ijabs, rapporteur. – Mr President, I would like to thank the colleagues of the Council, Commission, and fellow Members of the Parliament, especially my shadow rapporteurs, who worked on this legislation.

It is indeed a small but an important milestone in our journey towards seamless digital public services in Europe. I'm glad that we achieved some of the key priorities for those negotiations.

We stressed the need to ensure adequate support for local and regional authorities in implementing the Act. We underlined the importance of interoperability training for public sector workers and digital skills more widely. We agreed on the role of open-source solutions as a critical element in promoting transparency and cost-effectiveness in the development of those interoperable systems. We recognised respect for multilingualism and machine readability as well. We agreed on the establishment of interoperability regulatory sandboxes, without creating unnecessary loopholes in general derogations from the existing EU legislation.

Since we strengthened the role of the European Parliament in the monitoring of the implementation of this regulation, I look forward to the Commission's regular report to the Parliament on interoperability, how it's proceeding.

Colleagues, although this might seem a rather technical piece of legislation, it has a lot of political and practical importance on our path to digital transformation. I thank you for your commitment to bring the work on this legislation to a successful conclusion in such a short time.

Sēdes vadītājs. – Debates ir slēgtas.

Balsošana notiks rītdien.

17.   Effet à l'échelle de l'Union de certaines décisions de déchéance du droit de conduire (débat)

President. – The next item is the debate on the report by Peter Vitanov, on behalf of the Committee on Transport and Tourism, on the proposal for a directive of the European Parliament and of the Council on the Union-wide effect of certain driving disqualifications (COM(2023)0128 – C9-0036/2023 – 2023/0055(COD)) (A9-0410/2023).

Петър Витанов, докладчик. – Г-н Председател, всяко право, което получаваме и упражняваме като граждани на Европа, носи със себе си и отговорност. Правото да шофираш предполага отговорността да спазваш закона, а когато го нарушиш да понесеш последствията, независимо от мястото, където се намираш. Когато това не се случва, трагичните инциденти са неизбежни.

Войната по пътищата продължава да ни стряска с мрачни статистики, загубени животи, разбити семейства и мечти, резултат от инциденти, които често е можело да бъдат предотвратени. И да, през последните 20 години пътната безопасност е в основата на европейската транспортна политика. И да, фаталните инциденти са намалели от 51 000 на малко под 20 000, но не трябва да забравяме, че това не са просто числа, а истории на истински хора, наши съграждани, роднини, приятели, които никога не са се прибрали у дома.

Привилегията на свободното придвижване в целия Европейски съюз и шофиране зад граница не трябва да бъде предпоставка за създаване на имунитет при извършване на тежки нарушения в чужбина. С получаването си на свидетелство за управление ние автоматично ставаме отговорни за безопасността на всички участници в движението, в която и точка на Съюза да се намираме. С Директивата относно действието в целия Европейски съюз на определени решения, засягащи правото на управление на МПС, както и целият пакет за пътна безопасност, ни се дава възможност да променим картината, възможност, която не бива да пропускаме.

Крайната цел на тази директива е въздаването на справедливост чрез наказуемост на безразсъдното шофиране в чужбина, което много често за съжаление остава ненаказано. Чрез създаване на стройна система на сътрудничество и обмен на информация между страната на нарушения и страната на издаване на книжка се цели прекратяване на безнаказаността и повишаване в крайна сметка на пътната безопасност. Обхватът включва онези нарушения, които най-често водят до фатални инциденти. А именно превишена скорост с над 50 километра в час, шофиране под въздействие на алкохол, на наркотици и всякакви други нарушения, които водят до тежки наранявания или смърт. И да, смея да твърдя, че тази директива няма да реши самостоятелно въпроса, но със сигурност е стъпка към повишаването на пътната безопасност. Смятам, че подхода на Комисията беше добър, но като Парламент се опитахме да подобрим малко и да надградим това, което ни се предложи, в няколко направления.

Първо, времетраенето на процедурните правила. Много е важно да имаме фиксирано времетраене и информацията, обмена на информацията от страната на нарушение в страната на издаване на книжката, до информираността на нарушителя, всичко това дава прогнозируемост и плътност на директивата. Второ, разбира се, синхронизацията. Трябва да се стремим да синхронизираме там, където има възможност нарушения в страната на нарушение и в страната на издаване на книжката да бъдат, където повтарям и подчертавам, където това е възможно, колкото се може по-близки.

Възможността за урбанизираните зони и смятам, че 50 километра над допустимата скорост е твърде много в урбанизираните зони. Обръщаме внимание на това плюс съответната гъвкавост за всяка една държава, защото те влагат в това понятие различен смисъл. И разбира се, насърчаването и използването на система, която подобрява обмена между страните. И ние сме обърнали специално внимание затова, нека не забравяме, последно и с това завършвам, на пътя човекът никога не е сам. Нека да не чакаме трагедията да ни напомни защо е важна пътната безопасност и да гласуваме с разум.

Adina-Ioana Vălean, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, let me start by thanking Mr Vitanov and the Committee on Transport and Tourism (TRAN) for the excellent report on the proposal for a directive on the Union-wide effect of certain driving disqualifications.

As you know, this proposal is an integral part of the Road Safety Package, which the Commission adopted in March 2023, and it has close links to the Driving Licence Directive and the Directive on cross-border exchange of information on road-safety-related traffic offences. The legislative framework created by these three pieces of legislation should be seen as vital to getting closer to reaching our goal of zero fatalities or serious injuries on European roads by 2050.

It will guarantee the high standards of skills and fitness of our drivers. It will also enable us to react in case certain individuals break the rules, putting themselves and other road users at risk. On that note, please allow me to ask a question: what is the main purpose of this proposal that we are discussing today? Of course, it is about driving disqualifications, but it is first and foremost about safety and fairness.

When it comes to safety, the efficient enforcement of driving disqualifications has clearly shown that it is a strong deterrent against major road safety-related traffic offences. Studies suggest that efficient enforcement not only increases the compliance of drivers who get sanctioned, but also shows to the wider driver population the risks they are taking should they decide to breach the law.

Secondly, let's talk about fairness. Currently, for the same offence, a driver can be disqualified in the territory of the whole Union or simply in the territory of the Member State where the offence took place. This depends in which Member States his or her driving licence was issued. In the latter case, such a driver will be able to go to other Member States and continue driving as if nothing has happened. This situation is clearly unfair. Why should we keep allowing dangerous drivers on our roads? Putting an end to such unjustified differentiation of treatment would be the other core objective of our proposal.

There are also other important elements of fairness in the text – the grounds for refusal. We should ensure that our proposal remains reasonable, focusing on the most severe offences, and takes into consideration the differences we have between road traffic rules in the Member States. At the same time, the proposal also establishes clear conditions under which Member States can refuse a request to disqualify a driver. For example, if the offence committed would not be sanctioned with a driver disqualification in the Member State which issued the driving licence, or in the event that there are doubts or evidence of a breach of fundamental rights of the driver. Our proposal also contains safeguards for ensuring drivers' rights, in particular when it comes to access to information, defence and data protection.

In conclusion, safety and fairness are the two elements that this proposal is all about. Ensuring safety by showcasing that everyone should respect the rules on the European roads and that no one enjoys impunity, should they breach those rules are very important as well. We also want to guarantee that offenders are treated on an equal footing.

I look forward to an interesting debate, and I count on the adoption of your report tomorrow, as it will be as an important step to improve safety on the roads.

Markus Ferber, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Frau Kommissarin, liebe Kolleginnen, liebe Kollegen! Das Dossier, über das wir heute beraten, ist Teil des Pakets für Straßenverkehrssicherheit, und insofern halte ich es schon für unglücklich, dass wir die Richtlinie über die unionsweite Wirkung bestimmter Entscheidungen über den Fahrberechtigungsverlust nicht gemeinsam mit der Führerscheinrichtlinie beraten und abstimmen. Denn es wäre eigentlich sinnvoll gewesen, das Paket zusammen zu behandeln, und ich finde es bedauerlich, dass einige Fraktionen hier im Hause das verhindert haben.

Die Grundidee des vorliegenden Vorschlags ist einfach und nachvollziehbar: Begeht ein Fahrer ein gravierendes Verkehrsdelikt, wie z. B. extreme Geschwindigkeitsüberschreitungen, das Fahren unter Alkohol- oder Drogeneinfluss sowie Verkehrsdelikte mit Todesfolge oder schwerer Körperverletzung, wo der Fahrer die Schuld trägt, so sollte der Fahrer in der ganzen Europäischen Union auch seinen Führerschein verlieren. Es geht um die Straßenverkehrssicherheit.

Nach den geltenden Vorschriften kann ein schweres Straßenverkehrsdelikt, das zum Entzug der Fahrerlaubnis führt, jedoch nicht EU-weit durchgesetzt werden, wenn das Delikt in einem anderen Mitgliedstaat begangen wurde als dem, wo der Führerschein ausgestellt wurde. Dass das heute überhaupt noch möglich ist, kann eigentlich niemand mehr erklären. Deswegen handelt es sich hier um einen wichtigen Vorschlag, den wir als Europäische Volkspartei auch unterstützen und den wir zügig behandeln möchten.

Aber wir müssen schon aufpassen, dass wir hier nicht mit sachfremden Dingen das Ganze überlagern. Erstens sollten wir nicht ein europäisches Punktesystem hier mit einfordern. Das macht keinen Sinn, und das werden wir als Europäische Volkspartei auch nicht mittragen. Das wirft eine Reihe von rechtlichen Fragen auf, und wer sich hier immer für die Rechtsstaatlichkeit einsetzt, sollte auch das EU-Recht beachten und nicht so etwas fordern.

Und zweitens wollen wir, dass die Mitgliedstaaten auch seriös damit umgehen. Wir könnten längst fertig sein, wenn der Rat sich bewegen würde. Schade, dass das wohl erst in der nächsten Legislaturperiode möglich ist.

Isabel García Muñoz, en nombre del Grupo S&D. – Señor presidente, señora comisaria, para conseguir alcanzar el objetivo de la «visión cero», es decir, cero víctimas y heridos graves en las carreteras europeas en 2050, hace falta tomar medidas decisivas.

Desde 2010 la creación de un espacio europeo de seguridad vial ha sido uno de los objetivos de la Unión Europea encaminado a esa «visión cero». Y uno de los elementos principales de ese espacio europeo de seguridad vial es el que trata la propuesta que hoy debatimos: el reconocimiento recíproco de la privación del derecho a conducir. Esta propuesta pretende acabar con la situación de impunidad de aquellos conductores que cometen faltas graves fuera de sus países y a los que es difícil sancionar debidamente. Por tanto, es de gran importancia no solo para países turísticos, como España, Portugal, Italia, sino también para aquellos países del centro de Europa con mayores flujos de tráfico en tránsito.

Avanzamos en la buena dirección con la creación de un sistema de cooperación e intercambio de información sobre procedimientos relacionados con las infracciones. Pero no solo deberíamos cooperar cuando se dan las infracciones más graves: las penales. Habría que animar a los Estados miembros a que cooperen también con respecto a las administrativas. No se entiende que un conductor cometa repetidas infracciones en otro país y que, por no llegar a ser penales, no suponga ningún tipo de sanción por la falta de colaboración entre países.

Y, por último, sería muy positivo que se implantara a nivel europeo un sistema de licencias de conducir por puntos —como el que tenemos en España, que tan buenos resultados ha dado— y en el que se incluyeran todas las infracciones, independientemente del país en que se cometan.

Gracias, Petar, por tu informe. Sin medidas decisivas no llegaremos nunca a alcanzar la «visión cero» y este informe ayudará a ello.

Izaskun Bilbao Barandica, en nombre del Grupo Renew. – Señor presidente, señora comisaria, esta Directiva avanza en el principio de que nuestra Unión es un espacio compartido de libertad y seguridad. Salvará cada año muchas vidas, porque va a evitar que un conductor sancionado en un Estado miembro con la pérdida del carnet de conducir pueda circular legalmente en otro Estado porque no somos capaces de compartir esta información. La retirada del carnet tendrá efecto inmediato en todos los Estados miembros cuando se deba al exceso de velocidad, a la conducción en estado de embriaguez o bajo los efectos de las drogas o a cometer infracciones que acarreen muertes o lesiones corporales graves. Es una reivindicación largamente reclamada por organizaciones como STOP Accidentes.

El final de este ámbito de impunidad se va a completar con otras normas que permitirán compartir datos y hacer efectivas en toda la Unión las multas de tráfico por infracciones graves. Son unas sanciones fundamentalmente económicas que han demostrado su capacidad disuasoria sobre los conductores inconscientes o con tendencias o aficiones temerarias.

Estamos, en consecuencia, ante un paquete legislativo que mejorará la seguridad vial en toda la Unión, pero me alegra especialmente el impacto que tendrá en las zonas transfronterizas. Las policías de tráfico que patrullan en estas áreas dan fe de que la conducción de sus nacionales más temerarios es muy distinta en el Estado limítrofe que la que observan en el propio. Los infractores saben que esta falta de cooperación convierte sus matrículas en una patente de corso. Y generan riesgos evitables que cuestan cada año muchas vidas. Esto también es construir Europa.

Karima Delli, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, Madame la Commissaire, nous avançons doucement sur le chemin du permis unique. Je dis doucement, parce que nous savons ici les frilosités des États membres à faire un vrai permis européen.

Pourtant il serait bien utile, ce permis européen, parce que nous avons 60 morts sur les routes par jour. Je le répète: 60 morts par jour, dans l'Union européenne. C'est dramatique, et c'est pour cela que nous préconisons un permis à points. C'est pour cela que nous devons surveiller les infractions partout où elles ont lieu sur les routes d'Europe et que ces sanctions doivent s'appliquer partout dans l'Union européenne. En bref, un permis juste, mais sans complaisance, sans impunité à l'égard de toutes les infractions.

Nous n'en sommes pas là, mais nous nous attaquons au moins à l'impunité des cas graves, c'est-à-dire les excès de vitesse et la consommation d'alcool et de stupéfiants. Nous y mettons fin, mais nous étendons la déchéance du permis partout dans ces cas-là.

Eugen Jurzyca, za skupinu ECR. – Vážený pán predsedajúci, ak policajt pri závažnom porušení pravidiel zakáže zahraničnému vodičovi šoférovať auto, tento zákaz by podľa mňa mal platiť v celej Únii, nielen v danej krajine, ako je tomu dnes.

Za takéto návrhy podľa mňa môžeme Komisiu pochváliť. Osobitne preto, že až 40 % cezhraničných priestupkov zostáva dnes beztrestných. Každý občan Európskej únie a aj ten v Lisabone, v Talline aj v Kodani či v slovenskom Svidníku by mal mať istotu, že v jeho meste nejazdí vodič, ktorému bolo zakázané šoférovať napríklad v Amsterdame, v Ríme alebo vo Varšave za to, že jazdil pod vplyvom alkoholu napríklad dvakrát vyššou rýchlosťou, než tam bola povolená. Tento návrh zvýši bezpečnosť cestnej premávky v celej Európskej únii, zníži materiálne škody a zachráni zdravie a ľudské životy. To všetko pri veľmi nízkych nákladoch. Také projekty vídame dosť zriedka. Pretože vychádza takto efektívne, tento návrh určite podporím.

Roman Haider, im Namen der ID-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Ja, gut gemeint heißt nicht unbedingt gut gemacht, das zeigt sich auch bei dem vorliegenden Entwurf für die Richtlinie zum unionsweiten Führerscheinentzug. Lenker, die stark alkoholisiert oder unter Drogeneinfluss fahren, Lenker, die grob fahrlässig einen tödlichen Unfall verursachen, die das Leben anderer mit ihrem Verhalten gefährden – solche Lenker gehören natürlich europaweit aus dem Verkehr gezogen. Da bin ich ganz beim Entwurf.

Leider schießt dieser Bericht aber weit über das Ziel hinaus; schließlich reden wir hier über Verwaltungsübertretungen. Eine europaweite Konsequenz muss ausdrücklich auf ganz genau definierte, besonders schwere Vergehen beschränkt bleiben. Alles, was auch nur einen Millimeter darüber hinausgeht, ist eine massive Untergrabung der Subsidiarität.

Der Begriff «schwere Verkehrsdelikte» ist aber gerade keine genaue Definition. Wir brauchen eine exakte, taxative Aufzählung der Delikte. Ich lehne es entschieden ab, die Souveränität der Mitgliedstaaten über die Hintertür immer mehr auszuhöhlen. Das gilt insbesondere für den Bereich der inneren Sicherheit.

Weiters fordert dieser Bericht, dass der Strafrahmen für das begangene Delikt innerhalb der rechtlichen Grenzen zwischen zwei beteiligten Mitgliedstaaten so weit wie möglich angepasst werden soll. Das geht überhaupt nicht. Wie kommt die Rechtsordnung eines Landes A dazu, den geltenden Strafrahmen für ein Delikt an den Strafrahmen eines Landes B, also einer fremden Rechtsordnung anzupassen?

Da stellt sich mir dann sofort die Frage: Was fordert die EU als nächstes? Eine unionsweite Anpassung des Strafrechts etwa? Das wäre nur ein weiterer Schritt hin zur Gründung der Vereinigten Staaten von Europa, und diesem Ziel erteile ich eine klare Absage.

Es wäre also sinnvoll, diesen Entwurf noch einmal zu überarbeiten. In der aktuellen Form kann ich nicht zustimmen, und deshalb haben wir auch einen Zurückweisungsantrag eingebracht, weil eben der vorliegende Entwurf die rechtliche Souveränität der Mitgliedstaaten untergräbt. Er verstößt ganz einfach gegen das Subsidiaritätsprinzip.

Cláudia Monteiro de Aguiar (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Comissária, discutimos hoje parte do pacote legislativo sobre segurança rodoviária.

A segurança nas estradas constitui uma preocupação efetiva e que nos deve mobilizar a todos. Os dados recentes, abrangendo o período de 2011 a 2021, revelam um aumento de 6 % nas fatalidades rodoviárias da União Europeia, pondo fim a uma década de declínios sucessivos.

Perante cada uma destas vidas perdidas nas estradas, cabe-nos a nós, enquanto colegisladores, refletir sobre as medidas a implementar para alterar esta realidade desoladora.

A percentagem de mortalidade nas estradas portuguesas é a oitava mais elevada da União. Em 2021, lamentavelmente, foram registadas 561 mortes devido a acidentes de viação, um aumento relativamente às 536 ocorridas em 2020. Importa sublinhar que cada número destes espelha uma vida, o que nos deve convocar a todos para analisar a fundo as diversas causas subjacentes e como podemos trabalhar melhor para reduzir estes números.

Estamos convencidos de que a introdução de um sistema europeu unificado de pontos não será suficiente para reverter esta tendência. Em Portugal, no meu país, já vigora um sistema semelhante e não quero, contudo, dizer que isto não se reflita. Precisamos, pois, de fazer mais.

Termino, pois, dizendo que estamos juntos para trabalhar na segurança das nossas estradas, sem sobrecarregar com regras, não olhando apenas para punir os infratores, mas, acima de tudo, melhorando as redes viárias de cada um dos países e com o devido apoio europeu.

Bogusław Liberadzki (S&D). – Panie Przewodniczący! W przeciwieństwie do przed chwilą występujących mówców chciałem powiedzieć: Pani Komisarz, Panie Pośle Sprawozdawco, Posłanki i Posłowie, gratuluję tej inicjatywy! Po prostu dyrektywa trafia w cel. To nieprawda, że się gdzieś omija cel. Po drugie, padł zarzut, że należało to zrobić przy okazji praw jazdy czy ewentualnie ścigania transgranicznych przekroczeń w sprawozdaniu pana Kosmy Złotowskiego. Należało to zrobić i to robimy. I to jest podstawowa zaleta. To, co chciałbym szczególnie podkreślić – to, co powinniśmy przekazać jako wiadomość – dotyczy to ludzi. To nie jest rozmowa abstrakcyjna. To jest rozmowa o bezpieczeństwie użytkowników dróg, ulic, w miastach, poza miastami, czyli to, co jest dla ludzi szczególnie ważne, i przez co oni oceniają także swoją Unię Europejską.

Kluczowa sprawa, którą chciałbym tutaj wyeksponować w swoim wystąpieniu, to jest to, że dyrektywa powinna przynieść świadomość nieuniknięcia lub niskie prawdopodobieństwo uniknięcia kary za wykroczenia drogowe popełnione za granicą. I my wiemy, jakie to są poważne przestępstwa drogowe. Nie potrzeba tutaj nowej definicji wypracowywać, jak to jeden z przedmówców mówił. A zatem to, co jest szczególnie ważne – sprawność działania, koordynacja, ujednolicenie procedur. I istota rzeczy bardzo ważna, czyli długość trwania procedury, tak żebyśmy wiedzieli kto, za co i w jakim czasie odpowiada. I rola RESPER, Europejska Sieć Praw Jazdy – to jest to, co powinniśmy wykorzystać. Dziękuję za uwagę. Gratuluję.

Valter Flego (Renew). – Poštovani predsjedavajući, poštovane kolegice i kolege, previše je smrti u prometu, previše je, nažalost, izgubljenih mladih života i teško stradalih. Trebamo hitno nove zajedničke mjere koje će vrijediti u svim državama članicama kako bismo drastično smanjili stopu smrtnosti na našim cestama.

Zbog toga je jasno da europski registar vozačkih dozvola funkcionira danas na dobrovoljnoj volji i zato mogu reći da on ustvari ne funkcionira. I to nas je, nažalost, i dovelo do izrazito različitog raspona kazni u državama članicama za jednake prekršaje u prometu. Stoga smatram da europski registar mora biti obvezujući.

Također, inzistiram na definiranju trajnog oduzimanja vozačke dozvole bez mogućnosti ponovnog polaganja. Primjer takvog prekršaja je bijeg s mjesta nesreće i nepružanje pomoći unesrećenom. Poštovane kolegice i kolege, e to je nedopustivo.

Thomas Rudner (S&D). – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Frau Kommissarin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Oberstes Ziel in Europa ist die Senkung der Zahl von Verkehrstoten auf Null bis zum Jahr 2050. Mit dem nun vorliegenden Bericht können wir buchstäblich Leben retten – vielen Dank dafür an Petar Vitanov. Derzeit bleiben rund 40 % der grenzüberschreitenden Verkehrsverstöße ungeahndet. Wer sich im Ausland nicht an die Verkehrsregeln hält, muss in Zukunft den Führerscheinentzug fürchten.

Bisher war es möglich, den Führerschein neu zu beantragen, wenn er im Ausland entzogen wurde, etwa mit der Begründung, man habe ihn verloren, oder man hat einfach einen neuen Führerschein in einem anderen Land gemacht – eigentlich kaum nachvollziehbar. Damit ist nun Schluss. Der Verlust der Fahrerlaubnis gilt künftig europaweit.

Ich begrüße die neuen Regeln. Verstöße wie überhöhte Geschwindigkeit, Fahren unter Alkohol- oder Drogeneinfluss, Fahren ohne gültigen Führerschein, gefährliches Überholen oder gefährliches Parken werden künftig europaweit geahndet werden können bis zur Aberkennung der Fahrerlaubnis. Damit wird die Sicherheit auf den Straßen in der gesamten EU erhöht und die Zahl der Verletzten und Toten im Straßenverkehr gesenkt.

Barry Andrews (Renew). – Mr President, Commissioner and colleagues, despite it only being five weeks into 2024, 18 people have already lost their lives on Irish roads this year. 2023 had the highest fatality rate in nearly a decade in Ireland, made worse by a substantial increase in the number of deaths of young people.

The Road Safety Authority in Ireland has noted that this isn't just an Irish phenomenon. All over Europe, there has been an increase in fatal crashes since the end of COVID. A recent study by Eurostat found that road fatalities in the EU have increased by 6% after a decade of continuous decline.

A new EU directive to extend driving disqualifications is very welcome. To ensure road safety and effective enforcement of road safety regulations, it is crucial that the EU takes a consistent approach to recognising and enforcing driver disqualifications across the Member States. Public awareness campaigns to inform EU citizens of mutual recognition of disqualifications is absolutely essential. Mounting fatalities on both Irish and EU roads have increased the urgency of these measures.

Έλενα Κουντουρά, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας The Left. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, εάν ένας οδηγός διαπράξει σήμερα κάποια παράβαση σε χώρα διαφορετική από αυτή που του έχει εκδώσει την άδεια οδήγησης και αυτή η άδεια του αφαιρεθεί, η κύρωση θα ισχύει, στη συντριπτική πλειοψηφία των περιπτώσεων, μόνο στη χώρα όπου διαπράχθηκε η παράβαση και δεν συνεπάγεται περιορισμούς στα υπόλοιπα κράτη μέλη της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Ο οδηγός αυτός, λοιπόν, θα μπορεί, ενώ του έχει αφαιρεθεί το δίπλωμα, να συνεχίζει να οδηγεί κανονικά στα υπόλοιπα 26 κράτη μέλη. Η κατάσταση αυτή υπονομεύει την ασφάλεια των οδικών μεταφορών σε όλα τα κράτη μέλη, αλλά ιδιαίτερα σε χώρες που αποτελούν σημαντικούς τουριστικούς προορισμούς και υποδέχονται πολλούς ξένους οδηγούς. Η οδηγία, λοιπόν, αυτή συμπληρώνει το κενό που υπάρχει και οδηγεί σε ατιμωρησία και περιλαμβάνει σοβαρές οδικές παραβάσεις, όπως υπερβολική ταχύτητα, οδήγηση υπό την επήρεια αλκοόλ ή ναρκωτικών και περιστατικά που έχουν ως αποτέλεσμα τον θάνατο ή σοβαρό σωματικό τραυματισμό λόγω τροχαίας παράβασης. Κύριοι συνάδελφοι, κάθε χρόνο χάνουν τη ζωή τους στους ευρωπαϊκούς δρόμους περισσότεροι από 20.000 συμπολίτες μας. Το τίμημα αυτό είναι απαράδεκτο, αλλά όχι αναπόφευκτο. Η οδηγία αυτή θα συμβάλει καθοριστικά τόσο στη βελτίωση της οδικής ασφάλειας στους δρόμους της Ευρώπης όσο και στη μείωση του αριθμού των θυμάτων από τροχαία δυστυχήματα.

Catch-the-eye procedure

Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, doamna comisară, stimați colegi, directiva pe care o dezbatem astăzi, legată de decăderea din dreptul de a conduce are un singur scop, și anume salvarea de vieți, reducerea accidentelor rutiere.

Sigur că avem accidente rutiere nu numai din cauza șoferilor care poate sunt băuți, consumă droguri, au viteză excesivă, dar și din cauza infrastructurii, acesta fiind un alt subiect, ca în toate statele membre, să reușim să avem o infrastructură rutieră corespunzătoare. Dar da, sunt de acord ca să fie tratați la fel cei care încalcă regulile de circulație rutieră, pentru că viața are aceeași valoare, indiferent în ce țară se întâmplă accidentul. Prevenția este foarte importantă, rigorile legii de asemenea.

Sigur, avem dreptul să circulăm, este un drept fundamental, dar avem și responsabilitatea de a nu pune în pericol viețile copiilor, ale persoanelor în vârstă. Accidentele sunt mai ales în orașe, dar și pe autostrăzi. De aceea sunt de acord și susțin ca această directivă să se aplice în spațiul european, să avem o siguranță în toate statele membre.

Mick Wallace (The Left). – Mr President, this cross-border directive is an attempt to force Member States to exchange information in relation to certain driving disqualifications. As you know, if a driver is convicted of an offence in one country, the sanctions only apply to that country at the moment.

I'm a bit sceptical of cross-border directives and whether they are required at all. Take, for example, the EU Commission's flagship cross-border directive on health. Ten years since its implementation, and the Commission itself accepts that the directive has been a failure.

If a person has been convicted, for example, of excessive speed – and whatever that means – should they be punished in 27 Member States? It seems a bit mad to me. I think that's a bit over the top. I'm just wondering, is this part of building a United States of Europe, or is just an effort to increase bureaucracy? It doesn't make an awful lot of sense to me.

Clare Daly (The Left). – Mr President, I think this is an important file, but it should be handled carefully. We don't want data bogged down for minor misdemeanours. We have a history of problems in Ireland with the way in which our police force have managed traffic offences, with a lot of political or Garda interference in that.

I think this should be about enforcing driving disqualification across the EU for offences where the seriousness of the behaviour results in major harm or death. Thanks to the heroic work of one Irish mother, Lucia O'Farrell, and the O'Farrell family, this issue is very well known in Ireland. In 2011, Shane O'Farrell had just finished his law exams. He was 23 years old and he was knocked down as he cycled home. He was left to die on the side of the road by a driver who failed to stop: a driver who had been at that time out on bail for multiple charges of criminality and traffic offences. A Lithuanian who was convicted of dangerous driving causing death but acquitted on the basis that he leaves the country. How is that fair to the people of Lithuania that he would be sent back, exposing them to danger? How is that justice?

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

Adina-Ioana Vălean, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, thank you very much, dear Members, for a lively discussion and also for a broad support for the idea and for this proposal.

I'm really happy to see that apart from the divergent views on some specific issues, the Parliament, I'm interpreting, is ready to support our proposal. A few words on some of the issues which were raised. Again, we are talking here about a package. We would have loved to see the whole package adopted at the same time. All the package elements will work together to ensure road safety. On the other hand, each proposal is a different tool, which, together with the others, will create a basket of tools to address road safety. So, from this perspective, driving licences focus on skills and training, and the cross-border enforcement focuses on better enforcement of road safety offences. Driving disqualifications focus on the most severe offences which should result in driving disqualification in the Union.

We paid a lot of attention to subsidiarity. On the other hand, of course, it is not possible to have a Union-wide effect without a Union intervention. But I would say balance is in the text, preserving Member States' competence and especially thanks to the grounds for refusal.

It was a discussion about the penalty points under the scope of the directive; I've noticed the willingness in the recitals of the adopted report to assess the feasibility of eventually including the so-called demerit points under the scope of the directive. While I see the good intention behind this request, let me recall you that such point systems are, by their very nature, designed as long-term solutions to sanction perpetrators of repeated minor offences, with different seriousness assigned to them. As opposed to this, the proposal primarily concerns people who are committing the most serious offences in transit that should lead to their immediate disqualification.

Again, these are a couple of remarks. It is indeed a file which will bring concrete understanding and positive effects, I would say, for all citizens and all those who are sharing the roads, let's hope in a safer way. Thank you very much for the debate and I really hope that you will vote on this, even though I'm sorry it's not going to be adopted in this legislature because the Council is delayed. But what you are going to send with your report is a strong signal that it is needed, and I think the citizens will understand this signal.

Петър Витанов, докладчик. – Г-н Председател, аз също съм наистина удовлетворен да видя, че толкова много хора от различни политически семейства подкрепят предложението. И според мен това се дължи не само на това, че ние всички сме участници в движението по пътищата или че няма някой в тази зала, чийто близък, роднина или познат, или приятел да не е станал жертва на пътен инцидент. Но си мисля, че без значение от политическото семейство, двата основни принципа, които се опитваме да подобрим – справедливостта и безопасността, са водещи за всички нас.

Сега, аз съм убеден, че при тази ангажираност ще съумеем да подобрим законодателството за пътната безопасност, което е в интерес на гражданите и на всяка една държава. Понеже имаше две критики от г-н Хайдер и г-н Уолас, първо само четири вида нарушения са. Не става дума за всякакви нарушения, а именно за онези, които причиняват най-много тежки инциденти по пътищата. И второ, по отношение на синхронизацията. Тук стремежът не е да унифицираме наказателните ни системи. Трябва да е ясно, че когато извършим нарушения зад границата, наказанията са на база на правната рамка на страната, издала книжката. Синхронизацията може да дойде в случаите, когато нямаме фиксирано наказание, а плаващо такова и когато е плаващо, тогава това наказание би следвало да се синхронизира с наказанието в страната на извършване на нарушението. Така че хубавото е, че всеки един подчертава, че успехът на тази директива зависи от сътрудничеството между страните членки и от навременния поток на информация между тях.

И последно, вярвам, че тази директива не само ще спомогне за намаляване на инцидентите, но давайки ѝ гласност, ще остави отпечатък в съзнанието на всички ни и ще ни насърчи да бъдем по-внимателни, отговорни и безкомпромисни в следването на правилата, независимо къде шофираме.

Sēdes vadītājs. – Debates ir slēgtas.

Balsošana notiks rītdien.

Rakstiskas deklarācijas (171. pants)

Andor Deli (NI), írásban. – A járművezetéstől való egyes eltiltások uniós szintű hatálya javaslat kiemelt jelentőséggel bír a tagállami és uniós szintű közlekedésbiztonsági célok elérésében. Súlyos közlekedési szabálysértések esetében közlekedésbiztonsági szempontból messzemenőkig támogatandó, hogy a vezetéstől való eltiltás uniós hatállyal bírjon. Semmivel sem indokolható, hogy a súlyos szabálysértést elkövető személy csak az elkövetés helye szerinti tagállamban legyen eltiltva a vezetéstől, például kábítószerhasználat miatt, és a másik 26 tagállamban pedig tovább vezethessen. Ezzel nagymértékben nőne a bűnismétlés veszélye, és jelentős kockázatot is jelentene a polgárok biztonságára.

A javaslat megfelelő eljárási garanciákat és mentesítő alapokat irányoz elő, ami biztosítja, hogy az uniós hatály csak valóban indokolt esetekben következhessen be. A büntetőpont-rendszer uniós szintű kiterjesztésével viszont nem tudok egyetérteni. A tagállamok között fennálló különbségek olyan mértékűek e tekintetben, hogy ezek összekapcsolása nem lenne lehetséges. Továbbá nem is lenne indokolt. A szubszidiaritás elvével összhangban ezt a kérdést tagállami hatáskörben kell hagyni.

18.   Situation en Haïti à la veille du déploiement de la mission multinationale d'appui à la sécurité des Nations unies (débat)

Sēdes vadītājs. – Nākamais darba kārtības punkts ir debates par Komisijas paziņojumu par stāvokli Haiti pirms ANO daudznacionālās drošības atbalsta misijas sākšanas (2024/2557(RSP)).

Adina-Ioana Vălean, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, almost three years after the assassination of President Moïse, the multilayered crisis in Haiti rages on.

We read with concern the latest report by the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti about rampant insecurity, the strength of armed gangs and the limited capacity of state institutions to restore security and rule of law. The capacity of gangs to gather large quantities of arms and ammunition is of particular concern, and violent incidents – including killings, kidnappings, sexual violence – persist with alarming impunity.

There is an urgent need to take action to stop the illegal proliferation of firearms and ammunition in the country. This is an area where the European Union is willing to continue offering its support to Haiti, and other Caribbean countries facing similar challenges.

Innocent citizens continue to pay the highest price. A chronic security, economic and political crisis, exacerbated by natural catastrophes, has led to the current humanitarian crisis in Haiti. Today, more than 40 % of the Haitian population suffers from acute food insecurity. Recurrent cholera outbreaks continue to claim numerous victims. The Haitian state cannot be left alone in its fight against the gangs and the multifold crisis the country needs to address.

Haiti's international partners, including the United Nations, have a crucial role to play. The resolution of the United Nations Security Council, passed on 2 October last year, authorising a multinational security mission in support of Haiti to be led by Kenya, was an important and long-overdue breakthrough. The same resolution indicates the need to create effective accountability mechanisms to protect human rights, and to avoid the mistakes made during the previous UN-led mission, MINUSTAH, which ended in 2017.

The EU has taken note of the recent ruling of Kenya's High Court on the proposed deployment of Kenyan police to lead the mission. We are awaiting with interest the response of the Kenyan Government to enable the mission to proceed.

The European Union will continue to provide support for Haiti's stability, development and better integration in the Caribbean region. Our cooperation and humanitarian envelope for Haiti is by far the largest in the Americas.

Despite the many difficulties in implementing our programmes, the European Union remains committed to play its part alongside our international partners, and will continue supporting the broader objectives of a multinational support mission once it is deployed – restoring stability, supporting governance, both indirectly through our cooperation instruments, and directly through our support for the Haitian National Police.

Alongside the security track, it is important to continue pursuing a political solution to take the country out of the current crisis. We welcome the active involvement of regional organisations, particularly the CARICOM and the Organization of American States, supporting a Haitian-led political solution built on the basis of a constructive dialogue between the Government and the Opposition.

Unfortunately, we regret to see how the Haitian parties have failed to come together around a credible solution to the current institutional impasse. Haitians deserve better than this. We urge, therefore, the main political stakeholders to engage in a genuine dialogue and renew their efforts to find an effective compromise, with the ultimate goal to prepare the country for credible and inclusive elections once security conditions will allow.

Jiří Pospíšil, za skupinu PPE. – Pane předsedající, dámy a pánové, vážená paní komisařko, já si myslím, že to je mimořádně důležité téma, které probíráme. Situace na Haiti v posledních letech od atentátu na tamního prezidenta, v posledních čtyřech letech, je naprosto neúnosná a pořád se zhoršuje. Jak zde bylo řečeno paní komisařkou, je zde mise, kterou pod záštitou OSN mají realizovat některé státy pod vedením Keni. V této misi přislíbila podporu již celá řada států, například Spojené státy americké, Kanada a tak dále. A my bychom určitě neměli stát bokem. To znamená, že pokud dnešní jednání povede k tomu, že budeme – EU – v této iniciativě více aktivní, že podpoříme tamní mezinárodní mise, že poskytneme další peníze jako humanitární pomoc, tak je to jedině dobře. Ta situace je naprosto tristní. Více než polovina obyvatel Haiti trpí obrovskou nouzí. Zdravotní prostředky, jídlo není v dostatečné míře a je zde velký prostor pro humanitární pomoc.

Osobně si ale myslím, že ta pomoc může být reálná až ve chvíli, kdy zkrátka mezinárodní jednotky zajistí distribuci této pomoci. V tuto chvíli velmi hrozí, že pokud bychom poskytovali větší humanitární pomoc, tak ta bude rozkradena, rozebrána gangy. Gangy, které tam působí – více než 80 gangů –, které navíc způsobují obrovské utrpení tamních obyvatel, kriminalitu a tak dále. Takže je třeba zajistit mezinárodní akci, zajistit alespoň základní fungování tohoto státu, který je v rozkladu, a pak můžeme poskytovat humanitární pomoc, za kterou bych se přimlouval.

Carlos Zorrinho, em nome do Grupo S&D. – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Comissária, o Haiti é apenas mais um exemplo de um País que reúne todas as condições para ser classificado como um Estado falhado. E, não obstante todos os esforços, é assim que pode e deve continuar a ser classificado neste momento.

Há demasiados interesses e demasiados interessados em semear por todo o globo os Estados falhados. Estados que são mercados da impunidade, mas, ao mesmo tempo, cenários do intolerável sofrimento dos seus povos.

Nós, europeus, membros de uma parceria de paz, liberdade e respeito pelas pessoas e pelos seus direitos, não podemos ficar indiferentes perante estas situações.

Nas resoluções que aprovámos sobre o Haiti apelámos sempre a uma ação concertada da comunidade internacional para fazer face ao caos político, à violência e às necessidades de apoio humanitário.

Depois das acusações feitas em relação à má-conduta de algumas forças da ONU no Haiti, os mais recentes pontos de situação identificam uma estratégia mais focada na reconstrução dos pilares onde pode assentar uma normalização da situação, incluindo a criação de uma plataforma política capaz de assumir o controlo institucional e retomar a aplicação do quadro constitucional em vigor.

É fundamental que as sanções penalizem os responsáveis pela situação e protejam do seu impacto as populações necessitadas.

Os esforços de diálogo na sociedade civil devem ser incentivados.

A parceria entre iguais no quadro do novo Acordo de Samoa, de que o Haiti será um membro ativo, deverá ser acionada para gerar respostas multilaterais às fraturas globais entre blocos e «terras de ninguém» mais pejadas de iniquidade e sofrimento.

Na Assembleia Parlamentar Caraíbas-União Europeia, que será formalmente constituída dentro de duas semanas na reunião da Assembleia Parlamentar Paritária ACP-UE, em Luanda, Angola, não deixaremos de seguir de perto a situação vivida pelo povo do Haiti.

Max Orville, au nom du groupe Renew. – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, Haïti se meurt. L'heure n'est plus aux incantations. La situation sur place est catastrophique. Les gangs contrôlent la quasi-totalité du pays, et la violence règne à un niveau jamais atteint. Le dernier rapport de l'ONU est accablant: il fait état de près de 2 700 victimes civiles en 2023 – l'équivalent des victimes du 11-Septembre. La police et le gouvernement sont totalement débordés sur le plan sécuritaire, et la situation migratoire est dramatique. Le climat de terreur oblige les habitants à fuir.

Il est temps de mettre les moyens nécessaires à l'envoi d'une mission de sécurité soutenue par l'ONU. Pour être efficace, celle-ci doit être transparente quant à son organisation, mais aussi à son financement. Elle doit viser à désarmer le pays et à appuyer la police et rétablir l'ordre tout en garantissant un assainissement des infrastructures d'eau pour enrayer la crise sanitaire actuelle. À nous de veiller à ce qu'une feuille de route claire et contrôlable soit mise en place afin de ne pas reproduire les erreurs du passé. Les conflits et la corruption ne profitent à personne. Il faut un retour à la démocratie.

Madame la Commissaire, quelles actions la Commission entend-elle entreprendre en lien avec l'ONU pour participer à cette mission et accompagner le peuple haïtien dans la mise en place d'élections libres et transparentes?

Caroline Roose, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, une crise profonde, persistante, ravage Haïti. Elle s'aggrave chaque jour et laisse derrière elle un pays au bord du gouffre. En réponse à la crise sécuritaire, l'ONU a décidé de déployer une force militaire, bien que l'on ignore quand.

La crise en Haïti n'est pas seulement une crise sécuritaire, c'est aussi une crise politique: un État qui s'effondre, une corruption généralisée, des injustices énormes, un gouvernement illégitime aux yeux des citoyens. La réponse de la communauté internationale ne peut pas être seulement d'ordre sécuritaire. Les Haïtiens ne demandaient pas l'envoi de forces supplémentaires; ils veulent être inclus dans les décisions qui concernent leur avenir.

Il est temps pour la communauté internationale et pour l'Union européenne de soutenir, en Haïti, un processus de dialogue politique qui mène à la formation d'un gouvernement de transition, véritablement représentatif, soutenu par une large majorité de la société. C'est en s'attaquant aux causes profondes de la crise haïtienne que nous pourrons aider le pays à se reconstruire sur des bases solides. On ne pourra pas régler le problème et la situation en Haïti sans les Haïtiens.

Tomasz Piotr Poręba, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Pani Komisarz! Panie Przewodniczący! Trudno się nie zgodzić z tymi głosami, które dzisiaj padły już na tej sali, że sytuacja na Haiti jest dramatyczna. Od lat pogłębiający się kryzys migracyjny, wewnętrzne walki gangów, korupcja, słabość rządu – to tylko niektóre z trudności, z jakimi boryka się ten najbiedniejszy na Karaibach kraj.

Sytuacja ta też ma bez wątpienia duży wpływ na sąsiednie kraje, dla których zdolność do radzenia sobie z nielegalną imigracją, po prostu przekracza ich możliwości. Weźmy chociażby Dominikanę – trudno się dziwić, należy wręcz rozumieć – która w ubiegłym roku zdecydowała się na budowę specjalnego muru w celu ochrony swojej granicy. Dominikana nie ma innej możliwości reagowania, jak chronić obywateli swojego kraju przed napływem niekontrolowanej, nielegalnej imigracji, w tym członków gangów.

Jestem przekonany, że społeczność międzynarodowa powinna i musi wręcz zaangażować się w przywrócenie pokoju na Haiti celem stworzenia warunków niezbędnych do przywrócenia demokratycznych instytucji. Wydaje się, że wysłanie międzynarodowej misji stabilizacyjnej jest w tej sytuacji jedynym sposobem, aby powstrzymać spiralę przemocy, umożliwić władzom odzyskanie kontroli nad krajem oraz przywrócić porządek. Tutaj chciałbym podkreślić, jak ważne jest, aby instytucje Unii Europejskiej oraz państwa członkowskie zaangażowały się w zapewnienie personelu, sprzętu oraz zasobów finansowych i logistycznych na potrzeby takiej międzynarodowej, stabilizacyjnej misji. Mam również głęboką nadzieję, że reprezentanci Haiti będą w pełni współpracować i wspierać tego typu działania.

Maxette Pirbakas (NI). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, Madame la Commissaire, pas loin de la Guadeloupe – donc de l'Union européenne –, Haïti est notre île sœur. En tant que Guadeloupéenne, j'estime que les liens historiques, culturels, interpersonnels tissés avec les territoires européens de la Caraïbe nous donnent des obligations.

La violence exercée par les gangs, qui sont souvent le bras armé de puissances économiques et politiques, vient encore aggraver la pauvreté extrême de cette population. Haïti est à la dérive. Les 12 millions d'Haïtiens sont en grande détresse aujourd'hui. C'est un sujet qui nous concerne et qui nous alarme. L'ONU a décidé d'agir par le biais d'une force multinationale sécuritaire en tant que puissance régionale de la Caraïbe. Je pense que l'Union européenne doit la soutenir financièrement. Elle doit appuyer les États qui, comme la France, entendent agir pour la sécurité première des libertés.

En parallèle, il faut amplifier l'effort humanitaire de l'Europe en Haïti. Les 20 millions d'euros d'aides accordées en 2022 et en 2023 sont insuffisants. Pour moi, nous devons agir au-delà du simple cadre des accords entre l'Union européenne et les États d'Afrique, des Caraïbes et du Pacifique, avec un programme ad hoc pérennisant ces aides d'urgence.

Chers collègues, Madame la Commissaire, Monsieur le Président, nous devons agir vite et fort pour garantir la dignité et le droit au développement pour les Haïtiens.

Carina Ohlsson (S&D). – Herr talman! Haitis öde är djupt tragiskt. De mänskliga tragedierna avlöser varandra. Landet befinner sig i en ond cirkel av mord, kidnappningar och sexuellt våld. Fler än 2 300 människor dödades i slutet på förra året och minst 170 000 barn befinner sig på flykt. Gängens grova våld mot civila måste få ett slut.

Det internationella samfundet och EU måste ta ett helhetsgrepp om Haiti, där säkerhetsarbetet kompletteras med ett långsiktigt program för humanitärt bistånd, utvecklingsbistånd och inrättande av en övergångsregering.

Det är också avgörande för framtiden att de internationella insatserna respekterar mänskliga rättigheter och humanitär rätt så att inte våldet förvärras.

Jag hoppas också innerligt att FN-organisationen har lärt sig från tidigare insatser och misstag. Spridningen av kolera i Haiti av FN:s fredsbevarande trupp var djupt olyckligt, om än omedvetet. Över 10 000 människor dog till följd av dåliga sanitära förhållanden och dumpning av orenat kloakvatten i det fria.

Med detta sagt är det extremt oroande att den FN-beslutade säkerhetsstyrkan inte är på plats. Om Kenya inte kan sköta sitt åtagande behöver säkerhetsrådet skyndsamt hantera frågan. Den organiserade brottsligheten i Haiti är bortom kontroll och det är alltid kvinnor och barn som drabbas hårdast när laglöshet råder.

Catch-the-eye procedure

Stanislav Polčák (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já bych chtěl nejprve pronést větu, že občané Haiti si zaslouží lepší budoucnost. Je to nepochybně i v zájmu EU. To, čeho jsme svědky na Haiti, tak je rozpad státu, je to řádění gangů, dokonce jsme byli svědky bohužel velmi tragické události – zabití samotného prezidenta. A je důležité tomuto státu a jeho občanům dát nějakou budoucnost. A pokud se zde ustavila mezinárodní mise, tak je jednoznačné, že EU nemůže stát stranou. Proto jsem přivítal i vyjádření paní komisařky.

Myslím si, že naší základní úlohou je společně s dalšími světovými státy zajistit stabilitu v tomto státě a posílit bezpečí, lepší životní podmínky. To je nepochybné. Čekal bych rovněž i nápravu zdravotních podmínek, protože rozšíření cholery, ke kterému došlo na Haiti bohužel nevědomky i v důsledku činností mise OSN, není asi nejšťastnější událostí a lze ji napravit. Takže pojďme skutečně pro Haiti zajistit lepší budoucnost.

Mick Wallace (The Left). – Mr President, another US-backed and funded occupation of Haiti.

That it will be lent a black face by Kenya is one of the worst ideas I've heard for a while: the Kenyan police are notoriously violent and have a history of working in collusion with gangs, not disrupting them at home in Kenya.

Haiti has been occupied multiple times and every time the situation seems to get worse. The crisis today is a direct result of the Brazil-led UN occupation from 2004 to 2017. Haiti doesn't need foreign forces, it needs the IMF to stop choking them to death. They do not need structural adjustment programs: they need health and aid workers, debt relief and the ability to grow their own food.

In the 70s, Haiti was self-sufficient in rice production, now it buys 82 % of its rice from the US. When will the US stop suffocating Haiti, carrying out coups, backing dictatorships and crushing their economy? This mission is a human rights disaster in the making, just like all the previous ones.

Clare Daly (The Left). – Mr President, in a UN Security Council minute from January this year, it is stated «the persistent political impasse in Haiti remains a significant obstacle to effective governance.» Well, they should know because those responsible were in the same room.

Haiti is – God help them – an assisted state supported in nation building by the US, pretty much like they helped Iraq and Afghanistan. Is it any wonder it's such a mess? All Haitian elections since 2004 have been monitored, constant foreign interference, effective military occupation, Western NGOs taking over basic public services. What's left to vote for in a country no longer their own? Clearly, Western powers want to control Haiti's destiny. They're doing everything they can to colonise them again. Well, they should look back at Haiti's history. This is an island of slaves who rose up and drove out their colonisers. You will not prevail. The people of Haiti will find a way to take back what is theirs.

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

Adina-Ioana Vălean, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, Members, thank you for the debate. The atmosphere is sombre, I would say, because of what is going on and also a bit of a negative feeling I can detect in all the speakers.

At the last summit we had, EU-CELAC, the UN, partner countries in Latin America and the Caribbean agreed on the need to support Haiti in tackling the dire humanitarian crisis and in paving the way towards security and stabilisation.

For countries like Haiti, the proliferation of illicit small arms and light weapons is at the origin of the strength of the gangs and is detrimental to the achievement of sustainable peace, security and socio-economic development, including in the rest of the region. Therefore, the summit declaration included specific provisions on the fight against illicit arms trafficking, which is instrumental to curb domestic and transnational organised crime, drug trafficking, trafficking in persons, money laundering, the illegal exploitation of natural resources, and domestic violence.

In the same declaration, we also stressed the need to consolidate and strengthen the EU-CELAC cooperation initiatives in the field of citizen security and social justice, such as EU-LAC Partnership on Justice and Security. On these themes, the EU is ready to do its part.

Regarding the participation directly to the multinational security intervention (MSSM) in Haiti, I should remind you that the EU's support could consist in actions that support the mission and indirectly, notably with complementary actions that could provide an enabling environment for the work of the mission or help the sustainability of its results.

Prospects for a direct EU contribution in terms of equipment and personnel would depend directly on the readiness of the EU Member States to contribute, and in any case, we should stress that the EU is already providing significant and indirect support to the Kenyan Defence Forces through the European Peace Facility to increase their capability in order to participate in peacekeeping operations, and we hope this is the case now.

So thank you very much for the debate, President, that is all.

VORSITZ: JAN-CHRISTOPH OETJEN

Vizepräsident

Der Präsident. – Die Aussprache ist geschlossen.

19.   Interventions d'une minute sur des questions politiques importantes

Der Präsident. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgen die Ausführungen von einer Minute (Artikel 172 GO).

Ich möchte Sie darauf hinweisen, dass Sie für die Ausführungen von einer Minute von Ihrem Platz aus das Wort ergreifen können.

Stanislav Polčák (PPE). – Pane předsedající, já bych chtěl upozornit na jeden důležitý, podstatný aspekt naší budoucnosti, a to je ohrožení klimatickou změnou a jejím dopadem na mechanismus civilní obrany. Nemůžeme řešit pouze environmentální aspekty klimatické změny, která skutečně probíhá a já ji rozhodně nezpochybňuji, ale je důležité upozornit i na bezpečnostní rizika, která jsou s touto klimatickou změnou spojena. Jde zejména o prevenci proti požárům a také společnou akci při zvládání těchto událostí.

I Česká republika před dvěma lety čelila jednomu z největších požárů i ve srovnání celoevropského měřítka. Jednalo se o požár v Národním parku České Švýcarsko. A děkujeme podpoře německých, italských hasičů. Musíme daleko více koordinovat naše vzájemné zásoby, zdroje, které máme ať v oblasti letectví, ať v oblasti hasičů, ať v oblasti policejní podpory. Toto je myslím jedna z úloh, kterou od nás evropští občané očekávají.

Цветелина Пенкова (S&D). – Г-жо Председател, Европейският парламент и Комисия многократно са подкрепяли пълноправното членство на България и Румъния в Шенген. Двете страни изпълняват всички технически критерии и въпреки това повече от десетилетие ние се намираме на вратата на Шенген.

Считано от 31-ви март тази година, България и Румъния ще станат част от Шенгенското пространство, но само по въздух и вода. Какво означава това? Отговорът е ясен, дискриминационното отношение към гражданите на двете страни продължава. Равни сме по изисквания и задължения, но не и по постигнати резултати. Подобен двоен стандарт не бива да съществува. Самозалъгването, че частичното членство в Шенген е успех, е неприемливо. Нима има концепция за частична дискриминация? Не!

Нашите съграждани заслужават пълноправно членство в Шенген и всичко друго е неприемливо и ние ще продължим да се борим за това.

Izaskun Bilbao Barandica (Renew). – Señor presidente, la veda impuesta en el Golfo de Vizcaya para proteger a los delfines carece de un estudio de impacto. Ha evitado a los consejos consultivos e ignora las evidencias científicas. Un estudio del instituto oceanográfico de Euskadi AZTI acredita que los pingers reducen en un 90 % las capturas incidentales de estos cetáceos. No ha importado. Tampoco las recomendaciones del Consejo Internacional para la Explotación del Mar o la experiencia de barcos como el Caraba de Bermeo, con décadas de pesca y cámaras a bordo. Su patrón, Jon Lartitegi, puede demostrar que jamás han pescado un delfín.

Estamos ante una clara vulneración de la PPC con efectos desastrosos para el mercado, el empleo y la libre competencia. Un ejemplo: dos barcos ondarreses, el Kaxu y el Kaxarra, invirtieron en pingers y observadores para proteger a los delfines. Sus veintidós tripulantes están hoy en un expediente de regulación de empleo. Los 170 000 kilos de merluza y gallo que podrían capturar no llegarán al mercado. Subirá el paro y se encarecerá la cesta de la compra. Y así en toda la costa, cuya flota recibirá distintas compensaciones.

SOS delfines, sin duda, pero no con medidas decididas contra y no con el sector.

Ana Miranda (Verts/ALE). – Senhor Presidente, o problema gravíssimo que está a afetar milhares e milhares de famílias com o aumento das taxas de juro e o aumento das prestações do crédito à habitação é um problema europeu que afeta muitos territórios como o meu, a Galiza, onde os salários continuam baixos e onde os preços das coisas básicas para a vida são cada vez mais altos.

As famílias estão afogadas pelos pagamentos aos bancos e, sobretudo, por exemplo na Galiza, baixaram os contratos novos para comprar casa, as hipotecas, em 38 % no mês de novembro do ano passado.

O problema da habitação existe há anos e cada vez é mais grave, com a subida progressiva das taxas de juro por parte do Banco Central Europeu.

Que não nos engane a Sra. Lagarde, que não nos enganem os bancos, que não nos enganem os cúmplices dos bancos, como o Partido Popular no meu país, com o Sr. Rueda à cabeça, que foi incapaz de criar habitação pública para fazer frente a esta problemática.

O aumento da Euribor nos nossos povos, para quem tem uma hipoteca de tipo variável, é uma grande parte do salário dos lares.

Espero que esta situação mude a partir do dia 18 de fevereiro e os galegos sabem porquê.

Michiel Hoogeveen (ECR). – Voorzitter, afgelopen week werd Europa — en Brussel in het bijzonder — wakker geschud door boze boeren. Waarom zijn zij toch zo kwaad? Dat komt omdat de EU hen constant overlaadt met meer en meer regels. De Commissie-Von der Leyen beloofde minder regeldruk, maar doet het tegenovergestelde.

Vrijdag is een belangrijke dag, want dan beslissen de lidstaten erover of ze groen licht geven voor de zogeheten richtlijn inzake passende zorgvuldigheid, een richtlijn die zogenaamd de economie nog verder moet verduurzamen, maar in werkelijkheid bedrijven opzadelt met een barrage van regels en rapportageverplichtingen. De winnaar van deze richtlijn zijn de grote consultancy- en advocatenkantoren. De pineut zijn de ondernemer en de klanten, die extra kosten doorberekend krijgen.

Geen enkel bedrijf heeft behoefte aan nieuwe bureaucratische lasten. Het is te hopen dat de lidstaten dit onding vrijdag naar de prullenbak verwijzen. Anders, verzeker ik u, staan de boeren straks niet alleen.

Gianantonio Da Re (ID). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, nei prossimi mesi la Presidenza belga sarà chiamata ad affrontare numerose sfide, tra le quali vi è quella di garantire e assicurare il sostegno all'agricoltura europea.

Non mi riconosco in questa Europa che preferisce difendersi con il filo spinato e favorire le importazioni di prodotti alimentari che non rispettano gli standard europei e la tracciabilità alimentare. Ebbene, io sto con gli agricoltori e contro questa Europa che non sa dare risposte alle loro necessità. Una follia che vuole portare al collasso la filiera italiana, che conta 4 milioni di lavoratori e un fatturato di 600 miliardi.

La nuova Presidenza dimostri che la nostra Unione non è l'Europa dei grandi interessi economici delle multinazionali, bensì dei cittadini. L'Europa stia dalla parte giusta e il filo spinato lo usi per difendere i nostri prodotti tipici.

Chris MacManus (The Left). – Mr President, the assembly in the north of Ireland has elected an Irish citizen, a republican, a pro-Irish-unity First Minister. I want to congratulate Michelle O'Neill on her election to that role. We must harness the full potential of this decade of opportunity for our island. Now is the time for the European Parliament and the Belfast Assembly to begin formalising direct engagement between our two institutions.

Many laws of the EU single market apply in the North, but we have a democratic deficit and only direct engagement between MLAs and MEPs will allow two million Irish and British citizens in the north of Ireland to have a platform for their views to be represented in the policymaking process.

Let us embrace the progress made over the weekend and let us build upon it. A united Ireland inside the EU has huge potential. Let us all work together to help bring about that future as outlined in the Good Friday Agreement.

Lívia Járóka (NI). – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! Múlt héten emlékezett meg a világ a holokauszt áldozatairól, akiknek körülbelül egyötöde volt roma származású a legújabb kutatások szerint. A romák pedig a mai napig is Európa legnagyobb és legszegényebb, legdiszkrimináltabb kisebbsége. 2011-ben viszont a magyar elnökség tető alá hozott egy európai uniós roma integrációs keretstratégiát. Azonban az elmúlt 13 évben úgy látjuk, hogy jelentős javulást csak Magyarországon észleltünk. Itt az ideje, hogy felerősítsük a keretstratégiának és a nemzeti felzárkóztatási stratégiáknak a végrehajtását a többi tagállamban is. Nagyon örültünk, hogy a spanyolok létre tudtak hozni egy komoly tanácsi következtetést, ahol a szegregációt tiltó szankciók, a szegregációt tiltó következtetést fogadtuk el.

De felhívjuk a belga elnökséget, hogy ennél sokkal tovább kell menni. Az európai, az európai elkövetkező hónapokban és a választások idején nagyon-nagyon fontos, hogy minden párt minél több romát válasszon, hogy minél több roma szavazhasson rájuk. Itt a Parlamentben 21 roma származású képviselőnek kéne ülni. Hárman vagyunk.

Deirdre Clune (PPE). – Mr President, the Medical Devices Regulation aimed to establish a robust and transparent framework for medical devices. It was welcomed by patients and by practitioners alike at the time, prioritising safety, health and innovation.

However, after more than six years of implementation, the objectives of this legislation have not been fully realised. Short-term challenges – and I acknowledge there has been some attempt to address this – but there has been a serious lack of availability of some products and the current framework lacks predictability and it lacks efficiency.

It fails to keep pace with the required innovation to develop new medical technologies, resulting in increased costs that have a disproportionate effect on SMEs. The converse are alarming for European patients: they are at risk of losing access to the latest technologies, with Europe no longer the choice to launch products, so clinicians are already facing delays and lack of availability of devices.

This is having a disproportionate effect on smaller patient populations, rare diseases and paediatric patients, and the difficulties in establishing this framework need to be addressed as a matter of urgency.

Иво Христов (S&D). – Г-н Председател, фермерите се бунтуват в Германия, Франция и в родната ми България. Исканията са различни, но има една обща причина за упадъка на селото – това са договорите за свободна търговия. Тя облагодетелства едрия агробизнес и убива добрите стопани на земята. За да отвори далечни пазари на нашата индустрия, тя жертва селата ни, които обезлюдяват. Над 6 милиона ферми ще загинат идните 15 години. Южноамериканското месо, украинското пилешко и слънчоглед не свалят цените, а увеличават печалбите на преработвателите и рушат стандартите за качество.

Глобалната свободна търговия е неолиберална самоцел, която концентрира парите и къса връзката между хората и земята. Днес имаме криза, но утре ще е катастрофа. Да ревизираме зелената сделка, която задушава фермерите и облагодетелства преработвателите. Да опростим правилата, да защитим местната продукция и селото, защото агробизнеса печели от земята, а селяните живеят от нея.

Anna Júlia Donáth (Renew). – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! Novák Katalin, Magyarország államfője kegyelmet adott egy pedofil bűnöző bűntársának. Egy magyarországi gyermekotthon igazgatója éveken keresztül szexuálisan bántalmazta a rábízott gyermekeket. Nyolc év börtönt kapott, a rémtetteiről pedig a helyettese is mindent tudott. De nemcsak hogy mindent tudott, hanem hogy hatalmával visszaélve arra kényszerítette a gyermekeket, hogy hamisan tanúzzanak. És most kiderül, hogy Novák Katalin ennek az embernek adott kegyelmet, ezt az embert engedte szabadon. Ha felmerül önökben, hogy ez hogyan lehetséges, én sem tudom rá a választ. Annyit tudunk, hogy az illető kapcsolatban állt a magyar miniszterelnök öccsével is. Úgy tűnik, hogy családi ismerősöknek jár a rendszer védelme.

Politikusként mélységesen elítélem a magyar köztársasági elnök tettét. Édesanyaként pedig a gyomrom forog attól, hogy vannak olyan emberek, akik szemet tudnak hunyni gyermekek sérelmére elkövetett bűncselekmények fölött. Az pedig egyszerűen felfoghatatlan, hogy az egyikük a Magyar Köztársaság elnöke.

Erik Marquardt (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident! Herzlichen Glückwunsch auch noch einmal! Am Wochenende waren in Deutschland wieder Hunderttausende Menschen auf der Straße, und ich finde es beeindruckend, auch gut, dass dort so viele Politikerinnen und Politiker von demokratischen Parteien sind. Ich würde mich aber freuen, wenn wir, wenn demokratische Politiker von Opposition und Regierung, dort auch mit etwas Demut demonstrieren. Denn das, was wir in Deutschland gerade erleben, sind ja nicht die größten Proteste in der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik, weil die Regierung oder die Opposition alles richtig gemacht hat.

Ich glaube, viele Menschen gehen auch auf die Straße, weil ihnen das Vertrauen fehlt, dass es die Regierung gemeinsam mit der demokratischen Opposition hinbekommt, die Menschen für die Demokratie so zu begeistern, dass die Demokratie auch dauerhaft standhält.

Und ich würde mich freuen, wenn wir auch lernen, wie wir wieder lernen, demokratisch zu streiten, wenn wir mehr Orientierung bieten, wenn wir Leidenschaft wieder in die Debatte zurückbringen, und wenn wir auch aufhören, Abschiebung im großem Stil zu fordern, und uns dann wundern, dass Menschen Rechte wählen, wenn wir merken, dass man nicht auf der einen Seite «Nie wieder ist jetzt» sagen kann und auf der anderen Seite das Asylrecht abschaffen will – denn das ist Kernbestandteil des «Nie wieder».

Cristian Terheș (ECR). – Mr President, under Ursula von der Leyen, we are witnessing not only the Chinafication, but also the communisation of the European Union, and the protests of farmers from all across Europe prove that. In 2019, Ursula von der Leyen said in this Chamber that carbon emissions must have a price that will change our behaviour. All the EU's so-called green laws, promoted by the Commission in the past years, want to change the behaviour of Europeans through measures that we saw implemented in Eastern Europe by communists when they wanted to take people's land and mass surveil them.

The utopian communist collectivism could not have been implemented unless people willingly or forcibly gave up their private land to the state. Those who refused to do it had to pay taxes and quotas from their productions that were bigger than what they could harvest. The new carbon laws implemented by the European Commission under Ursula von der Leyen is no different from what the communists did in Eastern Europe to take the land away from the people.

The European farmers are right, and I support their demand to stop the implementation of these green, utopian Marxist ideologies that will bring more poverty and starvation in Europe.

Gunnar Beck (ID). – Herr Präsident! Seit 2014 hat Deutschland zwischen 6 und 7 Millionen illegale Migranten aufgenommen. Diese Migranten, so hat Professor Raffelhüschen von der Universität Freiburg errechnet, werden die Deutschen mindestens 5 800 Milliarden EUR kosten oder 116 Milliarden jedes Jahr, denn die Migranten sind unterqualifiziert, arbeiten kaum, erhalten aber dieselben Sozialleistungen wie Inländer.

Wir hier haben die Wahl: Entweder wir folgen von der Leyen, holen halb Afrika hierhin und zerstören unseren Sozialstaat, oder aber wir ändern unsere Politik. 80 % der Europäer lehnen laut einer INSA-Umfrage von 2021 Ihre Politik der offenen Grenzen ab. Wieso also machen Sie nicht, was 80 % wollen und jedermann bei Sinnen für notwendig hält?

Sandra Pereira (The Left). – Senhor Presidente, está prevista para os dias 20 e 21 de fevereiro a audição do Supremo Tribunal do Reino Unido sobre o caso de Julian Assange. Esta é mais uma oportunidade para impedir a extradição do jornalista.

Aqui repetimos o apelo, que em diversos momentos promovemos, dirigido às autoridades competentes do Reino Unido e dos Estados Unidos da América, pedindo a recusa da extradição e o encerramento das acusações contra Julian Assange, com vista à sua imediata libertação.

A tentativa de extradição, criminalização e prisão de Julian Assange representa uma inaceitável pressão, visando condicionar a publicação de informação de interesse público.

O silêncio das instituições da União Europeia relativamente a este caso evidencia bem que a sua preocupação com a liberdade de expressão e a livre prática da atividade de jornalista constituem um exercício de hipocrisia que daqui repudiamos.

Quando, por exemplo, se trata de denunciar os crimes das tropas norte-americanas no Iraque, cai por terra a defesa do jornalismo e dos jornalistas.

Enikő Győri (NI). – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! Azt már megszoktuk, hogy a nemzetközi média és a baloldal összejátszik, és mondvacsinált ügyekből kreálnak vitát ebben a Házban azzal a céllal, hogy lejárassák Magyarországot. Azt is megszoktuk, hogy kettős mércével mérnek. Tőlünk olyanokat várnak el, amiket másoktól nem, például az igazságszolgáltatás terén, vagy olyan ügyekbe is beleszólnak, amikhez egyébként semmi közük az uniós szabályok alapján. Például, hogy a gyermekvédelem hogy működik Magyarországon. De azért az egy példátlan eset, ami a múlt hét óta folyik. Olaszországból indulva, majd az európai baloldal által felkarolva azzal a céllal, hogy összeugrasszák a magyar és az olasz kormányt egy Magyarországon letartóztatott, brutális bűncselekmény elkövetésével vádolt olasz állampolgár koholt vádjai alapján.

Egy érzékeny pillanatban, amikor valóban Európát érintő súlyos kérdések vannak napirenden. Céljukat nem érték el. Azt a céljukat, hogy Magyarország és Olaszország kormánya ne működjön együtt. De miért van kettős mérce? Egy szlovák állampolgár, akit agyonvertek Charleroi reptéren, Belgiumban, az az ügy nem lépte át ennek a parlamentnek az ingerküszöbét. Kérdezem, hogy most miért vált ez a Ház bírósággá koholt vádak alapján?

Jiří Pospíšil (PPE). – Pane předsedající, vážená paní komisařko, kolegové a kolegyně, já chci připomenout jeden případ v České republice. Před několika týdny zde havaroval kamion plný dobytka. Došlo k obrovskému utrpení skotu a jak v médiích, tak na sociálních sítích se rozvinula obrovská debata občanů o tom, jak je velkou chybou, že se nepodařilo Evropské unii regulovat v rámci animal welfare transport hospodářských zvířat.

A já to tady chci říci, je to náš dluh, nestihli jsme to v tomto volebním období. Bohužel Komise ten návrh předložila pozdě a já doufám, že příští Parlament, příští Komise toto bude řešit, protože tento jeden konkrétní smutný příběh, který se odehrál na území jedné republiky, jednoho členského státu – České republiky –, ukazuje, jak pro evropské občany je toto citlivé téma, jak vnímají nutnost zlepšit podmínky hospodářských zvířat v Evropě a jak bychom měli hlas občanů vnímat a pokusit se ho naplnit.

Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, doamna comisară, stimați colegi, vreau să vorbesc despre piața internă, protecția consumatorului și protecția pieței interne. Vorbim mult, dezbatem mult, Comisia cosmetizează, însă iată unde am ajuns, la încălcări grave ale drepturilor consumatorului de a ști ce consumă.

Iată, avem fermierii în stradă în toată Europa, pentru că, da, se importă carne de cal din Uruguay fără a ști calitatea cărnii. Se importă produse și cereale, produse finite din țări terțe, făcând concurență neloială fermierilor și nu suntem în stare să acoperim cu fapte vorbele pe care le spunem. Au pierdut încrederea și cetățenii și fermierii și trebuie să găsim o soluție.

Cred că soluția, doamna comisară, este următoarea: politica agricolă comună trebuie modificată, acordurile comerciale prin care să protejăm în sfârșit piața internă și să protejăm și consumatorii trebuie revizuite și puse în siguranță, să fie standarde de calitate, standarde de produs, să nu importăm produse la care e exploatată forța de muncă, încât într-adevăr să asigurăm condiții corecte și consumatorilor, și producătorilor din piața internă.

Barry Andrews (Renew). – Mr President, two words: plausible and credible. Not much difference, you would think. By an overwhelming majority, the judges of the International Court of Justice found that South Africa's claim that Israel had breached certain articles of the Genocide Convention to be «plausible». So what did European governments do on the finding of plausible genocide acts? Nothing.

The following day, and hardly coincidentally, an intelligence assessment found that 12 UNWRA staff out of 13 000 were possibly involved in the horrors of 7 October. A US assessment found this to be «credible». What did EU governments do on the finding of credible intelligence assessment? They cut off humanitarian assistance to the people of Gaza at a time of maximum vulnerability. Well, I think it is both plausible and credible that these governments stand complicit in the war crime of collective punishment of the people of Gaza.

Francisco Guerreiro (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, dear Commissioner, the European Commission is currently finalising its upcoming proposal for an EU Space Law. This important initiative envisages common rules to address safety, resilience and sustainability of space activities and operations.

However, in the security pillar there is a gap that needs to be filled. Currently, the EU does not have a harmonised and scientific system to report unidentified anomalous phenomena. This topic, which needs to be a serious issue, needs to be addressed and is being dealt with with the utmost importance in other countries. For example, in the United States, the data collection and analysis of UAP activities in space, civil and military locations is considered as a national security priority. This security concern also led to the creation of a space research programme inside NASA.

Therefore, it is fundamental that the EU Commission includes in the European Space Law a programme to collect data on new UAPs as well as the scientific body to analyse these events in a transparent and public way.

Dorien Rookmaker (ECR). – Mr President, «you may have a pistol, but I have a bazooka.» Is this a line of a Western movie? No, it's from an article in the Financial Times about the EU plans to undermine the Hungarian economy for political purposes.

«The EU will sabotage Hungary's economy if Budapest blocks fresh aid to Ukraine. In a document drawn up by EU officials and seen by the Financial Times, Brussels has outlined a strategy to explicitly target Hungary's economic weaknesses, imperil its currency and drive a collapse in investor confidence in a bid to hurt jobs and growth if Budapest refuses to lift its veto against the aid to Kyiv. This is Europe telling Viktor Orbán, “you may have a pistol, but we have the bazooka.”»

I demand an explanation of the President of the Council, Mr Michel. Does the Council understand that this kind of Wild West behaviour is a danger to EU financial stability? The EU cannot afford a strategy of financial vandalism. So, I ask a written statement of Mr Michel in which he explains his Hungary games.

Gilles Lebreton (ID). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, le Parlement européen a adopté un rapport sur la conscience historique européenne, dont je dénonce fermement le but et l'inspiration idéologique.

Son but est de «changer l'enseignement de l'histoire en vue» – je le cite –, de faire passer l'histoire européenne avant l'histoire nationale et de favoriser une compréhension supranationale de l'histoire. Dans cette perspective, l'apprentissage de l'intégration européenne occupera une place de choix, ainsi que la vénération de Jean Monnet, seul personnage historique cité par le rapport. Comme les régimes totalitaires, l'Union cède ainsi à la tentation de réécrire l'histoire à des fins de propagande.

Quant à l'inspiration idéologique du texte, c'est celle du wokisme. Dans une sorte de détestation de l'Occident, le rapport préconise en effet de mettre l'accent – je le cite – «sur les périodes tragiques de l'histoire de l'Europe afin de sensibiliser les générations futures aux aberrations du passé». J'estime, quant à moi, que nous n'avons pas à avoir honte de notre civilisation, dont les merveilles sont innombrables. Ne cherchez pas à réécrire l'histoire, laissez-la aux historiens.

João Pimenta Lopes (The Left). – Senhor Presidente, Portugal é o país da União Europeia onde as famílias com crédito à habitação mais sentiram o impacto do aumento das taxas de juro determinadas pelo BCE.

As famílias apertam o cinto, a banca acumula 12 milhões de euros de lucro por dia. Por outro lado, a especulação imobiliária, a desregulamentação do mercado de arrendamento, os preços exorbitantes da habitação colocam em risco esse direito constitucionalmente consagrado.

Os resultados estão à vista. Jovens que não conseguem pagar quartos. Casais que voltam para casa dos pais. Famílias a partilhar casa e a alugar garagens. Idosos despejados de onde viveram durante décadas. Cada vez mais gente a viver na rua.

Daqui saudamos, por isso, os milhares de portugueses que a 27 de janeiro saíram à rua, em 19 cidades do país, exigindo outra política e medidas urgentes: a reversão das taxas de juro, colocando os lucros da banca a suportar os aumentos das prestações, mais habitação pública, o combate à especulação, controlar rendas, travar os despejos, pôr fim aos regimes de residentes não habituais, garantir o direito à habitação para todos.

Fabio Massimo Castaldo (NI). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, siamo nel 2024, ventunesimo secolo. Le elezioni europee sono alle porte, eppure nel mio paese, in Italia, quasi 5 milioni di persone, il 10 % degli aventi diritto, rischiano di non poter votare.

È un'ingiustizia che tocca in particolare i giovani dai 18 ai 35 anni, giovani che, per scelta o per necessità, vivono fuori dal proprio comune di residenza, in Italia o all'estero, per studio o per lavoro. Calpestando lo spirito dei trattati, della Carta di Nizza e, ancora, dell'Atto elettorale europeo, l'Italia è ancora l'unico grande paese europeo a non aver introdotto alcun meccanismo di voto per corrispondenza, né per delega né, tantomeno, online.

Io sono un figlio della generazione Erasmus. Studiavo in Francia nel 2008, quando, per lo stesso identico motivo, ho dovuto purtroppo perdere la mia unica elezione. Sedici anni dopo nulla è cambiato. Solo tante promesse. Io oggi, in quest'Aula, porto la voce di questi milioni di ragazze e ragazzi che non possono più aspettare, che non devono essere privati ancora una volta del loro diritto di scegliere i propri rappresentanti, e forse anche della gioia del primo voto.

Presenterò un'interrogazione urgente alla Commissione europea per chiederle di agire con la massima urgenza, richiamando il governo italiano alle sue responsabilità. Il minimo è introdurre immediatamente un rimborso totale delle spese di viaggio. Mi batterò in quest'Aula e Azione si batterà in ogni istituzione fino a quando non sarà finalmente riconosciuto loro il diritto di avere diritti.

Ελισσάβετ Βόζεμπεργκ-Βρυωνίδη (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, την Τετάρτη στην ολομέλεια οι γνωστές πολιτικές ομάδες για μια ακόμη φορά επιτίθενται στη χώρα μου, την Ελλάδα, προωθώντας ένα ψήφισμα για το κράτος δικαίου και την ελευθερία του Τύπου επιεικώς απαράδεκτο. Διότι συνειδητά παραγνωρίζουν τις σοβαρές θεσμικές και διοικητικές μεταρρυθμίσεις που έχει φέρει η κυβέρνηση τα τελευταία τέσσερα χρόνια και παραλείπουν σκοπίμως τα επίσημα συμπεράσματα της έκθεσης της Επιτροπής του 2023 για το κράτος δικαίου, στην οποία υπογραμμίζεται η πρόοδος της χώρας μου σε συστάσεις της. Είναι δε προκλητικό το γεγονός ότι το ψήφισμα υιοθετεί σκόπιμα fake news και αυθαίρετους ισχυρισμούς που διαδίδει η αντιπολίτευση στην Ελλάδα. Επιπρόσθετα, επιχειρείται παρέμβαση αθέμιτα στην ανεξάρτητη ελληνική Δικαιοσύνη για εκκρεμείς υποθέσεις. Το θέμα, συνάδελφοι, είναι πολύ σοβαρό. Το εν λόγω ψήφισμα εξυπηρετεί πολιτικές σκοπιμότητες ενόψει των ευρωεκλογών, σε μια προσπάθεια να πληγεί η αυτοδύναμη κυβέρνηση της Ελλάδας και ο πρωθυπουργός της Κυριάκος Μητσοτάκης. Κείμενα όπως το εν λόγω αποτελούν επιτομή λαϊκισμού και παραπληροφόρησης και, δυστυχώς, κλονίζουν την αξιοπιστία του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου.

Christophe Clergeau (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, une fraude, un mensonge, un échec. Je voudrais évoquer ici, dans cet hémicycle, la situation de l'entreprise Nestlé Waters, qui, pendant des années, a caché avoir utilisé pour ses eaux minérales des méthodes interdites. Cette entreprise a filtré et purifié ses eaux minérales comme une vulgaire eau du robinet, mais en la vendant cent fois plus cher. Le gouvernement français a couvert cette arnaque et il s'apprêtait à légaliser ces pratiques, qui trompent et volent les consommateurs.

Ces fraudes doivent être punies. Mais combien de marques et de sources sont concernées en Europe? Nous ne le savons pas, nous avons besoin d'urgence d'une enquête menée par la Commission européenne. Pourquoi ont-ils fait cela? Parce que la qualité des eaux baisse, parce que la pollution progresse, parce que les pesticides sont partout. Des milliers d'emplois sont désormais en jeu parce que nous avons échoué à protéger l'environnement.

Une leçon à retenir en pleine crise agricole: l'usage massif des pesticides est un danger pour la santé, pour l'environnement, mais aussi pour l'emploi.

Γεώργιος Κύρτσος (Renew). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η πρόσφατη έκθεση της Διεθνούς Διαφάνειας (Transparency International) παρουσιάζει εξαιρετικό ενδιαφέρον. Καταγράφει σημαντική πτώση της Ελλάδας στα ζητήματα του κράτους δικαίου. Ταυτόχρονα, επισημαίνει άνοδο, μεταξύ των Ελλήνων, της αντίληψης ότι πρόκειται για μία χώρα με πρόβλημα διαφθοράς. Ουσιαστικά, η έκθεση συνδέει τη μη τήρηση των κανόνων του κράτους δικαίου με την αύξηση της διαφθοράς. Όταν το κράτος γίνεται κομματικό, όταν περιορίζεται η ελευθερία των μέσων ενημέρωσης, όταν περιορίζεται η ανεξαρτησία της δικαιοσύνης μέσα από παρεμβάσεις της εκτελεστικής εξουσίας, όταν αποδυναμώνονται οι ανεξάρτητες αρχές και χρησιμοποιείται η κοινοβουλευτική πλειοψηφία για συγκάλυψη σκανδάλων, δεν υποβαθμίζεται μόνο το κράτος δικαίου, αλλά αυξάνεται και η διαφθορά λόγω λιγότερης διαφάνειας και περιορισμένου δημοκρατικού ελέγχου. Για αυτό, χρειαζόμαστε συνεπή τήρηση των κανόνων του κράτους δικαίου.

Malte Gallée (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident! In letzter Zeit frage ich mich manchmal, wofür wir eigentlich dieses Europäische Parlament hier brauchen. Können Sie es mir beantworten? Ich würde sagen, das Allererste, was mir in den Sinn kommt, ist natürlich, dass wir wissen, dass wir gemeinsam einfach bessere Entscheidungen treffen, dass wir gemeinsam einfach mehr Menschen das geben können, was sie brauchen, und dass wir gemeinsam einfach viel mehr dieser wunderbaren Rechte schaffen können, wie das die EU tut.

Aber wenn wir auf die letzten Jahre schauen, dann haben wir in dem Bereich – ich glaube – sehr oft versagt. Wir haben die Schere zwischen Arm und Reich immer größer werden lassen, und das lässt die Leute an der Legitimität dieses Parlaments zweifeln. Das lässt die Leute zweifeln daran, dass wir hier wirklich im Interesse der Bürgerinnen und Bürger handeln.

Deswegen muss es für die nächste Europawahl doch klar sein, dass wir die Verteilungsfrage stellen müssen. Sonst schützen wir Europa, das Europäische Parlament und die EU garantiert nicht vor den Angriffen von rechts.

Victor Negrescu (S&D). – Domnule președinte, dragi colegi, la 17 ani de la aderarea la Uniunea Europeană și la 20 de ani de la aderarea la NATO, este timpul ca România să își asume cu maturitate apartenența la cele două organizații.

Prin aderarea la UE și NATO, populația României este protejată împotriva amenințărilor reprezentate de Federația Rusă, a avut acces la miliarde de euro pentru dezvoltarea țării și a beneficiat de mai multe drepturi și oportunități. Poporul român trebuie să-și apere acest drept câștigat cu greu în fața liderilor extremiști de la AUR și S.O.S., care ar face orice să ne scoată din UE și NATO.

Trebuie să apărăm suveranitatea românilor prin introducerea în Constituția României a apartenenței la UE și NATO, deoarece doar așa putem evita ca partidele extremiste să manipuleze în viitor Parlamentul în a adopta o decizie de ieșire din cele două structuri, catastrofală din punct de vedere economic și social. Izolarea, de fapt, înseamnă sărăcie.

Soluția este să întărim cu profesionalism profilul României în UE și NATO pentru a le face mai eficiente și mai apropiate de nevoile românilor. Spun cu fermitate: mă opun extremismului, sunt Anti-Ro-Exit.

Vlad-Marius Botoș (Renew). – Domnule președinte, stimată doamnă comisară Adina Vălean, mă bucur că sunteți în această seară aici, la această dezbatere. Dragi colegi, este vital, mai ales în acest an, să nu dăm motiv extremiștilor să utilizeze și să sporească sentimentele antieuropene.

Este important ca toți cetățenii europeni să simtă că în Uniunea Europeană au aceleași drepturi, că toți suntem egali și că noi, Parlamentul European, suntem aici să apărăm interesele tuturor cetățenilor Uniunii. Egalitatea în drepturi nu este încă atinsă la nivelul Uniunii noastre, iar faptul că cetățenii români și bulgari, deși europeni, nu au drept de liberă trecere, la fel ca toți ceilalți europeni, este puternic exploatat pentru a crește valul antieuropean. Am auzit și în seara aceasta discursuri ale unor colegi în acest sens.

Trebuie să ne asigurăm că nicio țară nu poate să treacă peste voința majorității atunci când este vorba despre cetățenii noștri, despre drepturile noastre.

Der Präsident. – Damit ist dieser Tagesordnungspunkt geschlossen.

20.   Ordre du jour de la prochaine séance

Der Präsident. – Die nächste Sitzung findet morgen, Dienstag, den 6. Februar 2024, um 9.00 Uhr statt. Die Tagesordnung wurde veröffentlicht und ist auf der Website des Europäischen Parlaments verfügbar.

21.   Approbation du procès-verbal de la présente séance

Der Präsident. – Das Protokoll dieser Sitzung wird dem Parlament morgen zu Beginn der Nachmittagssitzung zur Genehmigung vorgelegt.

22.   Levée de la séance

(Die Sitzung wird um 21.24 Uhr geschlossen)