EUROPEAN COMMISSION
Strasbourg, 8.7.2025
SWD(2025) 917 final
COMMISSION STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT
2025 Rule of Law Report
Country Chapter on the rule of law situation in Hungary
Accompanying the document
Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions
2025 Rule of Law Report
The rule of law situation in the European Union
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Abstract
In Hungary, the National Judicial Council has continued to exercise the powers acquired by means of the judicial reform of 2023. New rules have been introduced on the appointment and career of judges. In line with the legislation in force, the process did not always include the consultation of the National Judicial Council on some of the relevant legislative amendments. The transparency of case allocation in lower courts has not been improved, whereas the case allocation in the Kúria is being implemented well. The Kúria continues to enforce uniformity of case law through its uniformity complaint panel. Undue pressure on some judges continues within the judiciary, notably in relation to internal debates on key issues related to judicial independence. An increase in salaries in the justice system is being done in three steps until 2027. The efficiency of the judiciary and digitalisation of the justice system continues to be high overall.
The implementation of the 2024-2025 National Anti-Corruption Strategy and related Action Plan is ongoing, while important actions remain pending. The number of convictions for corruption crimes has decreased and there has been no progress to establish a robust track record on high-level corruption. Court decisions reviewing prosecutorial decisions not to investigate or prosecute corruption continue to be non-binding. There has been no progress yet to adopt new lobbying and post-employment rules, although there are plans to legislate in this area by November 2025. The Integrity Authority continues to report obstacles in fulfilling its oversight tasks effectively. Key shortcomings with regard to the transparency of the financing of political parties and electoral campaigns remain. Competition in public procurement has been improved, and different levels of control remain for national and EU-funds related procurements.
The threats to media pluralism highlighted in previous Rule of Law Reports have remained unaddressed. No measures have been adopted or are planned to regulate the channelling of state advertising to media outlets, to guarantee the functional independence of the media authority and to ensure the editorial and financial independence of public service media. Journalists continue to face numerous and serious challenges to their work. Journalists and media outlets have been investigated by the Sovereignty Protection Office for allegedly ‘serving foreign interests’, and access to public interest events and press conferences continues to be selectively denied. While the accelerated treatment of court cases related to access to information continues, the scope of access to information remains limited especially as regards public funding.
The Government continues to use its emergency powers extensively, undermining legal certainty and affecting the operation of businesses in the single market. The law-making process remains a serious source of concern, with certain important legislative processes not being linked to public consultation requirements. Foreign companies, including from other EU Member States, operating in strategic sectors face intensified regulatory pressure from state action. The possibility for the Government to interfere with the application of merger control rules continues to create legal uncertainty. Concerns related to the absence of procedural safeguards and effective oversight in case of secret surveillance measures outside criminal proceedings have not been addressed. A deteriorating environment for civil society organisations and legal uncertainty further obstruct civic space.
Recommendations
Overall, concerning the recommendations in the 2024 Rule of Law Report, Hungary has made:
·No progress on improving the transparency of case allocation systems in lower-instance courts, taking into account European standards on case allocation.
·Significant progress on increasing the remuneration of judges, prosecutors, and judicial and prosecutorial staff, without however taking structural measures, taking into account European standards on remuneration for the justice system.
·No progress yet on adopting comprehensive reforms on lobbying and revolving doors, and further improving the system of asset declarations, providing for effective oversight and enforcement.
·No progress on establishing a robust track record of investigations, prosecutions and final judgments for high-level corruption cases.
·No progressing on introducing mechanisms to enhance the functional independence of the media regulatory authority taking into account European standards on the independence of media regulators.
·No progress on adopting legislation to ensure fair and transparent distribution of advertising expenditure by the state and state-owned companies.
·No progress on strengthening the rules and mechanisms to enhance the independent governance and editorial independence of public service media taking into account European standards on public service media.
·No progress on removing obstacles affecting civil society organisations and foster a safe and enabling civic space, including by repealing legislation that hampers their capacity of working, in particular the immigration tax.
On this basis, and considering other developments that took place in the period of reference, in addition to recalling the obligation to comply with the rule of law-related rulings of the CJEU and the rule of law-related infringement procedures referred to in the country chapter, the Commission’s assessment under the general regime of conditionality, the relevant concerns raised in the Article 7(1) TEU procedure initiated by the European Parliament, the relevant commitments made under the Recovery and Resilience Plan, and the relevant country-specific recommendations under the European Semester, it is recommended to Hungary to:
·Improve the transparency of case allocation systems in lower-instance courts, taking into account European standards on case allocation.
·Take measures to ensure that the ongoing increase in the remuneration of judges, prosecutors and judicial and prosecutorial staff is carried out in a structured manner, taking into account European standards on remuneration for the justice system.
·Put forward comprehensive legislative reforms on lobbying and revolving doors, and further improve the system of asset declarations, providing for effective oversight and enforcement.
·Establish a robust track record of investigations, prosecutions and final judgments for high-level corruption cases.
·Introduce mechanisms to enhance the functional independence of the media regulatory authority taking into account European standards on the independence of media regulators.
·Adopt measures to ensure fair and transparent distribution of advertising expenditure by the state and state-owned companies.
·Strengthen the rules and mechanisms to enhance the independent governance and editorial independence of public service media taking into account European standards on public service media.
·Ensure that there are no obstacles hindering the work of civil society organisations, including by repealing legislation that hampers their capacity of working, and foster a safe and enabling civic space.
I.Justice System
Independence
The level of perceived judicial independence in Hungary is low among the general public and companies. Overall, 37% of the general population and 38% of companies perceive the level of independence of courts and judges to be ‘fairly or very good’ in 2025
. The perceived level of independence among the general public has decreased in comparison with 2024 (41%), as well as in comparison with 2021 (41%). The perceived level of judicial independence among companies has slightly decreased since 2024 (40%) but remains higher than in 2021 (32%).
The National Judicial Council has continued to exercise the powers acquired by means of the judicial reform of 2023. In particular, the Council gave positive opinions on the suitability of candidates for the post of Kúria Vice-Presidents and considered the 2023 appointment by the Kúria President of four court managers in the Kúria in line with the law. After the retirement of the head of the Civil Department and the appointment of the heads of the Criminal and Administrative Departments to the post of Vice-President, the Kúria President did not propose the appointment of new heads of department, as a Vice-President may also perform the duties of a head of department. Also, the Council gave consent to the secondment of a judge to the National Directorate-General for Hospitals.
New rules have been introduced on the appointment and career of judges, but the process did not always include the consultation of the National Judicial Council on some of the relevant legislative amendments, in line with the legislation in force. On 22 November 2024, the Ministry of Justice signed an agreement with the National Judicial Council, the National Office for the Judiciary and the Kúria that includes salary increases for judges and court staff and announces some reforms to the judicial system
. As a follow-up to this four-party agreement, in December 2024, the National Assembly introduced several reforms. First, it passed legislation introducing the first step of a staggered salary raise in the justice system. Second, it adopted an amendment to the Fundamental Law (Fourteenth Amendment) which raises the minimum age for becoming a judge and opens the possibility to continue serving as a judge after reaching the general retirement age. Third, it introduced new requirements in terms of prior experience needed to appoint judges from outside the judiciary. The reforms proposed by the Government attracted criticism and protests from judicial associations and judges on the grounds of judicial independence. Following these protests, the President of the National Judicial Council resigned on 3 December 2024. Although the National Judicial Council had discussed and signed the four-party agreement, it was not consulted on the subsequent legislative amendments. In fact, the Council considered that new provisions will have a negative impact on the working conditions of judges and on judicial training and will create unjustified differences of treatment within the judiciary. On 15 January 2025, the National Judicial Council withdrew from the four-party agreement, declaring it invalid. However, the Minister of Justice announced that the Government would still continue implementing the four-party agreement. On 11 June 2025, the National Assembly adopted a cardinal law setting in statute the detailed rules of some of the reforms mentioned in that agreement. The new law introduced rules related to the functioning of the justice system, including detailed rules on the possibility for judges and prosecutors to serve until the age of 70, the Kúria’s role in securing the uniformity of case law, the possibility of online presence during hearings for members of the audience, the possibility not to hand down reasoned judicial decisions in civil cases if it is presumed that the parties will not exercise their right of appeal and the obligation of the courts to pay the parties a daily lump sum as compensation for any breach of a procedural deadline by the judge hearing the civil or administrative case. The National Judicial Council was consulted on the draft in a procedure described by the Council as ineffective.
The Fourteenth Amendment to the Fundamental Law and other legislative amendments
changed the rules on judicial appointments. They raised the lower age limit for becoming a judge from 30 to 35 years as of 1 March 2025 and introduced new requirements of prior experience outside the judiciary for first-time appointments to judicial posts
. According to the Government, these changes will increase the quality of the judicial system
. The new appointment criteria are not applicable if the applicant for a judicial position is a junior judge who was employed in the judicial system before 1 January 2025, or a junior judge who was employed in the judicial system as a trainee judge before 1 January 2025. According to stakeholders, these changes favour candidates who apply from outside the judiciary
. On 16 June 2025, the Venice Commission found that raising the minimum age for the appointment of judges from 30 to 35 years, although rather high, is not per se contrary to international standards, and the requirement to have a fresh outside view into the court system may be welcomed. The new rules introduced – as of 1 January 2026 – the possibility for judges who have already reached the general retirement age to stay on the bench until the age of 70. If the judge concerned requests such extension in the timeframe determined by law, the President of the National Office for the Judiciary or – in the case of Kúria judges – the Kúria President must automatically grant the request.
The transparency of case allocation in lower courts has not been improved, whereas the case allocation in the Kúria is being implemented well
. According to the Government, there is no need to revise the legislation applicable to case allocation in lower courts because the method of case allocation chosen by the court president has to ensure the objective and even distribution of cases; deviation from the pre-established rules is only allowed for reasons defined by law or because of important circumstances affecting the functioning of the court
. Several stakeholders note that the discretion allowed to court managers in lower courts, the existing exemptions to the case allocation rules and the frequent changes of these rules prevent the general public and the parties from verifying whether the rules are being followed
. Therefore, there has been no progress on the recommendation regarding case allocation in lower courts. As regards case allocation in the Kúria, following legislative reforms in 2023, the parties to the proceedings at the Kúria are able to verify on the basis of the case file whether the rules on case allocation have been duly applied
. No complaints were reported from parties in proceedings as regards case allocation at the Kúria
.
The Kúria continues to enforce uniformity of case law through its uniformity complaint panel. In 2024, the Kúria handed down 17 uniformity decisions and 40 uniformity complaint decisions (14 of them being on-the-merits decisions, including three having the effect of a uniformity decision)
. The Kúria’s uniformity decisions are binding on Hungarian courts until the uniformity complaint panel changes the decision. Preliminary references in the interest of uniformity of law and uniformity complaints are heard by the uniformity complaint panel composed of the Kúria President or Vice President and 40 senior judges (the Secretary General, heads and deputy heads of department and presiding judges). The Kúria maintains that, following a decision handed down by the Court of Justice under Article 267 TFEU following a preliminary reference, Kúria judges and panels are required to seek the opinion of the uniformity complaint panel before setting aside (disapplying) a precedent decision of the Kúria, found incompatible with EU law
. This is necessary because the uniformity complaint panel has the exclusive competence to remove the binding force of legal interpretations contained in previously published Kúria decisions. In 2024, the Court of Justice already confirmed in a preliminary reference from a Hungarian court that any court must be able to disregard any binding ruling of a national court if it considers, in the light of the interpretation of EU law provided by the Court of Justice, that such ruling is not consistent with EU law
. A new law adopted on 11 June 2025 further strengthens as of 1 January 2026 the Kúria’s role in enforcing the uniformity of case law when reviewing binding judicial decisions in civil cases.
Undue pressure on some judges continues within the judiciary, notably in relation to internal debates on key issues related to judicial independence. The Kúria President regularly questions in public the legitimacy of the service courts
and his criticism intensified after the presidents of the service courts and several other judges publicly criticised the four-party agreement
. This prompted reactions from the National Judicial Council, the Res Iudicata Association and the Hungarian Association of Judges, which organised a demonstration in defence of judicial independence
. On 17 March 2025, the Budapest Regional Court found that the Kúria President had unlawfully relieved a presiding judge from his duties as a sanction for expressing his criticism in relation to the Kúria
. On 6 March 2025, in the context of the enhanced supervision of the implementation of the Baka judgment of the European Court of Human Rights, the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe invited the Hungarian authorities to consider adopting further general measures to address the ‘chilling effect’ present in the judiciary and to ensure that judges’ freedom of expression, notably related to matters of public interest concerning the judiciary, is unambiguously guaranteed
. Smear campaigns against judges continue to be reported
.
The Fourteenth Amendment to the Fundamental Law, adopted in December 2024, removes the requirement that the Prosecutor General be selected from among prosecutors. Following the entry into force of this constitutional amendment and related legislative changes, beside the mandatory three-year legal traineeship needed to pass the bar exam and the further requirement of having one year of professional experience, no further professional expertise will be required to be elected as the Prosecutor General. The Fifteenth Amendment to the Fundamental Law also fixes the retirement age of prosecutors at 70 as of 1 January 2026. As regards the appointment of the Prosecutor General, the Venice Commission considered that stricter criteria, coupled with adequate safeguards in the appointment process, could contribute to the de-politicisation of the position, and recommended to this end further amending the eligibility criteria for the position of Prosecutor General and considering the introduction of guarantees in the Prosecutor General’s appointment process, such as the establishment of a Prosecutorial Council. On 11 June 2025, the National Assembly elected a candidate from within the prosecution service to serve as new Prosecutor General, for a period of nine years. Hungary has not implemented GRECO’s recommendation to review the possibility to keep the incumbent Prosecutor General in office after the expiry of their mandate by a parliamentary minority blocking the election of a successor. The hierarchical structure of the prosecution remains intact. This, together with the lack of internal checks and balances, means that the risk continues that senior prosecutors can influence the work of subordinate prosecutors, including in individual cases
. The Ministry of Justice can still access prosecutorial decisions relating to criminal procedures; according to stakeholders, this allows to exert political influence and pressure on the prosecution service in individual cases
.
Quality
Significant progress has been made with the increase in salaries in the justice system, which is being done in three steps until 2027
. Judicial salaries are calculated by applying various multiplying factors determined by law to the salary base
. The salary base is determined by the National Assembly in the law on the annual central budget. The four-party agreement signed on 22 November 2024 envisages salary increases for judges and judicial staffs in three steps, which, as regards judges, would lead to the average salary for these categories being increased by 48% by 2027. In December 2024, the National Assembly adopted the 2025 annual central budget raising the salary base for judges by 15%. The 2026 annual central budget, adopted in June 2025, raised the salary base for judges by further 10%. However, the measures do not introduce structural solutions, such as an automatic indexation of the salary base for judges, as is the case for salaries of a number of key public officials. Since January 2022, when the salary base was last adjusted, inflation has had an accumulated effect of 40%, and in February 2024 the National Judicial Council and the President of the National Office for the Judiciary had proposed a 35% increase. Some structural changes raised more substantially the salaries for judicial and prosecutorial staff at all instances and – based on a special agreement between the Minister of Justice and the Kúria President – for judges and court managers of the Kúria
. Their salaries are ultimately also calculated based on the salary base for judges annually determined by Parliament. Therefore, there has been significant progress with the increase in salaries in the justice system.
Shortcomings exist in the legal aid scheme. The eligibility threshold for legal aid in civil procedure is high, meaning that a person with an income well below the poverty threshold may not be eligible for legal aid
. At the same time, under the current legal framework, the status of ‘certified victim’ provides a more favourable treatment for the purposes of access to legal aid under the condition of social vulnerability. Even though the fees for defence lawyers under the legal aid scheme were raised as of 2024, they are still regarded as critically low, possibly impacting access to justice
. As of 28 January 2025, at first instance, the court fee payable in small-value civil and commercial cases decreased, whilst in higher-value cases it increased, and the statutory fee cap has been removed. Hungary performs well as regards specific arrangements for child-friendly justice/proceedings (both civil and criminal/juvenile justice proceedings)
. Also, as reported last year, access to justice could be improved through specific arrangements to persons at risk of discrimination and older persons.
Digitalisation of the justice system continues to be overall high. The courts have several digital tools at their disposal, including an electronic case management system, distance communication technology and secure electronic communication. Hungary is among the best performing EU Member States as regards the availability of digital solutions to conduct and follow court proceedings in criminal cases
. Judgments are not yet assigned a European Case Law Identifier, and they are not yet modelled according to a standard which would enable their machine readability
. A legislative amendment introduced as of 1 January 2026 the online streaming of court hearings for pre-registered members of the audience in most civil and criminal cases.
Efficiency
The efficiency of the judiciary continues to be high overall. Hungary performed best among Member States as regards the estimated time needed to resolve litigious civil and commercial cases at all court instances in 2023
. The number of pending civil, commercial and administrative and other cases in 2023 was the fourth lowest in the EU
.
There is still no adequate compensation scheme for cases involving protracted criminal and non-contentious civil proceedings, while such a scheme has been introduced for contentious civil and administrative proceedings. In the context of the enhanced supervision of the implementation of the Gazsó judgment of the European Court of Human Rights, on 6 March 2025, the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe reiterated its ‘profound concern’ about the continued lack of any development as regards the outstanding issue of compensatory remedy in respect of excessively long criminal, administrative, and non-contentious civil proceedings, such as enforcement proceedings
. On 11 June 2025, the National Assembly adopted a new law amending the procedural rules applicable to contentious civil and – as of 1 July 2026 – administrative proceedings, obliging the court to pay the parties a daily lump sum as compensation for any breach of a procedural deadline by the judge hearing the case.
II.Anti-Corruption Framework
The perception among experts, citizens and business executives is that the level of corruption in the public sector remains high. In the 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index by Transparency International, Hungary scores 41/100
and ranks 27th in the EU and 82nd globally. This perception has been relatively stable over the past five years
. The 2025 Special Eurobarometer on Corruption shows that 88% of respondents consider corruption widespread in their country (EU average 69%) and 32% of respondents feel personally affected by corruption in their daily lives (EU average 30%). As regards businesses, 83% of companies consider that corruption is widespread (EU average 63%) and 50% consider that corruption is a problem when doing business (EU average 35%). Furthermore, 34% of respondents find that there are enough successful prosecutions to deter people from corrupt practices (EU average 36%), while 19% of companies believe that people and businesses caught for bribing a senior official are appropriately punished (EU average 33%)
.
While implementation of some remedial measures in response to the EU conditionality procedure is ongoing, important shortcomings remain. To protect the EU budget against corruption and systemic rule of law issues, in 2022 the Council temporarily partially suspended funds under several EU programmes and prohibited entering into new legal commitments with public interest trusts, until the breaches of the principle of the rule of law and/or their effects or risks for the Union budget or the Union’s financial interests were remedied
. On 2 December 2024, Hungary formally notified legislative amendments regarding certain public interest trusts and entities maintained by them and requested the Commission to propose to the Council to adapt or lift the measure on public interest trusts adopted in 2022
. The Commission, having assessed the legislative amendments, considered that they do not adequately address the outstanding concerns on conflicts of interest in the boards of public interest trusts and therefore the measures related to public interest trusts should stay in place
. Furthermore, no disbursement of funds under the Recovery and Resilience Plan can be made to Hungary until all the ‘super milestones’, including those related to the conditionality procedure, have been satisfactorily fulfilled.
The implementation of the 2024-2025 National Anti-Corruption Strategy and related Action Plan is ongoing, while important actions remain pending
. The implementation of the Strategy and Action Plan, applicable as of 15 February 2024, is overseen by a monitoring committee and progress is tracked regularly
. Certain measures have been taken, such as codes of conduct for low or mid-level officials, but important actions remain pending
. These include measures on asset declarations, Codes of ethics for persons in top executive functions and members of Parliament, political party financing and the review of the motion for revision procedure
. A final implementation report is planned for 2026
. Concerns previously raised by the OECD and the Council of Europe regarding the lack of a comprehensive and strategic policy approach to effectively tackling corruption remain in essence valid
. The government informed that the evaluation of Hungary’s policy approach to effectively tackling corruption is ongoing.
The Integrity Authority continues to report obstacles to fulfilling its oversight tasks effectively, and the practical impact of the proposals made by the Anti-Corruption Task Force has so far been limited. The Integrity Authority considers that it has adequate capacity and the necessary level of independence to carry out its work. Obstacles to the work of the Integrity Authority remain, particularly where it needs to rely on cooperation with other public bodies
. Whereas a government decree is expected to give the Integrity Authority a right of direct access to a number of state databases
, and the Government indicated that the current legal framework provides all necessary access rights, the Integrity Authority again reported obstacles related to access
. The Integrity Authority referred nine cases to the prosecution service in 2024
. As part of a criminal investigation against the President of the Integrity Authority, the police and prosecution service carried out an extensive raid of the Integrity Authority
. The Government agreed or partially agreed with half of the recommendations made by the Integrity Authority in its second analytical integrity report, rejected about a third of them and is currently assessing the remaining recommendations
. In general, however, the concrete follow-up given to accepted recommendations remains unclear
. In May 2025, the non-governmental members of Anti-Corruption Task Force (ACTF) rejected its draft annual report
. The ACTF launched an evaluation process to avoid similar situations in the future. More broadly, non-governmental members of the Task Force remain concerned as regards its impact, capacities, powers and the Government’s limited uptake of proposals
. Two of the organisations that are members of the ACTF have been subject to an investigation by the Sovereignty Protection Office
.
The number of submitted motions for revision of prosecutorial decisions doubled in 2024 and nearly a third resulted in the continuation of investigations. Since January 2023, it is possible for a judge to review prosecutorial authorities’ decisions not to investigate corruption suspicions or to terminate ongoing corruption investigations without indictment
. In 2024, 80 motions for such a revision were submitted to the Buda Central District Court (compared to 38 in 2023)
. Whereas nearly a third of all motions resulted in the continuation of investigations
, a majority of the motions submitted by the Integrity Authority have resulted in a resumption of investigations
. Motions for revision have proven a useful tool for the Integrity Authority, however it considers that its powers remain limited as regards access to criminal proceedings and the ability to present evidence in that context
. Shortcomings of the new procedure concern the temporal scope of the new measure and the lack of binding authority for court decisions quashing prosecutorial decisions
. The review by the Ministry of Justice of the functioning and effectiveness of the provisions on judicial review is ongoing with a view to proposing amendments
. According to stakeholders, restricted access to case files and stringent procedural deadlines negate the possibility to use the procedure for private prosecution
.
Integrity tests and lifestyle checks remain key tools to detect and deter corruption in the administration, although their effectiveness in detecting high-level corruption is limited. According to the prosecution, detection remains the main challenge in the investigation and prosecution of corruption offences
. Information and evidence of corruption crimes are primarily obtained in ongoing criminal investigations and prosecutions. Reports transmitted to prosecution by the National Protective Service, which is tasked with carrying out integrity tests and lifestyle monitoring for staff subordinated to the Ministry of Interior and other public administrative bodies, generally concern more petty crimes of public officials
. There is no publicly available data on the reliability tests or national security vettings conducted by the Constitution Protection Office, which is responsible for carrying out checks as regards high-ranking officials, given the confidentiality of its activities
. However, the prosecution service indicates receiving few reports related to suspicions of corruption from the Constitition Protection Office
. Other tools that could be more effective in detecting a wider variety of corruption cases, such as asset declarations, whistleblower reports and data from various registers, such as the central register for beneficial ownership information managed by the Tax and Customs Administration, play a relatively minor role in corruption investigations
.
The number of convictions for corruption crimes has decreased and there has been no progress to establish a robust track record on high-level corruption
. Whereas the prosecution service reports that sufficient human and financial resources, with an adequate level of specialisation are allocated to corruption cases, it also highlights the high rate of vacancies among junior prosecutors and the need for further specialisation
. The new IT system for the handling of case files by the prosecution service is planned to be operational by the end of 2025
. The reported indictment rate for corruption crimes continues to be high
. In 2024, 264 persons were convicted at final instance for corruption crimes, which is a decrease compared to the previous year
. Since 2023, criminal proceedings have been ongoing in a corruption and money laundering case against a number of defendants involving a former high-level official
. While four defendants have been sentenced to prison in a corruption case involving primarily EU funds
, convictions in high-level corruption cases continue to be rare
. Generally, in complex high-level corruption cases, court proceedings tend to be long
. The risk of political influence and undue interference with individual cases in the prosecution service and the police, the absence of investigations of corruption allegations concerning high-level officials and their immediate circle, as well as clientelism, favouritism and nepotism in high-level public administration remain areas of concern
. The lack of enforcement against foreign bribery is a persistent concern, with no new investigations or convictions and long-standing international recommendations remaining unaddressed
. Overall, no progress was made on establishing a robust track record to fight high-level corruption, as recommended in the previous years.
There has been no progress yet on the recommendation regarding lobbying and post-employment regulation, although there are plans to legislate in this area by November 2025
. The Government plans to adopt legislation on lobbying, including rules on revolving doors, by 30 November 2025. Its exact elements are yet to be decided
. Pending its adoption, no steps have been taken to establish rules on contacts between members of Parliament and lobbyists
. Preparations are still ongoing for a non-binding code of conduct for members of Parliament, including guidelines on lobbying and post-employment
. No steps have been taken to prepare the code of conduct for persons in top executive functions, planned by 30 April 2024
. Hungary’s legislative framework on lobbying and post-employment rules remains incomplete, with no systematic follow-up ensured in case of non-compliance
. Since no steps have been taken for a comprehensive reform on lobbying and post-employment rules, there has been no progress yet on the recommendation.
There has been no progress to improve the asset declaration system, including to ensure effective oversight
. Actions to strengthen the asset declaration system foreseen in the 2024-2025 National Anti-Corruption Strategy are pending
. The power to verify asset declarations has not yet been effectively transferred to the Integrity Authority
. The Government did not provide an official reply to the Integrity Authority’s special report on the asset declaration system
. Publicity requirements do not apply to most persons entrusted with senior political functions and information about follow-up is not public either. Stakeholders highlight the narrow scope of the declarations, which provide for opportunities to potentially hide assets
. A recent amendment to the anti-money laundering legislation, aiming to increase transparency of ultimate beneficial owners of previously established private equity funds, will not enter into force until July 2026
. Concerns persist regarding the effective and regular monitoring and verification asset declarations of members of Parliament
. In 2024, no procedure against a member of Parliament was initiated, and six members of Parliament rectified their asset declarations after errors were revealed by the public
. A recent amendment introduced minor changes to the procedure for declaring assets, without modifying the substantive rules
. In 2025, the National Assembly adopted new rules for Hungarian members of the European Parliament which foresee that non-compliance with asset declaration obligations could lead to the termination of their mandate by the Electoral Commission
. Against this background, no progress has therefore been made towards implementing the recommendation made in the 2024 Rule of Law Report
.
Guides and awareness-raising measures on conflicts of interests are implemented in certain sectors, but legislative fragmentation and systemic weaknesses remain. Based on the Action Plan of the National Anti-Corruption Strategy 2024-2025, the Government plans to regulate conflicts of interest in the upcoming codes of conduct for persons in top executive functions and members of Parliament
. A new code of ethics and conduct for parliamentary civil servants was adopted in October 2024 but is not publicly available
. Changes were made to the ethics framework for local and law enforement authorities, covering also conflicts of interest
. In 2024, the National Assembly terminated the mandate of one of its members due to a conflict of interest
. However, there were no developments to address the systemic weaknesses reported in 2023 and 2024. These include the fragmentation of the regulatory framework on conflict of interests, including as regards public interest trusts, the lack of a general definition of conflicts of interest and the absence of a central supervisory body
. A recent audit of the Hungarian National Bank, its own trusts and a related public interest trust maintaining a university led the State Audit Office to file a criminal report against the public interest trust concerned due to conflicts of interest
.
The framework for the protection of whistleblowers is in place, however whistleblowing plays a limited role in the detection of corruption crimes. The Office of the Commissioner for Fundamental Rights provides training to civil servants and the preparation of an information campaign on the functioning of whistleblowing platforms and whistleblower protection regimes is still ongoing
. According to stakeholders and as illustrated by survey data, whistleblowing is still not a sufficiently widespread practice
. Reports can be submitted on the whistleblowing channel for reports on EU fraud, to the Integrity Authority, as well as to the Public Procurement Authority, the National Development Centre and the Competition Authority
. However, the prosecution service reports that whistleblower reports do not play a role in the detection of corruption crimes
. Civil society organisations continue to raise concerns regarding differences in protection levels for whistleblowers who report breaches of national rules which do not fall within the national legislation transposing Directive 2019/1937
.
Key shortcomings with regard to the transparency of the financing of political parties and electoral campaigns remain. No steps were taken in the reporting period to address long-standing recommendations to strengthen the transparency of political party and campaign financing
. While some measures have previously been taken to ensure that political party financial registries are transparent and up-to-date, deficiencies remain regarding the transparency and supervision of the accounts of foundations or third-party entities directly or indirectly related to or under the control of political parties
. Furthermore, the applicable legislation does not require the disclosure of campaign donations, nor does it prohibit the use of state resources for campaigning during a pre-election period
. The possibility for circumvention of campaign spending limits via the use of third-parties and intermediaries, as reported during the 2022 elections
, also remains unaddressed. In February 2024, the State Audit Office had imposed fines on six opposition political parties for alleged illegal foreign funding during the 2022 election campaign
. On 17 June 2025, in expedited procedure, the National Assembly passed a law that removes the cap on political campaign expenses.
Competition in public procurement has been improved, and different levels of control remain for national and EU-funds related procurements. Corruption risk sectors remain largely the same compared to previous years, with high risks in public procurement, construction, health, IT, and communication services
. Corruption prevention carried out by the National Protective Service reportedly continues to play a major role in reducing corruption pressure on the health sector
. Businesses’ attitudes towards corruption in the EU show that 36% of companies in Hungary (EU average 25%) think that corruption has prevented them from winning a public tender or a public procurement contract in practice in the last three years
. Only 28% of businesses perceive the level of independence of the public procurement review body (Public Procurement Arbitration Board) as very or fairly good
. The competition in public procurement procedures is improving and the Single Market and Competitiveness Scoreboard on access to public procurement in Hungary reports 32% of single bids for 2023 (EU average 29%) and 23% for 2024. While the share of public procurement procedures with single bids decreased for both EU-financed and national procurements, the target committed to by Hungary for domestically financed public procurements was not met in 2023 (29% vs the target of 24%) and 2024 (22.3% vs the target of 15%). Some studies point to an increase in corruption risks for such procurements where different levels of control and oversight apply
. In addition, focussing solely on the share of single bids can hide the root causes of lack of competition
. The Government’s action plan to improve competition in public procurement contains several measures aiming to foster competition. According to stakeholders, the action plan lacks ambition and does not sufficiently reflect relevant recommendations of the Integrity Authority
. Stakeholders report increased corruption risks due to an excessive use of concession contracts and an report that many framework agreements were concluded with a single bidder
. Framework agreements concluded by central purchasing bodies have allowed certain economic operators to become market leaders or to acquire a dominant position at the expense of their competitors
. Concerns remain regarding favouritism in tender processes and selective awarding to political affiliates, which increase corruption risks
.
III.Media Pluralism and Media Freedom
There has been no progress to strengthen the functional independence of the Hungarian media regulator
. While the Media Act provides for formal independence of the National Media and Infocommunications Authority (NMHH), government influence remains significant due to the composition of the decision-making body of the Authority, the Media Council, which remains composed of members all nominated by Parliament. The Council has undertaken investigations into private media considered to be pro-government for potentially racist and anti-immigrant content and into public service media for airing disguised political advertising during the election period. Nevertheless, in the light of the unresolved concerns with regard to the authority, the 2025 Media Pluralism Monitor (MPM) once more assesses the independence and effectiveness of the Media Authority as an area presenting high risk, referring to the authority’s composition, lack of transparency of its decision-making process and certain ‘politically motivated’ decisions
. Given that no measures have been adopted or are planned to strengthen the regulator’s functional independence, there has been no progress as regards the recommendations made in previous years.
There has been no progress to increase transparency and fairness in the distribution of state advertising
. The general rules and procedures regulating public procurement govern these expenditures and no specific rules ensuring transparency and fairness regulating distribution exist. Public sector communications are carried out under one framework contract with the National Communications Office (NKOH)
. The State remains, by far, the most important player in the media advertising market channeling significant state resources to pro-government media and increasing its spending
. State advertising accounts for over 30% of the total advertising market, while the Central European Press and Media Foundation (KESMA), a conglomeration of pro-government media outlets, receives up to 75-80% of its total revenue from state advertising
. The 2025 MPM points out that ‘it is still the case that the state advertises almost exclusively in pro-government media outlets and that the majority of advertising revenues for several media products, typically pro-government, are generated by state advertising’ concluding that this remains an area presenting medium-high risk
. Given that no legislative or other measures have been adopted or are planned by the Government on the fair distribution of state advertising, there has been no progress as regards the recommendations made in previous years.
Transparency in the ownership structure of media companies is not regulated by any specific provisions. Section 41 of the Media Act mandates the NMHH to maintain registers on media service providers, but these registers do not, however, contain information on ownership or beneficial ownership of these companies. Direct ownership information is available via the business register. This leads the 2025 MPM to once more consider this a high-risk area
. There has been no change to the system of review of market concentration in the media market
.
There has been no progress to enhance the independence of public service media
. Reports acknowledge that both the Media Act and the Public Service Code enshrine the principle that public service media shall be independent of both government and economic actors and that financing has steadily increased
. However, no legislative or policy changes have been adopted or are planned to address the concerns expressed in relation to the governance of public service media, in particular in relation to government influence. Reports suggest that the organisation and funding structure remain unchanged, maintaining its opacity and complexity
. As a consequence, the 2025 MPM has maintained its very high-risk score for this area based on its findings, among others, that ‘Hungarian public service media is financially dependent on the governing majority in Parliament, is controlled by political interests, and is seen as extremely biased in its reporting’
. There has thus been no progress on the recommendations made in previous years.
While the accelerated treatment of court cases related to access to information continues, the scope of access to information remains limited especially as regards public funding. The short procedural deadlines introduced in 2023 have continued to prompt accelerated litigation in cases of access to information of public interest. Restrictions to freedom of information introduced in 2023 and 2024 remain in place
. The National Assembly has still not implemented a 2020 decision of the Constitutional Court requiring legislative amendments to establish effective judicial protection in case of freedom of information requests related to public funds, addressed to the recipients of such funds
. The enforcement of court orders granting access to documents remains a challenge
. At the same time, public access to anonymised official documents of a file in administrative proceedings has been removed by a precedent decision of the Kúria
. As regards proactive disclosure, in December 2024, an omnibus law broadened the scope of entities that are required to publish data in the Central Public Data Information Register
. While this is a step forward, entities managing significant amounts of public funding, such as state-owned companies
, public interest trusts and the Hungarian National Bank and its trusts are not required to publish data in the Register. In addition, many public interest trusts fail to comply with the Freedom of Information Act as they do not operate a website, their founding documents are not publicly available, and they do not publicly disclose data related to their activities. The Media Pluralism Monitor considers this to be an area presenting very high risk
. Hungary has ratified the Council of Europe Convention on Access to Official Documents
.
Pressure on journalists and other media professionals has increased, as they continue to encounter numerous and serious challenges to their work. While stakeholders point out that physical attacks against journalists are very rare in Hungary, they draw attention to the prevalence of smear campaigns and derogatory statements against journalists
. Some stakeholders report that access to public interest events and government press conferences continues to be denied on a selective basis and that inquiries from the press often go unanswered
. With the investigative activities carried out by the Sovereignty Protection Office into alleged ‘foreign funding’, pressure on independent journalists and media outlets has increased
. The 2025 MPM continues to consider the safety of journalists to be an area presenting medium risk
. The Council of Europe’s Platform to promote the protection of journalism and safety of journalists registered five new alerts relating to, respectively, an investigative outlet accused on engaging in foreign influence and espionage by the Sovereignty Protection Office; two journalists seeking to interview the PM who were obstructed, detained and charged; alerts relating to the Act on Transparency in the Public Sphere and a report claiming that intelligence reports had been drawn up on media outlets and CSOs
. The Mapping Media Freedom monitoring report has flagged thirty-seven alerts, eight of which concern derogatory statements and smear campaigns targeting journalists; seven of which relate to refusal of accreditation, information or access to political events and six of which are linked to the operation of the Sovereignty Protection Office
.
IV.Other Institutional Issues related to Checks and Balances
The Government continues to use its emergency powers extensively, undermining legal certainty and affecting the operation of businesses in the single market. The Government further extended until 14 November 2025 the ‘state of danger’ declared on 25 May 2022 ‘in view of the armed conflict and humanitarian catastrophe in Ukraine and with a view to averting their impact on Hungary’
. In this way, the Government can override Acts of Parliament. Several emergency measures adopted in the reporting period have an impact on the business environment and do not seem to be related to the ‘state of danger’
. The Constitutional Court examined various emergency measures in 14 cases in 2024. Stakeholders reported that the extensive and prolonged use of the Government’s emergency powers has undermined legal certainty
. The Fifteenth Amendment to the Fundamental Law changes the constitutional rules on the ‘state of danger’ as of 1 January 2026. As a result, setting aside any law through a government decree will require prior parliamentary authorisation. The constitutional rules (introduced in 2022), according to which the initial length of the ‘state of danger’ is 30 days and an extension by the Government requires parliamentary authorisation, remain unchanged. An amendment
adopted on 14 April 2025 clarifies that the parliamentary authorisation to extend the ‘state of danger’ or to set aside any law through a government decree cannot be requested for a period longer than six months.
The law-making process remains a serious source of concern, with certain important legislative processes not being linked to public consultation requirements. Almost 90% of the draft laws were adopted at the initiative of the Government, the vast majority of which (90-92%) were submitted to Parliament after public consultation. Nevertheless, public consultation requirements do not apply with certain important legislative drafts introduced directly by individual members of Parliament or parliamentary committees. Examples include amendments to the Fundamental Law
or legislation with impact on fundamental rights and EU law
. The Government has continued its practice to include only technical amendments in draft laws and then introduce new and substantive amendments in the bill at a very late stage in the legislative process, through the Committee on Legislation, just before the final vote in Parliament
. In this way, a regular parliamentary debate and public consultation are avoided. Also, frequent changes of key laws continue to weaken legal certainty and negatively affect the business environment. For instance, last year, the National Assembly and – through emergency measures – the Government, amended 37 times Hungary’s central budget for 2024.
Less than half of the companies surveyed in Hungary express high levels of confidence in the effectiveness of investment protection. 46% of companies are very or fairly confident that investments are protected by law and courts
. The main reasons among companies for their lack of confidence are the frequent changes in legislation or concerns about quality of the law-making process (32%)
. 37% of companies perceive the level of independence of the national competition authority (Competition Authority) as very or fairly good
. A limited number of judicial mechanisms are in place at the level of the Kúria to ensure the implementation of administrative court judgments, which include the possibility to quash administrative decisions for continued non-compliance with the court’s instructions. However, these mechanisms do not include disciplinary actions against the responsible officials or the possibility to award direct or consequential damages or compensation
.
Foreign companies, including from other EU Member States, operating in strategic sectors face intensified regulatory pressure from state action. Stakeholders report the continued existence of visible patterns in legislation that cumulatively and significantly damage the financial base for certain foreign investors, including from other EU Member States, leading to de-investment. This is done through tailor-made special taxes (e.g. in the financial, energy and building materials sectors
), unpredictable and excessive administrative fines, restrictions on companies’ expansion strategies, export restrictions
and the nationalisation of typical company assets/logistics
. In the retail sector, specific building regulations continue to restrict access to the Hungarian market and special taxes are combined with measures directly or indirectly imposing product price restrictions with the effect that foreign companies are de facto discriminated against
. On 12 September 2024, the Court of Justice found that measures requiring fixed prices and sales obligations for certain agricultural products by a government decree introduced under the ‘state of danger’ imposed significant restrictions which were not justified or proportionate, and therefore were incompatible with EU law
. Despite that ruling, Hungary has not yet amended the legal framework and discriminatory product price restrictions affecting foreign companies continue to be applied
. On 3 October 2024, the Commission opened infringement proceedings against Hungary for failing to bring its retail tax regime in line with the freedom of establishment guaranteed by EU law considering that the regime disproportionally burdens larger foreign companies
.
The possibility for the Government to interfere with the application of merger control rules continues to create legal uncertainty. The Government can still declare certain mergers and acquisitions to be of ‘strategic importance for the national economy’
. Such transactions do not need to be notified to the Competition Authority which consequently cannot perform its control function. Such Government decrees are not subject to judicial review
and increase legal uncertainty for both domestic and foreign companies. This practice has enabled the implementation of a nationalisation strategy in key sectors, such as energy, media and telecommunication.
Institutional checks and balances remain weak. The Constitutional Court, composed of members elected by the National Assembly without the involvement of the judiciary, still reviews the merits of final rulings of ordinary courts in politically sensitive cases
. On 20 May 2025, the National Assembly elected its Deputy Speaker and the Prosecutor General to the Constitutional Court. The Constitutional Court does not have a case allocation scheme and is not bound by procedural deadlines when hearing constitutional complaints
. Concerns regarding the independence and effective functioning of the Commissioner for Fundamental Rights remain
. Stakeholders have also expressed concerns about the impartiality of the State Audit Office, which has imposed severe fines on opposition parties because of campaign financing practices and not investigating similar practices of the governing parties
. Similar concerns have also been expressed in relation to the Competition Authority and the Public Procurement Authority which are seen as selectively applying the rules
.
Concerns related to the absence of procedural safeguards and effective oversight in case of secret surveillance measures outside criminal proceedings have not been addressed
. The execution of relevant judgments of the European Court of Human Rights is still pending
. On 12 June 2025, the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe urged the Hungarian authorities to adopt measures required to bring the domestic legislation on secret surveillance for national security purposes fully and effectively in line with the Convention requirements. In a new judgment of 28 November 2024 related to the wiretapping of a journalist, the European Court of Human Rights found that there had been no adequate procedural safeguards in place for the applicant to challenge the alleged use of secret surveillance against her with a view to discovering her journalistic sources
. In previous cases of journalists allegedly targeted by the Pegasus spyware, the National Data Protection and Freedom of Information Authority found no proof that the bodies authorised to conduct secret surveillance would have used the spyware for any purpose other than the discharge of the duties specified by law and those specified by the company providing the spyware (prevention and detection of criminal acts and acts of terrorism)
.
On 1 January 2025, Hungary had 47 leading judgments of the European Court of Human Rights pending implementation, an increase of 2 compared to the previous year
. At that time, Hungary’s rate of leading judgments from the past 10 years that had been implemented was at 26% (compared to 24% in 2024; 74% remained pending), and the average time that the judgments had been pending implementation was 6 years and 6 months (compared to 6 years and 2 months in 2024)
. The oldest leading judgment, pending implementation for more than 15 years, concerns the violation of the right to freedom of assembly
. As regards the respect of payment deadlines, on 31 December 2024 there were 32 cases in total awaiting confirmation of payments (compared to 47 in 2023)
. On 16 June 2025, the number of leading judgments pending implementation had increased to 52
.
A deteriorating environment for civil society organisations and legal uncertainty further obstruct civic space
. The space for civil society continues to be rated as ‘obstructed’
. A new law moves the register of civil society organisations (CSOs) from the courts to a central administrative authority as of 1 January 2027. Stakeholders report that government attacks on independent CSOs have continued
. On 3 October 2024, the Commission decided to refer Hungary to the Court of Justice over the Protection of National Sovereignty Law
. The Sovereignty Protection Office started several investigations concerning various civil society organisations, notably anti-corruption CSOs
, including those receiving EU funds. In some of these reports, the Office labelled the activities of several Commission intermediaries tasked with the disbursement of the EU’s Citizens Equality Rights and Values (CERV) programme as carrying ‘a serious sovereignty risk’
. On 13 May 2025, a draft law ‘on transparency in public life’ was tabled in the National Assembly. On 4 June 2025, it was announced that the parliamentary work on this draft law would be postponed to the autumn session. The draft law increases the powers of the Sovereignty Protection Office, introducing significant consequences for the activities of civil society organisations, media outlets and other entities within its scope, and considerably restricts their access to funding. In particular, the investigations of the Office would serve as the basis for a government decree listing entities whose activities are qualified as endangering ‘Hungary’s sovereignty through influence on public life’
. The draft law sparked protest from independent media outlets and civil society organisations, which deem it serves to restrict critical voices in Hungary
. The Commission has voiced its serious concerns about this draft law with the Hungarian authorities
. Recent amendments to legislation and the Constitution, as well as their application in practice resulted in legal uncertainty for the organisers and participants of public assemblies aimed at promoting equality and diversity. Stakeholders note that the distribution of public funding continues to be uneven
, untransparent, privileging government-aligned organisations against CSOs critical of government policies, which are not able to secure public funding in Hungary
. Overall, no progress has been made on the recommendation and the situation has instead further deteriorated.
Annex I: List of sources in alphabetical order*
* The list of contributions received in the context of the consultation for the 2025 Rule of Law Report can be found at
https://commission.europa.eu/publications/2025-rule-law-report-targeted-stakeholder-consultation_en
.
24.hu (2024), Scandal in court: security guards led out the main accused of corruption in the Ministry of Finance (Botrány a bíróságon: biztonsági őrök vezették ki a pénzügyminisztériumi korrupció fővádlottját),
https://24.hu/belfold/2024/10/21/varga-mihaly-penzugyminiszterium-korrupcio-vesztegetes-volt-helyettes-allamtitkar-karsai-tamas-palkovics-laszlo-barta-eke-gyula-eu-palyazat-kenopenz-miniszterelnokseg-birosag-elokeszito-ules/
Amnesty International Hungary, Hungarian Civil Liberties Union, Hungarian Helsinki Committee, K-Monitor, Mérték Media Monitor, Ökotárs – Hungarian Environmental Partnership Foundation, Political Capital, Transparency International Hungary (2024), Contribution for the 2024 Rule of Law Report,
https://www.amnesty.hu/hungarian-csos-contribute-to-the-european-commissions-2024-rule-of-law-report/
.
Amnesty International Hungary, Hungarian Civil Liberties Union, Hungarian Helsinki Committee, K-Monitor, Mérték Media Monitor, Ökotárs – Hungarian Environmental Partnership Foundation, Political Capital, Transparency International Hungary (2025), Contribution for the 2025 Rule of Law Report,
https://transparency.hu/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/HUN_CSO_contribution_EC_RoL_Report_2025.pdf
.
Anti-Corruption Task Force (2025), Minutes of the Anti-Corruption Task Force Meeting (Jegyzőkönyv),
https://kemcs.hu/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/KEMCS_jegyzokonyv_20250312.pdf
.
Átlátszó (2024), Investigative Outlet Átlátszó Accused of Foreign Influence and Espionage,
https://fom.coe.int/en/alerte/detail/107641772
.
Átlátszó (2025), The Anti-Corruption Task Force has not adopted an annual report. (Nincs elfogadott éves jelentése a Korrupcióellenes Munkacsoportnak),
https://atlatszo.hu/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/KEMCS_civil_sajtokozlemeny_20250502.pdf
.
Bertelsmann Stiftung (2024), Transformation Index: Hungary Country Report,
https://bti-project.org/fileadmin/api/content/en/downloads/reports/country_report_2024_HUN.pdf
.
Budapest Regional Court (2025), Two former Deputy State Secretaries sentenced to prison for accepting bribes (Vesztegetés elfogadása miatt börtönbüntetésre ítéltek két volt helyettes államtitkárt),
https://birosag.hu/aktualis-kozlemenyek/fovarosi-torvenyszek-vesztegetes-elfogadasa-miatt-bortonbuntetesre-iteltek-ket-volt-helyettes
CCBE (2025), Contribution for the 2025 Rule of Law Report.
https://ccbe.eu/fileadmin/speciality_distribution/public/documents/ROL/EN_ROL_20250227_CCBE-Contribution-for-the-2025-Rule-of-Law-Report.pdf
.
Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom (2025), Media Pluralism Monitor 2025, Country report for Hungary,
https://cmpf.eui.eu/projects/media-pluralism-monitor/
.
Civil Liberties Union for Europe (2025), Rule of Law Report, Hungary,
https://www.liberties.eu/f/vdxw3e
.
Court of Justice, judgment of 6 March 2025, C-155/23, Commission v Hungary (Directive lanceurs d’alerte), EU:C:2025:151.
Court of Justice, judgment 6 March 2025 in joined cases C-647/21, C-648/21, D. K. (Dessaisissement d’un juge), EU:C:2025:143.
Court of Justice, judgment of 25 February 2025, C-146/23 and C-374/23, Sąd Rejonowy w Białymstoku, EU:C:2025:109.
Court of Justice, judgment of 12 September 2024, C-557/23, SPAR Magyarország, EU:C:2024:737.
Court of Justice, judgment of 11 January 2024, C-537/22, Global Ink Trade, EU:C:2024:6.
Corruption Research Center Budapest (2023), Fourteen Graphs and Two Tables on the New Trends of Corruption in the Hungarian Public Procurement 2005-2022,
https://www.crcb.eu/?p=3400
.
Corruption Research Center Budapest (2023), The new trends of corruption risks in Hungarian public procurement,
https://www.crcb.eu/?p=3450#:~:text=Lord%20Kelvin-,The%20New%20Trends%20of%20Corruption%20Risk%20in%20Hungarian%20Public,January%201998%20to%20July%202023&text=In%202023%2C%20corruption%20risk%20increased,companies%20with%20no%20political%20ties
.
Corruption Research Center Budapest (2023), White Elephants in Hungary – Lessons of some EU funded projects,
https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4403151
.
Corruption Research Center Budapest (2024), Two Communication Companies in the Hungarian Public Procurement Market 2012-2023,
https://www.crcb.eu/?p=3530
.
Council Implementing Decision (EU) 2022/2506 of 15 December 2022, OJ L 325, 20.12.2022, p. 94–109.
Council of Europe (2003), Recommendation Rec(2003)4 of the Committee of Ministers to member states on common rules against corruption in the funding of political parties and electoral campaigns, 8 April 2003,
https://rm.coe.int/16806cc1f1
.
Council of Europe (2023), Hungary: anti-corruption group calls for measures to prevent corruption in central government and law enforcement,
https://www.coe.int/en/web/portal/-/hungary-anti-corruption-group-calls-for-measures-to-prevent-corruption-in-central-government-and-law-enforcement
.
Council of Europe Platform to promote the protection of journalism and safety of journalists (2025),
https://fom.coe.int/en/accueil
.
Council of Europe (2020), Convention on Access to Official Documents (CETS No. 205),
https://www.coe.int/en/web/conventions/full-list?module=treaty-detail&treatynum=205
.
De Tijd (2024), From searched hotel rooms to chased fraud detectives: Hungary spies on EU institutions (Van doorzochte hotelkamers tot achtervolgde fraudespeurders: Hongarije bespioneert EU-instellingen),
https://www.tijd.be/politiek-economie/europa/algemeen/van-doorzochte-hotelkamers-tot-achtervolgde-fraudespeurders-hongarije-bespioneert-eu-instellingen/10577507.html
Direkt36 (2024), EU Investigators Probing Orbán’s Son-in-Law Surveilled, Sparking Intelligence Agency Infighting,
https://www.direkt36.hu/en/english-eu-investigators-probing-orbans-son-in-law-surveilled-sparking-intelligence-agency-infighting/
.
Direkt36 (2025), The State Audit Office found huge asset losses and other serious problems at the Hungarian National Bank’s foundation, according to a leaked draft report,
https://www.direkt36.hu/en/hatalmas-vagyonvesztest-es-mas-sulyos-problemakat-talalt-az-asz-matolcsyek-alapitvanyanal-a-kiszivargott-jelentestervezet-szerint/
.
European Network of Councils for the Judiciary (ENCJ) (2025), The situation in Hungary
https://pgwrk-websitemedia.s3.eu-west-1.amazonaws.com/production/pwk-web-encj2017-p/Final%20statement%20Hungary%2021%2002%202025.pdf
.
European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (2025), Media Freedom Rapid Response – Hungary,
https://www.mfrr.eu/
.
European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (2025), Hungary: Foreign funding bill poses most serious threat to independent media in years,
https://www.ecpmf.eu/hungary-foreign-funding-bill-poses-most-serious-threat-to-independent-media-in-years/
.
European Commission, Decision C(2024) 9140 final of 16 December 2024,
https://commission.europa.eu/document/download/8003e1ad-8e79-4238-bf76-af1fcd2b5efe_en?filename=20241216%20Decision%20on%20PITs%20notification%20-%20EN.pdf
.
European Court of Human Rights, judgment of 28 November 2024, application no. 31091/16, Klaudia Csikós v Hungary.
European Court of Human Rights, judgment of 29 September 2022, application no. 58032/16, Hüttl v Hungary.
European Court of Human Rights, judgment of 23 June 2016, application no. 20261/12, Baka v Hungary.
European Court of Human Rights, judgment of 12 January 2016, application no. 37138/14, Szabó and Vissy v Hungary.
European Court of Human Rights, judgment of 16 July 2015, application no. 48322/12, Gazsó v Hungary.
European Court of Human Rights, judgment of 26 May 2009, application no. 31475/05, Kenedi v Hungary.
European Court of Human Rights, judgment of 7 October 2008, application no. 5529/05, Patyi and Others v Hungary.
G7.hu (2024), The state has spent HUF 1360 billion on Rogán’s communication since 2015 (1360 milliárdot költött az állam a Rogán-féle kommunikációra 2015 óta),
https://g7.hu/kozelet/20240219/1360-milliardot-koltott-az-allam-a-rogan-fele-kommunikaciora-2015-ota/
.
General Court of the European Union, judgment of 27 June 2019, Hungary v Commission, case T-138/25, EU:T:2019:448.
GRECO (2019), Third Evaluation Round – Second Addendum to the Second Compliance Report on Hungary on incriminations and transparency of party funding (1 August 2019),
https://rm.coe.int/third-evaluation-round-second-addendum-to-the-second-compliance-report/168096947e
.
GRECO (2022), Fourth Evaluation Round – Third Interim Compliance Report, (8 September 2022),
https://rm.coe.int/fourth-evaluation-round-corruption-prevention-in-respect-of-members-of/1680a7f171
.
GRECO (2023a), Fifth Evaluation Round – Evaluation Report on Hungary on preventing corruption and promoting integrity in central governments (top executive functions) and law enforcement agencies (9 June 2023),
https://rm.coe.int/fifth-evaluation-round-preventing-corruption-and-promoting-integrity-i/1680ab87f5
.
GRECO (2023b), Fourth Evaluation Round – Fourth Interim Compliance Report on Hungary on corruption prevention in respect of members of parliament, judges and prosecutors (9 June 2023),
https://rm.coe.int/fourth-evaluation-round-corruption-prevention-in-respect-of-members-of/1680ab87f1
.
Háttér Society, Amnesty International Hungary, Hungarian Helsinki Committee, Polgár Foundation, Street Lawyer, Hungarian Civil Liberties Union (2025), Persisting failure to step up for human rights - Background paper on Hungary’s national human rights institution,
https://helsinki.hu/en/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2025/06/HU_NHRI_assessment_June2025.pdf
.
Hungarian Association of Judges (MABIE) (2025), Contribution for the 2025 Rule of Law Report.
Hungarian Civil Liberties Union (2025), Contribution for the 2025 Rule of Law Report.
Hungarian Government (2024), Government Decision 1025/2024 of 14 February 2024 on the adoption of the medium-term National Anti-Corruption Strategy for 2024-2025,
https://korrupciomegelozes.kormany.hu/strategiai-dokumentumok1
.
Hungarian Helsinki Committee (2025a), Contribution for the 2025 Rule of Law Report.
Hungarian Helsinki Committee (2025b), Operation Starve and Strangle: Hungary’s proposed “Transparency” Law threatens core European democratic values and attacks independent civil society and media organisations,
https://helsinki.hu/en/operation-starve-and-strangle-2025/
.
Hungarian Helsinki Committee (2025c), He was fired because he stood up for the public interest, but he won’t let himself go (Kirúgták, mert kiállt a közérdekért, de nem hagyja magát), 13 January 2025,
https://helsinki.hu/kirugtak-kiallt-a-kozerdekert-batonyi-peter/
.
Hungarian Helsinki Committee (2025d), The Kúria President broke the law when he overstepped his authority (Törvényt sértett a Kúria elnöke, amikor túllépett hatáskörén),
https://helsinki.hu/torvenyt-sertett-a-kuria-elnoke-amikor-tullepett-hataskoren/
https://helsinki.hu/torvenyt-sertett-a-kuria-elnoke-amikor-tullepett-hataskoren/
.
Hungary Today (2025), Government Challenges European Commission Decision on Universities in EU Court,
https://hungarytoday.hu/government-challenges-european-commission-decision-on-universities-in-eu-court/
.
HVG.HU (2025), We did not get special treatment for free - the Kúria President’s New Year’s message was telling (A kiemelt bánásmódot nem ingyen kaptuk – sokatmondó volt a Kúria-elnök újévi köszöntője),
https://hvg.hu/itthon/20250104_kuria-birok-kiemelt-banasmod-fizetesemeles-Varga-Zs-Andras-ujevi-koszonto-ebx
.
Institut für Europäische Politik (2024), German Companies in Hungary. To adapt, endure, or engage?,
https://iep-berlin.de/site/assets/files/3853/iep_study_germancompaniesinhungary-1.pdf
.
Integrity Authority (2023a), The position of the Integrity Authority regarding the Government’s answer (Az Integritás Hatóság álláspontja a Kormány válaszaival kapcsolatban),
https://integritashatosag.hu/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/Integritas_Hatosag_osszegzes_Kormanyvalaszokra_20231206.pdf
.
Integrity Authority (2023b), Ad-hoc report on asset declarations (Vagyonnyilatkozatokról szóló eseti jelentés),
https://integritashatosag.hu/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/Integritas_Hatosag_Vagyonnyilatkozatok_Eseti_Jelentes_2023-1.pdf
.
Integrity Authority (2023c), 2022 Annual Analytical Report,
https://integritashatosag.hu/wp-content/uploads/2023/06/Integritas_Hatosag_Eves_Elemzo_Integritasjelentes_20220629.pdf
https://integritashatosag.hu/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/Annual-Analytical-Integrity-Report-2022-ENG.pdf
.
Integrity Autjority (2023d), Integrity Risk Assessment Report of the Hungarian Public Procurement System,
https://integritashatosag.hu/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/integrity-authority-integrity-risk-assessment-report-310323.pdf
.
Integrity Authority (2024a), Conclusion of inquiry III_86_2023 – modernisation of cattle farm (III_86_2023. sz. vizsgálat lezárása – szarvasmarhatelep korszerűsítése),
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.
Integrity Authority (2024b), Annual Report to the Hungarian National Assembly 2023 ,
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.
Integrity Authority (2024c), Annual Analytical Report 2023,
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.
Integrity Authority (2024d), Closing of investigation no. VIZSG_27_2023 – abuse involving funds for fishponds in Nógrád County,
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.
Integrity Authority (2024e), Closing of investigation no. VIZSG/3/2023 – overpricing of the Operational Programme for Supporting Socially Disadvantaged Persons (RSZTOP),
https://integritashatosag.hu/en/case/closing-of-investigation-no-vizsg-3-2023-overpricing-of-the-operational-programme-for-supporting-socially-disadvantaged-persons-rsztop/
.
Integrity Authority (2025a), 2024 Annual Report to the Hungarian Parliament,
https://integritashatosag.hu/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/integrity-authority-hungary-2024-annual-report-to-the-hungarian-parliament-1.pdf
.
Integrity Authority (2025b), Closing of investigation no. VIZSG_11_2024 – cases of misuse in six Somlószőlős projects,
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.
Integrity Authority (2025c), Integrity risk assessment report of the Hungarian public procurement system,
https://integritashatosag.hu/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/Integrity-Risk-Assessment-Report-of-the-Hungarian-Public-Procurement-System-2023.pdf
.
International Federation of Journalists (2025), Hungary: Foreign Agent bill targets independent media and NGOs
https://www.ifj.org/media-centre/news/detail/category/europe/article/hungary-foreign-agent-bill-targets-independent-media-and-ngos
.
International Press Institute (IPI) (2025): Media Capture Monitoring Report,
Media Capture Monitoring Report: Hungary – ipi.media
.
K-Monitor (2023), Hungarian MP’s Assets: Less Declared and Still not Monitored,
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.
K-Monitor and Transparency International Hungary (2024), Special report on the 2023 Anti-Corruption Task Force Report: Current issues in the fight against corruption in Hungary,
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.
Kúria (2025a), The appointment of the Vice-Presidents of the Kúria fully complied with the law (A Kúria elnökhelyetteseinek kinevezése maradéktalanul megfelelt a törvény előírásainak)
https://kuria-birosag.hu/hu/sajto/kuria-elnokhelyetteseinek-kinevezese-maradektalanul-megfelelt-torveny-eloirasainak
.
Kúria (2025b), The Kúria President’s letter in reply to the press release of the National Judicial Council and the President of the National Office for the Judiciary (A Kúria elnökének válaszlevele az Országos Bírói Tanács és az Országos Bírósági Hivatal elnökének közleményére),
https://kuria-birosag.hu/hu/sajto/kuria-elnokenek-valaszlevele-az-orszagos-biroi-tanacs-es-az-orszagos-birosagi-hivatal
.
Kúria (2025c), Contribution for the 2025 Rule of Law Report.
Lakmusz (2024), How does anyone who is not a friend of Fidesz become a ‘leftist’?,
https://www.lakmusz.hu/hogy-lesz-barkibol-baloldali-aki-nem-a-fidesz-baratja-2/
.
Magyar Nemzet (2025), Pressman’s Favorite Judge Releases Drug Lab Suspects,
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.
MEDEL (2025), Contribution for the 2025 Rule of Law Report.
Media1 (2024), ‘Hacked’ public procurement: The Integrity Authority has taken legal action in the case involving New Land Media,
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.
Ministry of Interior (2025), Monitoring Support Matrix serving as the basis for the monitoring activity of monitoring committee of the National Anti-Corruption Strategy for 2024-2025 (A 2024-2025 közötti időszakra szóló Nemzeti Korrupcióellenes Stratégia Monitoring Bizottság monitoring tevékenysége alapját képező Monitoring Támogató Mátrix),
https://korrupciomegelozes.kormany.hu/strategiai-dokumentumok1
.
National Data Protection and Freedom of Information Authority (2022), Findings of the investigation of the Nemzeti Adatvédelmi és Információszabadság Hatóság launched ex officio concerning the application of the ‘Pegasus’ spyware in Hungary,
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.
National Judicial Council (2024), Statement of 19 December 2024,
https://obt-jud.hu/hu/birosagi-szervezetrendszer-reformjaval-kapcsolatos-jogalkotasi-folyamatrol
.
National Judicial Council (2024), Verbatim minutes of the 11 December 2024 meeting,
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.
National Judicial Council (2025a), The NJC President’s letter to the European Commission, dated 23 May 2025
https://obt-jud.hu/sites/default/files/sajtokozlemenyek-mellekletek/Letter-to-Mr-McGrath.pdf
National Judicial Council (2025b), Comments on the proposal to amend justice-related laws (Észrevételek az igazságügyi tárgyú törvények módosításáról szóló javaslathoz)
https://obt-jud.hu/sites/default/files/sajtokozlemenyek-mellekletek/Eszrevetelek-OBT-20250422.pdf
OECD (2021), Implementing the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention, Phase 4 Two-Year Follow-Up Report: Hungary
https://www.oecd.org/daf/anti-bribery/hungary-phase-4-follow-up-report.pdf
.
OECD (2023a), A strategic approach to public integrity in Hungary: The 2023-2025 National Anti-Corruption Strategy and Action Plan,
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OECD (2023b), Implementing the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention, Phase 4 Evaluation of Hungary: additional written follow-up report,
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.
OECD (2023c), Government at a Glance 2023: Hungary,
https://www.oecd.org/en/publications/government-at-a-glance-2023_c4200b14-en/hungary_dacc7f00-en.html
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OECD (2023d), OECD Working Group on Bribery public statement on Hungary,
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OECD (2024a), OECD Working Group on Bribery cancels High-Level Mission to Hungary,
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OECD (2024b), OECD Economic Surveys: Hungary 2024,
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OSCE ODIHR (2022), Hungary Parliamentary Elections and Referendum - 3 April 2022 - ODIHR Election Observation Mission Final Report
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OSCE ODIHR and Venice Commission (2020), Guidelines on Political Party Regulation, Second Edition
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.
Ost-Ausschuss der Deutschen Wirtschaft – German Eastern Business Association (2025), Contribution for the 2025 Rule of Law Report.
Prosecutor’s office (2024), Indictment in a case related to tender grants obtained through corruption – with video – press release of the Central Chief Investigating Prosecution Office (Vádemelés a korrupció útján szerzett pályázati támogatások ügyében- videóval - a Központi Nyomozó Főügyészség sajtóközleménye),
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.
Res Iudicata - Judges for Social Awareness Association (2025), Contribution for the 2025 Rule of Law Report.
Reuters (2024), Hungary prosecutors probe graft case tape leaked by former government insider,
https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/hungary-prosecutors-probe-graft-case-tape-leaked-by-former-government-insider-2024-03-28/
.
Reuters (2025), Hungary's opposition rallies as Orban pledges crackdown on media, NGOs,
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.
SELDI (2023), Bridges to nowhere – State Capture and Corruption Risks in Fiscal Transfers and Public Procurement at the Local Level in Southeast Europe,
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.
Service courts (2025), Statement of 14 January 2025,
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.
Sovereignty Protection Office (2024), The impact of the activities of Ökotárs on Hungarian sovereignty,
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.
Sovereignty Protection Office (2025), The European Commission’s CERV Programme – This is how Brussels turned on the money tap to fund the Soros network (Az Európai Bizottság CERV Programja - Így nyitotta meg Brüsszel a pénzcsapot a Soros-hálózat finanszírozására)
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Sovereignty Protection Office (2024), Reply to ACTF Resolution No. 17/2024 (IX.17.) (Válasz a KEMCS 17/2024. (IX.17.) sz. határozatára),
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.
State Audit Office (2025), 25035 - SUMMARY of the Audit Report on the management of the Pallas Athéné Domus Meriti Foundation,
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.
State Audit Office (2025), 25036 - SUMMARY of the Audit Report of the Neumann János University Foundation,
https://www.asz.hu/files/NJE_summary_EN.pdf
.
State Audit Office (2025), 25038 - SUMMARY of the Audit Report of the National Bank of Hungary,
https://www.asz.hu/files/MNB_summary_EN.pdf
.
Szabad Európa (2024), Overpricing is only one of the tricks – this is how Gyula Balásy gets all state orders (A túlárazás csak az egyik trükk – így tarol Balásy Gyula az állami megrendeléseken),
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.
Szabad Európa (2025), Fidesz is again inciting against judges, attacking them personally and for their judgments (Újra a bírók ellen hangol a Fidesz, személyükben és ítéletek miatt támadja őket)
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Telex (2024), Former Justice Minister’s ex-husband releases recording he claims proof of high-level involvement in corruption case,
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Transparency International (2022), Exporting Corruption,
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Transparency International Hungary (2022), Orban’s Fidesz to overspend in Hungary’s election campaign
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Transparency International Hungary (2023), We invite the SAO to investigate campaign spending (A kampányköltések vizsgálatára kérjük az ÁSZ-t),
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.
Transparency International Hungary (2024), Owners of multi-billion-forint private equity funds must reveal their identity,
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.
Transparency International (2025), Corruption Perceptions Index 2024,
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.
Ügyvédkör (2025), Contribution for the 2025 Rule of Law Report.
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Verfassungsblog (2025), Targeting Disciplinary Courts - Why Hungary Is on the Verge of a Full-scale Judicial Capture,
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.
WKÖ – Austrian Federal Economic Chamber (2025), Contribution for the 2025 Rule of Law Report.
National legislation:
Act XLVIII of 1993 on mining (‘the Mining Law’)
Act on XXXIV of 1994 on Police (‘the Police Act’)
Act CXXV of 1995 on national security services (‘the National Security Act’)
Act LVII of 1996 on the prohibition of unfair trading practices and unfair competition (‘the Competition Act’)
Act CLXXXV of 2010 on media services and on the mass media (‘the Media Act’)
Act CXCV of 2011 on public finances (‘the Public Finances Act’)
Act CXII of 2011 on the right of informational self-determination and freedom of information (‘the Freedom of Information Act’)
Act CLI of 2011 on the Constitutional Court (‘the Constitutional Court Act’)
Act CLXI of 2011 on the organisation and administration of courts (‘the Organisation and Administration of Courts Act’)
Act CLXII of 2011 on the legal status and remuneration of judges (‘the Legal Status and Remuneration of Judges Act’)
Act CLXIV of 2011 on the status of the prosecutor general, prosecutors and other prosecution employees and the prosecution career of Hungary (‘the Legal Status of Prosecutors Act’)
Act CXXX of 2016 on civil procedure (‘the Civil Procedure Code’)
Act I of 2017 on administrative court procedure (‘the Code of Administrative Court Procedure’)
Act XC of 2017 on criminal procedure (‘the Criminal Procedure Code’)
Act LV of 2018 on freedom of assembly (‘the Freedom of Assembly Act’)
Act XCIII of 2021 on the coordination of defence and security activities
Act LV of 2023 on Hungary’s central budget for the year 2024
Act LXXXVIII of 2023 on the protection of national sovereignty (‘the Protection of National Sovereignty Law’)
Act LXXXV of 2024 amending certain laws for deregulation in the interests of legal competitiveness (‘the Legal Competitiveness Act’)
Act V 2025 amending certain rules in relation to the Fifteenth Amendment
Act XX of 2025 amending certain laws in relation to the obligation of members of the European Parliament to submit asset declarations
Annex II: Country visit to Hungary
The Commission services held virtual meetings in February 2025 with:
·Amnesty International Hungary
·Átlátszó
·Bea Bodrogi lawyer, media expert
·Buda Central District Court
·Corruption Research Center Budapest
·ELTE Media Department
·Hungarian Association of Journalists (MÚOSZ)
·Hungarian Association of Judges (MABIE)
·Hungarian Bar Association (MÜK)
·Hungarian Civil Liberties Union (TASZ)
·Hungarian Helsinki Committee
·IntegrityAuthority
·K-Monitor
·Kúria (Supreme Court)
·Mérték Media Monitor
·Ministry for European Affairs
·Ministry of Finance
·Ministry of Interior
·Ministry of Justice
·National Assembly (Országgyűlés)
·National Data Protection and Freedom of Information Authority (NAIH)
·National Judicial Council (OBT)
·National Office for the Judiciary (OBH)
·Office of the Commissioner for Fundamental Rights
·Prosecution Service of Hungary
·Res Iudicata - Judges for Social Awareness Association
·State Audit Office (Állami Számvevőszék)
·Transparency International Hungary
* The Commission also met the following organisations in a number of horizontal meetings:
·Amnesty International
·Araminta
·Civil Liberties Union for Europe
·Civil Society Europe
·European Civic Forum
·European Partnership for Democracy
·European Youth Forum,
·International Commission of Jurists
·International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
·JEF Europe
·Philea – Philanthropy Europe Association.
·Transparency International