EUROPEAN COMMISSION
Brussels, 5.7.2023
SWD(2023) 817 final
COMMISSION STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT
2023 Rule of Law Report
Country Chapter on the rule of law situation in Hungary
Accompanying the document
COMMUNICATION FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT, THE COUNCIL, THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COMMITTEE AND THE COMMITTEE OF THE REGIONS
2023 Rule of Law Report
The rule of law situation in the European Union
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Abstract
Legislative reforms have been adopted, aimed at addressing the justice-related recommendations of the 2022 Rule of Law Report, the relevant country-specific recommendation issued by the Council under the European Semester and the related commitments in Hungary’s Recovery and Resilience Plan, and some of the concerns expressed under the Article 7(1) TEU procedure initiated by the European Parliament. A strengthened role for the National Judicial Council will allow it to counter-balance the powers of the President of the National Office for the Judiciary, also as regards the career of judges. The new rules on the Supreme Court will contribute to the transparency of its functioning and will decrease the possibility of political interference. The Supreme Court will no longer be able to review the necessity of preliminary references in criminal proceedings, in line with EU law requirements. However, as regards lower courts, the lack of transparency of case allocations is a source of concern. The justice system performs very well as regards the length of proceedings and has an overall high level of digitalisation.
Hungary is introducing a number of relevant anti-corruption reforms in response to the EU conditionality procedure, including the preparation of a new National Anti-Corruption Strategy for 2023-2025 and the establishing of the new Integrity Authority to enhance oversight over the spending of EU funds. Prosecutorial decisions not to investigate or prosecute corruption can now be reviewed by court decisions, although such decisions are still not binding. Although some high-level cases reached the indictment and conviction stage, the lack of a robust track record of investigations of corruption allegations concerning high-level officials and their immediate circle remains a serious concern. Only some progress was made relating to asset declarations due to legislative amendments reducing public official’s declaration obligations and the lack of systematic monitoring. No amendments have been introduced to reform lobbying and revolving doors, and shortcomings remain regarding political party and campaign finance. The Council has temporarily suspended budgetary commitments from EU funds under several programmes and has prohibited entering into new legal commitments with Hungarian public interest trusts and entities maintained by them, until further anti-corruption reforms are introduced and enforced.
There have been no developments to address the various challenges to media pluralism highlighted in past Rule of Law Reports. Concerns persist with regard to both the functional independence of the media authority, as well as the editorial and financial independence of public service media. No measures have been adopted or are planned to regulate the channelling of state advertising to media outlets. While there have not been any physical attacks on journalists, smear campaigns have been registered and the deployment of spyware targeting certain investigative journalists and media professionals remains an issue of serious concern. As part of the commitments undertaken in the Recovery and Resilience Plan, a new reform aims to facilitate access to public information and rendered the charging of fees for releasing public information and documents exceptional.
Legal certainty has been undermined by the unpredictable regulatory environment and the extensive and prolonged use of the Government’s emergency powers, also interfering with the operation of businesses in the single market. The practical impact of new rules on formal public consultations remains to be assessed. The Constitutional Court, composed of members elected by Parliament without the involvement of the judiciary, can no longer be seized by public authorities, but can still review final decisions of the ordinary courts. The ineffective implementation by state authorities of the judgments of European courts remains a source of concern. No steps have been taken to remove obstacles affecting civil society organisations, which remain under pressure.
Recommendations
Overall, concerning the recommendations in the 2022 Rule of Law Report, Hungary has (made):
·Fully implemented the recommendation to strengthen the role of the National Judicial Council, while safeguarding its independence, to effectively counter-balance the powers of the President of the National Office for the Judiciary.
·Fully implemented the recommendation to adapt the rules related to the Kúria to remove judicial appointments outside the normal procedure, to strengthen eligibility criteria for the Kúria President, and to strengthen control by judicial bodies over the Kúria President, taking into account European standards, and to remove the possibility of reviewing the necessity of preliminary references, in line with EU law requirements.
·No progress on adopting comprehensive reforms on lobbying and revolving doors, and some progress on strengthening the system of asset declarations, providing for effective oversight and enforcement.
·No progress yet on establishing a robust track record of investigations, prosecutions and final judgments for high-level corruption cases.
·No progress on introducing mechanisms to enhance the functional independence of the media regulator taking into account European standards on the independence of media regulators.
·No progress on strengthening the rules and mechanisms to enhance the independent governance and editorial independence of public service media taking into account European standards on public service media.
·No progress on adopting legislation to ensure fair and transparent distribution of advertising expenditure by the state and state-owned companies.
·No progress on removing obstacles affecting civil society organisations.
On this basis, and considering other developments that took place in the period of reference, in addition to recalling the obligation to comply with the rule of law-related rulings of the ECJ and the rule of law-related infringement procedures referred to in the country chapter, the concerns raised under the conditionality regulation, the relevant concerns raised in the Article 7 TEU procedure initiated by the European Parliament, the commitments made under the national Recovery and Resilience Plan relating to certain aspects of the justice system, the anti-corruption framework and the checks and balances, and recalling the relevant country-specific recommendations under the European Semester, it is recommended to Hungary to:
·Improve the transparency of case allocation systems in lower-instance courts, taking into account European standards on case allocation.
·Adopt comprehensive reforms on lobbying and revolving doors, and further improve the system of asset declarations, providing for effective oversight and enforcement.
·Establish a robust track record of investigations, prosecutions and final judgments for high-level corruption cases.
·Introduce mechanisms to enhance the functional independence of the media regulator taking into account European standards on the independence of media regulators.
·Strengthen the rules and mechanisms to enhance the independent governance and editorial independence of public service media taking into account European standards on public service media.
·Adopt legislation to ensure fair and transparent distribution of advertising expenditure by the state and state-owned companies.
·Foster a safe and enabling civic space and remove obstacles affecting civil society organisations, including by repealing legislation that hampers their capacity of working, in particular the immigration tax.
I.Justice System
Hungary has a four-tier ordinary court system. 114 district courts operate at first instance, while 20 regional courts hear appeals against district court decisions and decide on certain cases at first instance. Five regional appeal courts decide on appeals against decisions of the regional courts. Administrative cases are dealt with by the ordinary courts (the Budapest Regional Appeal Court hears appeals against first-instance decisions of the eight regional courts with an administrative department). The main role of the Supreme Court (Kúria) is to guarantee the uniform application of the law. The Fundamental Law tasks the President of the National Office for the Judiciary (NOJ), elected by Parliament, with the central administration of the courts. The National Judicial Council is an independent body, which, under the Fundamental Law, supervises the NOJ President and participates in the administration of the courts. Since June 2023, it has been vested with legal capacity and budgetary autonomy. Judges are appointed by the President of the Republic following a recommendation of the NOJ President based on a ranking of candidates established by the local judicial councils (composed of judges elected by their peers). The NOJ President cannot deviate from this ranking without the prior consent of the National Judicial Council. In the case of Kúria judges, the recommendation is made by the Kúria President. The Constitutional Court is not part of the ordinary court system. The prosecution service is an independent institution vested with powers to investigate and prosecute crime. The Hungarian Bar Association and the regional bar associations are autonomous self-governing public bodies.
Independence
The level of perceived judicial independence in Hungary has decreased among the general public and continues to be low among companies. Overall, 35% of the general population and 32% of companies perceive the level of independence of courts and judges to be ‘fairly or very good’ in 2023
. According to data in the 2023 EU Justice Scoreboard, no clear trend can be identified in the evolution of the perceived level of independence in the last years. Nevertheless, the perceived judicial independence among the general public has decreased in comparison with 2022 (43%) as well as with 2016 (49%). The perceived judicial independence among companies has slightly increased compared to 2022 (34%), as well as to 2016 (33%).
A new law fully implements the 2022 recommendation, by strengthening the role of the National Judicial Council allowing it to effectively counter-balance the powers of the NOJ President
. The 2022 Rule of Law Report recommended to Hungary to ‘[s]trengthen the role of the National Judicial Council, while safeguarding its independence, to effectively counter-balance the powers of the President of the National Office for the Judiciary’
. In its Recovery and Resilience Plan
Hungary commmitted to a legislative reform of the National Judicial Council
. Hungary adopted a legislative reform
which establishes as of 1 June 2023 stronger powers for the National Judicial Council and ensures that the Council gives a binding opinion on a number of important matters related to the administration of the justice system as regards both individual decisions and general regulations issued by the NOJ President. According to the new law, the National Judicial Council will have access to all documents, information and data related to the administration of courts. It will need to be consulted on legislative proposals affecting the justice system and will be able to propose to the Government to initiate new legislation on the same matters. The reform also aims at ensuring that the National Judicial Council has adequate resources, including staff and offices, to carry out its tasks in an effective manner
. It will have legal capacity and autonomy in disbursement of its budget. Finally, according to the new law, it will be able to seize the competent court and the Constitutional Court to defend its prerogatives and enforce its rights. Therefore, the recommendation made in the 2022 Rule of Law Report has been fully implemented.
The new law aims at limiting the risk of arbitrary decisions as regards the career of judges. The 2022 Rule of Law Report noted that the absence of effective control over the NOJ President increases the possibility of arbitrary decisions as regards the career of judges
. In its Recovery and Resilience Plan
Hungary commmitted to strengthen the role of the National Judicial Council. In 2022, the National Judicial Council found that the Kúria President and the NOJ President had not respected applicable rules when appointing several judges to the bench in 2021
. Moreover, stakeholders reported that the point system applicable to the evaluation of applications for judicial posts favours candidates from the public administration to the disadvantage of candidates with experience on the bench
. The new law will ensure that in the future, the National Judicial Council gives a binding opinion on the regulation laying down the point system for the evaluation of applications for judicial posts and on a series of individual decisions of the NOJ President. Such decisions include (i) the annulment of appointment procedures for judicial and court executive positions
where there is at least one eligible candidate who has been supported by the judges of the given court; (ii) the transfer of judges, including secondments, to another court
; (iii) the removal of judges without their consent from the pool of judges that hear special cases, including administrative cases. A binding opinion of the National Judicial Council is also introduced as regards the suitability
of candidates for the post of President and Vice-President of the NOJ, who can be proposed by the President of the Republic or the President of the NOJ, respectively. A draft legislative proposal has also been prepared by the NOJ President to amend the rules related to the assessment of the suitability for judicial tenure of judges appointed for an initial three-year period. However, it does not include provisions preventing the interruption of the judicial career during the review of the evaluation, raising some concerns as regards effective judicial protection of the judges concerned.
Case allocation in the Kúria is expected to be more transparent following a legislative reform. In its Recovery and Resilience Plan
Hungary committed to amend the rules on the case allocation scheme of the Kúria. Electronically filed cases will be given a case number without human intervention. Cases will be allocated to chambers following pre-established, objective criteria. The bench hearing the case will be composed following an algorithm prescribed in advance. The parties to the proceedings will be able to verify on the basis of the case file whether the rules on case allocation have been duly applied. The judicial council of the Kúria and the departments of judges (‘kollégium’) concerned will give a binding opinion on the case allocation scheme
. The implementing law also fixes the number of judges sitting on the uniformity complaint panels
.
Concerns have been raised regarding the lack of transparency of case allocation in lower courts. The case allocation schemes in the five regional appeal courts, the 20 regional courts and the 114 district courts are established by the court presidents
. The law provides for a wide range of exceptions to the rules without establishing guarantees against their inappropriate application
. European standards require that the allocation of cases within a court follow objective pre-established criteria in order to safeguard the right to an independent and impartial judge
. Stakeholders note that case allocation schemes can be modified at any point of time; according to stakeholders, such modifications are carried out on a regular basis, sometimes even from one day to another
. Also, parties to court proceedings cannot verify the proper application of the scheme or whether there was a derogation from it
. The data of the most recent survey of the European Network of Councils for the Judiciary suggests that one out of five Hungarian judges considers that during the last three years, not all cases have been allocated in accordance with established rules in order to influence the outcome of the particular case
.
A new law fully implements the 2022 recommendation by addressing several concerns related to the functioning of the Kúria. The 2022 Rule of Law Report recommended to Hungary to ‘[a]dapt the rules related to the Kúria to end judicial appointments outside the normal procedure, to strengthen eligibility criteria for the Kúria President, and to strengthen control by judicial bodies over the Kúria President, taking into account European standards’
. In its Recovery and Resilience Plan
Hungary committed to amend the rules on the election of the Kúria President; the rules on the case allocation scheme of the Kúria; and the rules on the functioning of the Kúria to (i) establish stronger powers for the judicial council of the Kúria and the departments of judges (‘kollégium’) concerned, (ii) remove the possibility for members of the Constitutional Court to become judges and then be appointed to the Kúria without following the normal application procedure, and (iii) ensure that the National Judicial Council gives a binding opinion on the suitability of candidates for the posts of President and Vice President of the Kúria
. The reform will equally ensure that the strengthened powers of the National Judicial Council also apply in relation to the Kúria President when acting as appointing authority. Therefore, the recommendation made in the 2022 Rule of Law Report has been fully implemented. These reforms address several long-standing concerns regarding the Kúria. As flagged by the Council of Europe, the lack of an effective oversight by an independent judicial body regarding Parliament’s competence to remove the Kúria President from office
remains a concern. Also, the possibility to maintain the Kúria President in office after the expiry of his/her mandate could expose him/her to undue political influence
.
Smear campaigns continue to exert undue pressure on judges, affecting their freedom of expression. Stakeholders report that in autumn 2022, pro-government media launched smear campaigns against two judges-members of the National Judicial Council
. The National Judicial Council issued a public statement in defence of its members
. On 15 July 2022, the Code of Ethics for Judges, adopted by the National Judicial Council
, came into force. It includes provisions on judges’ freedom of expression when voicing their opinion on the functioning of the justice system. The Kúria President challenged the Code before the Constitutional Court
. On 9 March 2023, the Council of Europe’s Committee of Ministers
called on the Hungarian authorities to implement the Baka
judgment from the European Court of Human Rights, and reiterated the paramount importance, stressed by the Court in its case law, including the Baka judgment, of effective and adequate safeguards against abuse when it comes to restrictions on judges’ freedom of expression.
A new law fully implements the 2022 recommendation by removing the Kúria’s possibility of reviewing the necessity of preliminary references in criminal proceedings, in line with EU law requirements. The 2022 Rule of Law Report recommended to Hungary to ‘remove the possibility of reviewing the necessity of preliminary references, in line with EU law requirements’
. In its Recovery and Resilience Plan
Hungary committed to remove obstacles for courts to independently refer cases for preliminary rulings to the Court of Justice, thereby ensuring compliance with its case law
. Therefore, the recommendation made in the 2022 Rule of Law Report has been fully implemented.
A new law introduced the possibility for judicial review of prosecutorial decisions in corruption cases, reducing the risk of arbitrary decisions. Concerns as regards the discretionary powers of the prosecution service to decide on the investigation and prosecution of cases had been raised in previous reports
. To address them, as of 1 January 2023, a new law provides for judicial review of decisions of the prosecution service not to open or to close an investigation in corruption-related cases. This new judicial review possibility could mitigate the persistent risk of top prosecutors influencing the work of subordinate prosecutors and interfering in individual cases, which is facilitated by the strictly hierarchical architecture of the prosecution service and a lack of internal checks and balances within the prosecution service
. Also, the continued possibility to maintain the Prosecutor General in office after the expiry of his/her mandate could expose him/her to undue political influence
.
Quality
The digitalisation of the justice system continues to be overall high. Hungary ranks very high when it comes to digital solutions to conduct and follow court proceedings in criminal cases and online access to published judgments by the general public
. It also ranks high as regards the use of electronic communication tools by courts and the prosecution service, and the existence of digital solutions to initiate and follow proceedings in civil/commercial and administrative cases
. Moreover, Hungary has good results as regards the promotion of and incentives for using alternative dispute resolution methods
.
Access to justice for vulnerable groups could be improved. There are concerns as regards the level of inclusiveness of the legal aid scheme
. Further specific arrangements could be introduced for access to justice of persons at risk of discrimination and elderly persons and for victims of violence against women/domestic violence
. Training in communication for judges is scarce
.
The impact of earlier salary increases of judges and prosecutors has been adversely affected by high inflation. The three-year salary-increase programme ended in 2022 with judges and prosecutors receiving an average increase of 12%
. At the same time, in 2022, inflation exceeded 15%
in Hungary, significantly impacting the real value of judges’ salaries. The financial situation of judges and court staff has deteriorated, also compared to the significant wage increases in other segments of society
. Stakeholders report that due to low salaries, courts have difficulties with recruiting and retaining non-judicial staff
.
Efficiency
The efficiency in civil and administrative cases remains high
. Hungary performs very well as regards the estimated time needed to resolve litigious civil and commercial cases at all court instances, as well as administrative cases at all court instances
. On 21 March 2023, the European Court of Human Rights confirmed that the 2021 Act on pecuniary compensation for delay in civil proceedings guarantees in principle genuine redress for Convention violations
. A compensation scheme for protracted administrative and criminal proceedings remains to be set up. In January 2023, the Ministry of Justice established a new working group in order to shorten the length of proceedings in those exceptional cases, which are significantly longer than the average
.
II.Anti-Corruption Framework
The Ministry of Interior is responsible for the overall coordination of the anti-corruption policy and oversight over the National Protective Service
. As a law enforcement agency, the National Protective Service is still in charge of crime detection, lifestyle monitoring and integrity testing for staff subordinated to the Ministry of Interior
. However, since May 2022, the Constitution Protection Office as an internal security intelligence agency overseen by the Prime Minister’s Cabinet Office is empowered to carry out integrity tests for all other public officials
. In 2022, Hungary set up an Integrity Authority as a new, independent authority to enhance oversight over the public spending with a focus on EU funds
. A new Anti-Corruption Task Force was set up as a consultative body with the aim of examining existing anti-corruption policies and elaborate new proposals
. The State Audit Office contributes to corruption prevention with its competences for the audit of the financial management of public funds, the monitoring of state-owned companies’ compliance with statutory public disclosure obligations, as well as political party finance and campaign finance audits. As to the repression of corruption, the police can investigate private sector corruption and corruption-related economic crimes. The investigation and prosecution of corruption in the public sector fall under the exclusive competence of the Investigation Division of the Central Chief Prosecution Office of Investigation and its five regional offices. The prosecution service oversees investigations and is supported by the investigative forces of the police and the National Protective Service.
The perception of public sector corruption among experts and the business executives is that the level of corruption in the public sector remains high. In the 2022 Corruption Perceptions Index by Transparency International, Hungary scores 42/100 and ranks 27th in the European Union and 77th globally
. This perception has been relatively stable over the past five years
. The 2023 Special Eurobarometer on Corruption shows that in Hungary, 88% of respondents consider corruption widespread in their country (EU average 70%) and 22% of respondents feel personally affected by corruption in their daily lives (EU average 24%). As regards businesses, 77% of companies in Hungary consider that corruption is widespread (EU average 65%) and 45% consider that corruption is a problem when doing business (EU average 35%). Furthermore, 34% of respondents find that there are enough successful prosecutions to deter people from corrupt practices (EU average 32%)
, while 22% of companies believe that people and businesses caught for bribing a senior official are appropriately punished (EU average 30%)
.
Hungary is introducing a number of anti-corruption reforms in response to the EU conditionality procedure
. To protect the EU budget against corruption and systemic rule of law issues, the Council temporarily suspended EU funding under certain instruments or towards certain entities under Hungarian law
. To remedy the identified breaches in the area of anti-corruption, Hungary is finalising a draft National Anti-Corruption Strategy, established an Anti-Corruption Task Force as well as an Integrity Authority to provide oversight over public procurements that affect the EU’s financial interests. It also adopted legislative reforms on asset declarations and introduced the possibility for the judicial review of prosecutorial decisions. In order to address the remaining concerns identified in this area
, Hungary can at any time notify remedial measures it has taken under the conditionality procedure to demonstrate that the relevant breaches of the principles of the rule of law and/or their effects or risks for the Union budget and the Union’s financial interests have been removed pursuant to the procedure set by the Conditionality Regulation
. Furthermore, no disbursement of funds under the Recovery and Resilience Plan can be made to Hungary until all audit and control milestones, including those related to the key implementation steps of the conditionality procedure are fully and correctly implemented.
Hungary is finalising a new National Anti-Corruption Strategy and Action Plan until 2025
. Hungary committed under the conditionality procedure and its Recovery and Resilience Plan to strengthen its anti-corruption framework
. The draft strategy covers the period from 1 July 2023 to 31 December 2025
. It is intended to be more ambitious than the previous strategy
, as the Government committed to include tasks, such as new ethical standards for high-level officials and a sanctioning regime for non-compliance with asset declaration rules. However, the draft strategy does not include a comprehensive, strategic approach to corruption. Strategic policy coordination in relevant anti-corruption areas, such as a comprehensive lobbying legislation or political party and campaign financing, as well as measures against high-level corruption are missing from the draft strategy
. Stakeholders pointed to some shortcomings, such as the lack of an evidence-based approach in the development of the strategy
and the lack of a dedicated budget. The low level of public information and visibility of the actions implemented under the previous strategy has reduced the possibilities for public monitoring and oversight
. This should be taken into account for the implementation of the new strategy.
Amendments to Hungary’s criminal procedural law were introduced to strengthen prosecutorial efforts to investigate corruption cases, although the court decision overturning the prosecutorial decision not to prosecute is still not binding. In November 2022, an amendment
to the Criminal Procedure Code introduced the possibility for a judge to review prosecutorial and investigative authorities’ decisions not to investigate reported corruption suspicions or to terminate ongoing corruption investigations without indictment
. Anyone, irrespective of whether it is a natural or a legal person
, can request a review and trigger the oversight procedure for any corruption-related cases dismissed or terminated after 1 January 2023
. The objective of this new procedure
is to enhance the effective prosecution of corruption by addressing the concerns raised in the past as regards the accountability of the prosecution service
. However, shortcomings remain, in particular as regards the temporal scope of the new measure
and the lack of the binding nature of court decisions quashing the prosecutor’s decision not to prosecute. A government assessment report on the functioning of the judicial review is planned for the fourth quarter of 2023.
Integrity tests and ‘lifestyle monitoring’ continue to be the primary tool for the detection of corruption in the public sector. Since 25 May 2022, the competence to conduct integrity tests
and ‘lifestyle monitoring’
of public officials has been divided between the Ministry of Interior and the Constitution Protection Office, which is a national security service
. With the exception of police and staff in the public education and public healthcare sectors that are subordinated to the Ministry of Interior, all public officials are now under the remit of the Constitution Protection Office that is overseen by the Prime Minister. The Government maintains that these changes are without prejudice to the applicable law on integrity tests and ‘lifestyle monitoring’. However, there is a risk that the transparency of such proceedings can be affected, as the potential detection of corruption by the secret service may fall under national secrecy rules and a decision not to further pursue a corruption investigation is de facto impossible to contest. For 2022, the prosecution service considers the National Protective Service still to be the main and indispensable source for evidence-gathering to initiate corruption investigations and prosecutions
, in particular of petty corruption, such as gratitude payments in healthcare
. Other detection tools, including asset declarations, whistleblower disclosures and registries, continue to play a relatively minor role in corruption investigations
. Since 1 July 2022, the central register for beneficial ownership information managed by the Tax and Customs Authority is publicly accessible to those who have a legitimate interest in a manner determined by the registry and against payment of an access fee
.
Hungary’s oversight system was extended through the creation of the new Integrity Authority. On 18 November 2022, the newly established Integrity Authority took up its operations with the powers to intervene in all cases where in its view the competent national authorities have not taken the necessary steps to prevent, detect and correct corruption, fraud, conflicts of interest and other illegalities and irregularities focusing on the implementation of EU financial support in Hungary
. The procedure for the appointment of its president and vice-presidents is based on eligibility criteria. In respect of other state bodies with supervisory functions, political appointments raise questions about their impartiality in detecting corruption
. As previously reported, deficient independent oversight mechanisms and close interconnections between politics and certain national businesses are conducive to corruption
.
There has been no progress yet regarding the establishment of a robust track record of repressing high-level corruption. The 2022 Rule of Law Report recommended to Hungary to ‘[e]stablish a robust track record of investigations, prosecutions and final judgments for high-level corruption cases’
. As in previous years, the prosecution service considers the level of cooperation between the relevant anti-corruption entities
, as well as human and financial resources, and of specialisation
adequate to carry out their tasks
. To facilitate more effective investigations, including in corruption cases, a new IT system for the prosecution service is planned to address the persisting challenges in evidence-gathering and sharing, particularly with regard to obtaining relevant financial data from the currently numerous separate state registries
. The indictment rates for corruption are reported to be overall high
. In 2022, the prosecution service reported that 326 persons had been convicted on a final instance for corruption related crimes
. The prosecution service reports filing indictments in a number of corruption cases involving senior officials and the start of investigations in other cases since July 2022 and that investigations from previous years are ongoing in several other cases. Convictions in a high-level corruption cases continue to be rare. In the reporting period, judgments were handed down in two high-level corruption cases
. Stakeholders report that in 2022, investigations were either grounded to stall for a long time or, rather to the contrary, proceedings were quickly closed ‘in the absence of a crime’, or no investigations were launched
. Serious concerns remain therefore regarding the absence of a robust track record of investigations of corruption allegations concerning high-level officials and their immediate circle
. For cases dismissed or terminated after 1 January 2023, citizens and public interest organisations can now request a review of the prosecutorial decisions, or of those of investigating authorities, not to investigate reported corruption suspicions or to terminate ongoing corruption investigations without indictment
. It remains to be seen to what extent this newly introduced procedure will be used and thus contribute to a more effective prosecution in practice
. Stakeholders also continued to raise concerns about clientelism, favouritism and nepotism in high-level public administration
and about the risk of impunity caused by a disparity in the treatment of corruption cases for political purposes
, which potentially breaches the principle of equality before the law
. Overall, given these developments coupled with the politicisation of the prosecution service and a too close relationship between politics and business
, no progress was therefore made on establishing a robust track record to fight high-level corruption, as recommended in the 2022 Rule of Law Report.
The lack of enforcement against foreign bribery continues. No new investigations into foreign bribery have been initiated
. International recommendations to design a strategy to proactively detect and investigate foreign bribery cases and to provide for more time in the application of investigation measures in highly complex multi-jurisdictional cases remain among other recommendations unfulfilled since 2012
.
Some legislative steps have been taken to facilitate on-the-spot checks conducted by the EU Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF) for investigations involving EU funds. On 4 October 2022, Hungary designated by law the National Tax and Customs Administration as the relevant authority to assist OLAF when carrying out on-the-spot checks and inspections in Hungary, including when an economic operator that is subject to such checks refuses to cooperate
. The amendments also introduced the possibility to involve, upon OLAF’s request, a finance guard in the checks as well as to impose a financial sanction in case an economic operator refuses to cooperate with OLAF during its checks and investigations. Regarding the allegations reported last year of a corruption ring in management authorities linked to national and EU funds that raised concerns as to the lack of systemic oversight
, more than 30 suspects of bribery involving the Ministry of Finance and the Prime Minister’s Office have in the meantime been identified
.
There has been no progress so far to reform lobbying rules. The 2022 Rule of Law Report recommended to Hungary to ‘[a]dopt comprehensive reforms on lobbying […] providing for effective oversight and enforcement’
. Although new lobbying guidance is planned, the measures are not sufficient to address the identified systemic weaknesses in Hungary’s lobbying framework. The Government committed to including in the new National Anti-Corruption Strategy Action Plan the adoption of a code of conduct for persons with top executive functions providing guidance on contacts with lobbyists
. The non-binding code of conduct alone is a step forward, but alone it does not adequately address the previously raised concerns in the area of lobbying. These are that Hungary does not have a comprehensive lobby regulation, transparency register or legislative footprint in place to disclose contacts with interest representatives
. There is no obligation to make the encounters or the content public, nor are there any sanctions provided in the relevant Decree
in case of failure to comply. No steps have been taken to establish a clear set of rules for contacts between members of Parliament and lobbyists to address concerns regarding the level of transparency in the decision-making process
. The lobbying rules therefore remain incomplete, with no systematic follow-up ensured in case of non-compliance. The envisaged actions can therefore not be considered a comprehensive reform on lobbying, as recommended in the previous report. Therefore, there has been no progress so far on the implementation of the recommendation made in the 2022 Rule of Law Report.
The government plans to provide new guidance on post-employment restrictions, while reforms of the revolving door rules in place are not yet envisaged. The 2022 Rule of Law Report recommended to Hungary to ‘[a]dopt comprehensive reforms on […] revolving doors […] providing for effective oversight and enforcement’
. There are plans to provide further guidance on post-employment restrictions, and the Government committed to including such guidance in the new Anti-corruption Strategy Action Plan
. Post-employment restrictions and cooling-off periods remain largely fragmented and apply only to a small group of public officials
and a limited set of public institutions, such as the State Audit Office and the National Media and Infocommunications Authority
. In practice, however, these rules are not effectively enforced, as the Government is still to specify the sectors and public officials’ positions to which cooling-off time restriction will apply with regard to business careers of public officials in the area, in which they were active beforehand
. A code of conduct for members of Parliament that would include post-employment guidelines is neither in place nor planned
. Therefore, while the guidance would be a good initial step if adopted, the envisaged actions cannot be considered a comprehensive reform on post-employment rules. Therefore, there has been no progress on the implementation of on the recommendation made in the 2022 Rule of Law Report.
Some progress has been made to strengthen the system of asset declarations and a newly established oversight structure has started operating. The 2022 Rule of Law Report recommended to Hungary to ‘[s]trengthen the system of asset declarations, providing for effective oversight and enforcement’
. Until July 2022, Hungary had an extensive asset disclosure system in place that required members of Parliament, Government officials and public officials to declare their assets and interests
. The system lacked effective oversight and enforcement in practice. In 2022, after several amendments to the Act on the National Assembly
which first abolished the obligation to report on assets in exchange for an exclusive focus on income
, the previous asset declaration system was largely reinstated
. Concerns have been raised regarding some remaining loopholes
, as well as effective monitoring and verification. In 2022, out of the 605 declarations submitted, one procedure against a member of Parliament was initiated but rejected by the Committee of Immunity as manifestly unfounded
. There is still no obligation for regular monitoring for the respective entities in the parliament or the Tax and Customs Authority to check the correctness and completeness of the declarations made
. Asset declarations are generally verified only upon notification of suspicions, and potential follow-up is left to the discretion of the public official’s employer or, in case of members of Parliament and other high-ranking officials, to the Committee of Immunity
. However, neither declarations of interests nor information about any follow-up are publicly available. To address some of the long-standing calls to make the supervision, verification and enforcement of rules of conduct, conflict of interest and asset declarations for members of Parliament more effective, the Integrity Authority was created in November 2022 and tasked to increase oversight over asset declarations
. The overall effectiveness of the Integrity Authority’s oversight role will considerably depend in practice on the collaboration of other relevant state bodies and entities
. While the Integrity Authority has no enforcement or sanctioning powers of its own, it can provide evidence to the competent law enforcement authorities. Against this background, some progress can be seen in the establishment of this new oversight structure for the asset declarations of certain categories of officials. Future reports will continue to monitor its effectiveness in practice. Therefore, some progress has been made towards implementing the recommendation made in the 2022 Rule of Law Report.
Hungary committed to addressing conflict of interest risks, including for public interest trusts
. Rules on conflicts of interest for public officials, judges and prosecutors exist and are regulated in the respective sectoral laws as well as in codes of ethics. The national integrity measures target low and mid-level officials in the public administration, while for senior public officials the national framework remains weak
. There are also no general conflict of interest rules in place for political advisors and ministerial or government commissioners
. Notably, the Government committed to including in the Action Plan to the National Anti-Corruption Strategy 2023-2025 the adoption of a Code of Conduct for persons with executive functions
. It remains to be seen to what extent the Code would cover also new rules on conflicts of interest, on gifts and similar benefits for parliamentarians, as planned by the Government and reported last year
. Until these commitments are implemented in practice, there are no codes of ethics for members of the Government, state secretaries, or members of Parliament. Furthermore, verification procedures by the National Tax and Customs Authority upon suspicions of unjustified wealth can only be initiated if investigative authorities have also opened criminal inquiries, thus significantly limiting the possibility for such verifications
. At the same time, the newly established Integrity Authority will be able to request the investigation of such suspicions when there is a link with public funds with a focus on EU funds. To ensure more transparency of the use of EU funds, the scope of the conflict of interest rules were enlarged to cover also public interest trusts
. However, top-level public officials, including but not limited to members of Parliament and former public officials can receive a second income through their board membership side-job. This situation presents a personal financial benefit that may bring personal and professional interests in conflict
. Board members are currently appointed for life, while no cooling-off periods exist for former high-level officials to become board members.
Parliament adopted the update of the whistleblower protection legislative framework. Upon the political veto of the President on 21 April 2023, Parliament passed a revised law to transpose the EU Directive
on 23 May 2023
. Various state agencies operate online reporting channels, including the National Protective Service
, the Commissioner for Fundamental Rights
, the Hungarian Competition Authority
, the Public Procurement Authority
and the Prime Minister’s Office
. The latter can receive disclosures related to the misuse of EU funds
. In practice, reporting on these channels continued to be scarce in 2022, while reported cases are frequently dismissed
. The anonymous, secure whistleblower hotline of the new Integrity Authority
is currently under development and not yet operational
. No steps have been taken yet to address the major operational deficiencies in the whistleblower regime, including the limited protection against retaliation and the risks of disclosure of the whistleblowers’ identity
.
Challenges persist with regard to political party and campaign financing rules, which have a narrow scope of application
. Campaign activities that are conducted outside the official campaign period of 50 days before the general elections do not fall under the law. In practice, however, parties had extensively campaigned long before the start of the official campaign for the recent elections in 2022
. The State Audit Office, which is responsible to oversee the use of public funds and to control the legality of political parties’ financial management, indicated that significant foreign sources appeared in campaign financing in 2022, which raised suspicions of the possibility of illegal financing
. An audit control in this regard on party and campaign financing is being carried out in the course of 2023. Stakeholders have raised concerns to the Supreme Audit Office on systemic overspending in 2022 on outdoor billboard advertising during the 2022 elections, possibly violating spending caps
. Also, political advertising on the social media platform Facebook, financed by third parties
, is not considered to fall within the legal definition of political advertising under the Electoral Procedure Act. Consequently, it is not audited by the State Audit Office
, even if recent elections have shown that most of the political party campaigning takes place on this social media tool
. While some measures have been taken to ensure that political party financial registries are transparent and up-to-date, which allows clarifying party income sources, campaign periods and ensuring a more in-depth monitoring, overall concerns remain as regards the transparency of party financing despite OSCE ODIHR recommendations
.
Several amendments to the public procurement rules were introduced for a more transparent use of funds, including for public interest trusts. Public interest trusts established by the State, as well as legal persons established or maintained by them are now explicitly designated to fall within the scope of application of procurement rules in respect of procurements financed by the European Union funds
. Since 19 November 2022, the newly established Integrity Authority can intervene upon request, complaint or ex officio in cases of suspected fraud, conflicts of interest, corruption and any other irregularities and inform the national prosecution service and the European Anti-Fraud Office
. Furthermore, the Government undertook to reduce the percentage of contracts awarded to single-bidders, for both tender procedures financed from European Union as well as from national funds
. Transparency in public procurement has improved, though specific data on beneficiaries and overall amounts on exempted, pandemic-related procurements remain unpublished
. Further measures to increase the level of competition in public procurement are included in a dedicated action plan for the period 2023-2026. To address its findings on the inadequate system of control, monitoring, accountability and sanctions, the Integrity Authority’s report recommends furthermore to establish a single audit and control system that addresses the whole public procurement process in a holistic way
. According to the Public Procurement Authority, the trend continues in 2022 that fewer investments have been procured in 2022, however with larger amounts, even larger than already in 2021
. Businesses’ attitudes towards corruption in the EU show that 27% of companies in Hungary (EU average 26%) think that corruption has prevented them from winning a public tender or a public procurement contract in practice in the last three years
. Stakeholders also report about selective awarding to political affiliates
, which would carry the potential to increase corruption risks in a procurement market that is already vulnerable to corruption
.
III.Media Pluralism and Media Freedom
Hungary’s Fundamental Law and sectoral legislation provide the legal framework for the protection of media freedom and pluralism. The Media Act regulates, in detail, both the Hungarian media regulator as well as the governance of public service media. Legislative amendments adopted in 2022 have modified certain aspects of the right to access information held by public authorities, thereby facilitating the exercise of that right
.
There has been no progress in strengthening the functional independence of the Hungarian media regulator. The 2022 Rule of Law Report recommended to Hungary to ‘[i]ntroduce mechanisms to enhance the functional independence of the media regulatory authority taking into account European standards on the independence of media regulators’
. While the Media Act
regulates the establishment and operation of the Media Authority, the Authority’s functional independence needs to be strengthened
. The decision-making body of the Authority, the Media Council, remains composed of members all nominated by Parliament, which is controlled by the governing party. By virtue of a recent amendment to the Media Act as part of the revision of the asset disclosure system (see also Pillar II), members of the Media Council are now obliged to make a declaration of assets
. On 15 July 2022, the Commission decided to refer Hungary to the Court of Justice
in the infringement procedure which considers incompatible with EU law the Media Council’s refusal to renew the broadcasting license of independent radio station Klubrádió, which resulted in the radio being taken off air
. Following the April 2022 rejection of renewal of Tilos Rádió’s licence
, the Media Council eventually opened a fresh tendering process under which the independent station obtained a new licence in September 2022. . Given the ongoing issue with regard to the authority’s composition, the 2023 Media Pluralism Monitor (MPM) has changed its previous assessment of the independence and effectiveness of the Media Authority from medium to high risk
, also referring to the authority’s ‘openly discriminatory’ decision making. Given that no measures have been adopted or are planned so far to strengthen the regulator’s functional independence, there has thus been no progress in the implementation of this recommendation.
There has been no progress to increase transparency and fairness in the distribution of state advertising. The 2022 Rule of Law Report recommended to Hungary to ‘adopt legislation to ensure fair and transparent distribution of advertising expenditure by the state and state-owned companies’
. No legislative or other measures have been announced to that effect. The channelling of significant state resources to pro-government media continues to prevent a level playing field in the Hungarian media landscape. While according to the Mérték Media Monitor ‘the primary instrument of distorting the media market in Hungary is state advertising spending’ and this remains the case today
, the 2023 MPM has this year adjusted its risk score from high to medium risk with regard to state advertising in the country
. Given that no legislative or other measures have been adopted or announced, there has been no further progress in the implementation of this recommendation.
There are no detailed rules on transparency in the ownership structure of media companies. Registers maintained by the media authority only contain limited information on media service providers though direct ownership information is available via the business register. This leads the 2023 MPM to consider this a high-risk area although it points out that ‘in practice […] the public is often aware of the ultimate beneficial owners behind a particular outlet’ due to the attention which journalists and researchers have given to this matter
. The Hungarian system of review of market concentration in the media market continues to operate under the conditions described in detail in previous reports
.
There has been no progress with regard to enhancing the independence of public service media. The 2022 Rule of Law Report recommended to Hungary to ‘[s]trengthen the rules and mechanisms to enhance the independent governance and editorial independence of public service media taking into account European standards on public service media’
. No significant legislative or policy changes have been adopted or are planned in terms of the governance and funding of public service media, amid concerns in relation to its financial and editorial independence
. The 2023 MPM maintains its high risk score for this area holding that: ‘Hungarian public service media is financially dependent on the governing majority in Parliament, is controlled by political interests and is seen as extremely biased in its reporting’
. Section 87 of the Media Act, which establishes rules related to the election of the members of the board of trustees of the Public Service Foundation was amended
. The amendment stipulates that in case of termination of a member’s mandate before the end of his or her term and an intervening change of Government it shall be up to the Committee on Culture of the National Assembly to propose a replacement member. There has thus been no progress in the implementation of this recommendation
.
A new reform aims to facilitate access to public information and rendered the charging of fees exceptional. As part of the commitments undertaken in the Recovery and Resilience Plan
, a new Chapter 21/A was added to the Freedom of Information Act
, which aims to accelerate litigation in connection with data of public interest by applying the rules of litigation on press rectification
. The legislative provisions entered into force on 31 December 2022 and apply to data requests filed after that date. The provisions are expected to significantly speed up litigation, thanks to the very tight deadlines
. In addition, in October 2022, the Government had amended other relevant provisions
thus establishing an over-arching principle that public information shall be provided free of charge and that fees for access to such public information may only be charged under exceptional and clearly defined circumstances and that such fees should be capped. This reform is expected to address some long-standing issues regarding access to public information. Stakeholders point out that certain legal obstacles to freedom of information remain, and that proactive data publication on the new transparency portal is not mandatory for all entities performing a public duty
. The 2023 MPM considers that the 2022 amendments are positive but considers that the current regime is still more restrictive than that existing prior to 2015 and consequently maintains its high risk score for this area
.
Journalists and other media professionals have been targeted by spyware and smear campaigns. Following allegations related to the use of Pegasus and equivalent spyware surveillance software against journalists
, (see also pillar IV), the 2023 MPM highlights the fact that, in Hungary, ‘Pegasus spyware has been used by national authorities against journalists and media owners’ adding that independent media outlets which have expressed critical positions towards the Government have been targeted by seemingly coordinated smear campaigns
, amplified by coverage in outlets belonging to the KESMA media conglomerate
. For these reasons, the 2023 MPM considers this to be an area of medium risk
. The Council of Europe’s Platform to promote the protection of journalism and safety of journalists registered three new alerts relating to, respectively, an opposition party politician who spoke about the hypothetical hanging of a journalist
, a far-right website which hosted content suggesting that all journalists working for a particular media outlet should be beaten to death
and denial-of-service (DDoS) attacks suffered by 12 media outlets in a short period of time
.
IV.Other Institutional Issues related to Checks and Balances
Hungary is a parliamentary republic with a unicameral Parliament (National Assembly). Parliament, among other functions, adopts and amends
the Fundamental Law of Hungary, legislates, including cardinal laws
, elects the Prime Minister, and elects – by a two-thirds majority – the top rank public officials of the country. The President of the Republic is elected by Parliament. There are a number of institutions tasked with counter-balancing the powers of the legislature and the executive and entrusted with guaranteeing the respect of the constitutional order, including the Constitutional Court, the State Audit Office and the Ombudsperson (‘Commissioner for Fundamental Rights’). The Constitutional Court reviews the constitutionality of laws and judicial decisions. In addition to the Government, the President of the Republic, every parliamentary committee and any member of Parliament may table a bill.
Amendments to the rules on public consultations are expected to improve the legislative process, yet their practical impact remains to be assessed. The quality of law-making and frequent changes in legislation remains a significant reason for concern about the effectiveness of investment protection among companies in Hungary
. The 2022 Rule of Law report noted that the lack of public consultation coupled with an accelerated legislative process had further weakened the quality of the regulatory environment
. From among the 81 Acts of Parliament promulgated in 2022, five were adopted in an exceptional procedure, and eight were adopted via urgent procedure. Hungary’s Recovery and Resilience Plan includes dedicated milestones and targets
to ensure that at least 90% of all legislation, including decrees, initiated by the Government will be subject to public consultation for a minimum period of eight days. Any exceptions would need to be duly justified and in all cases impact assessments should be prepared in line with an agreed methodology and the summaries of these should be made publicly available for all legislation. As of 26 October 2022, the law on public participation in the drafting of legislation
was amended. The practical impact of these changes on the quality of legislation is yet to be seen. For instance, on 28 February 2023, in response to criticism regarding a planned health-care reform, Parliament passed a law
stripping the Hungarian Chamber of Medical Doctors of its regulatory role, less than 28 hours following the tabling of the Government’s legislative proposal, prepared without any public consultation
.
The Government continues to use its emergency powers extensively, which undermines legal certainty and affects the operation of businesses in the single market. Hungary has been under a special legal regime for prolonged periods of time
. In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the Government maintained a ‘state of danger’ between 11 March 2020 and 18 June 2020 and then between 1 January 2021 and 1 June 2022. On 25 May 2022, a ‘state of danger’ was declared by the Government ‘in view of the armed conflict and humanitarian catastrophe in Ukraine and with a view to averting their impact on Hungary’, which is still in force
. In 2022, out of the 637 government decrees, 267 (41.9%) were adopted as emergency decrees, either with a reference to the pandemic or the war. 82 of these were issued in November-December 2022, including a decree restructuring the state budget. Despite a country-specific recommendation in the context of the 2020 European Semester
, interference with business activities and the stability of the regulatory environment continued, and some emergency measures raise questions as regards their necessity and proportionality
. The Government continues to use its emergency powers also to interfere with the administration of justice
as well as to limit the freedom of the press
and the right to strike
. Parliament has no ex ante control over individual emergency measures.
The Government’s practice of granting exemptions from regulatory oversight for selected transactions and projects undermines legal certainty and equality before the law. The Government may declare certain mergers and acquisitions of companies of ‘strategic importance for the national economy’, thereby exempting them from control by the competition authority
. In the context of the European Semester, the Commission noted that, as a consequence, the impact of such transactions on the economy, competition and the single market is not being assessed
. Also, the Government may declare certain investment projects to be of ‘strategic importance for the national economy’ merely through a Decree
, thereby exempting these type of projects from public oversight and control
. The criteria for these exemptions are not clearly laid out, they are applied arbitrarily, and there is no formal procedure to contest their application. There are several instances where the Government granted such exemptions, giving rise to criticism by stakeholders
.
Concerns regarding the independence and effective functioning of the Commissioner for Fundamental Rights persist. The 2022 Rule of Law Report noted that concerns as regards the independence of the Commissioner for Fundamental Rights had been aggravated by the Commissioner taking over the responsibilities of the Equal Treatment Authority
. The UN Sub-Committee on Accreditation (SCA) of the Global Alliance of NHRIs (GANHRI) has not revised its earlier recommendation that the Hungarian national human rights institution be downgraded to B-status
. Stakeholders reported that the Office of the Commissioner’s Equal Treatment Directorate has discontinued the practice of the former Equal Treatment Authority by repeatedly refusing to provide protection for the rights of LGBTIQ people
. As of 1 January 2023, the Commissioner has also assumed the responsibilities of the independent mechanism defined in the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities
.
Further concerns have been raised due to the absence of effective oversight as regards the use of secret surveillance measures outside criminal proceedings. Stakeholders reported that the rules of secret information gathering allow for any citizen to become a surveillance target as the Minister of Justice has discretion in allowing secret surveillance for reasons of national security, without any meaningful control by courts or the data protection authority
. In the context of its call to implement the Szabó and Vissy
judgment from the European Court of Human Rights, on 10 March 2023 the Council of Europe’s Committee of Ministers
‘exhorted’ the Hungarian authorities to adopt without further delay the measures required to bring domestic legislation on secret surveillance for national security purposes fully and effectively in line with the requirements of the European Convention on Human Rights.
Legal certainty has been improved as final judicial decisions can no longer be challenged by public authorities before the Constitutional Court. In the context of the European Semester, the Council of the European Union noted that questions had been raised regarding the role of the Constitutional Court, composed of members elected by Parliament without the involvement of the judiciary, in reviewing judgments of the ordinary courts
. The 2022 Rule of Law Report noted that the possibility for the Constitutional Court to review final judicial decisions upon request of public authorities raises questions in particular as regards legal certainty
. In its Recovery and Resilience Plan, Hungary committed to remove this possibility
introduced in 2019. The Constitutional Court, composed of members elected by Parliament without the involvement of the judiciary, can still review such final rulings in other cases
.
On 1 January 2023, Hungary had 43 leading judgments of the European Court of Human Rights pending implementation, a decrease of four compared to the previous year
. Hungary’s rate of leading judgments from the past 10 years that remain pending is at 76% (compared to 71% in 2022) and the average time that the judgments have been pending implementation is over 6 years and 8 months (compared to over 6 years and 3 months in 2022)
. The oldest leading judgment, pending implementation for almost 14 years, concerns the violation of the right to freedom of assembly
. On 15 June 2023, the number of leading judgments pending implementation has decreased to 42
. Stakeholders report that there is still no separate national structure to bring together various actors to coordinate the implementation of judgments of the European Court of Human Rights; meaningful parliamentary oversight is lacking
. According to stakeholders, some public authorities fail to execute final court decisions related to access to documents
. The number of decisions in which the Constitutional Court declared that a legislative omission resulted in the violation of the Fundamental Law, but Parliament has failed to remedy the situation to date, is 13. The court-set deadline for implementing these decisions has expired in 10 cases, the oldest one in 2013.
There has been no progress to remove obstacles affecting civil society organisations, which remain under pressure. The 2022 Rule of Law Report recommended to Hungary to ‘[r]emove obstacles affecting civil society organisations’
. Independent domestic civil society organisations (CSOs) continue to be attacked by the Government and the governing parties. The space for civil society continues to be rated as ‘obstructed’
, while legislation on freedom of association generally conforms with relevant international standards and did not change in the past year
. According to stakeholders, attempts to stifle CSOs include extensive smear campaigns and rhetorical attempts of intimidation, launching ill-founded legal procedures against civil society, and otherwise hindering their work
. Stakeholders report that most authorities refuse to cooperate with stigmatised CSOs and reject invitations to workshops and participation in research
. Stakeholders also note that while various consultative bodies with civil society representatives do exist
, they are rarely convened, and their functions are often merely formal, and traditional channels of advocacy and consultation with state institutions ceased to work years ago
. The Government regularly avails itself of ‘national consultations’
, replacing other forms of dialogue and civic participation. Furthermore, the implementation of the law
adopted in 2021 to repeal the Transparency Act
, found to be contrary to EU law by the Court of Justice
, is putting additional pressure
. The so-called ‘child-protection law’
, amending various laws including the law on national public education
, authorises the responsible minister to regulate by decree the conditions of registration for CSOs that may give sex education classes in public education institutions. No such decree has been issued ever since, thereby limiting the activity of the CSOs concerned
. As of 1 January 2023, in response to a judgment of the Court of Justice
, Hungary amended its legislation which criminalised the organisation of activities carried out with a view to assisting the initiation of applications for international protection that do not fulfil the national criteria for granting that protection. Another law
introducing a special 25% immigration tax applicable to financial support received by organisations carrying out ‘activities facilitating immigration’, which also raised concerns, continues to apply
. Therefore, there has been no progress on the implementation of the recommendation made in the 2022 Rule of Law Report.
Concerns related to the State’s role in financing civil society persist. Almost 47% of civil society’s resources come from public funding
. Stakeholders report that this income is distributed unevenly
, that the operation of state funding
for CSOs is non-transparent and that about half of the largest beneficiaries are organisations directly controlled by local governing party politicians or their affiliates
. Also in this respect, no progress has been made on the implementation of the 2022 recommendation to remove obstacles affecting CSOs.
Annex I: List of sources in alphabetical order*
* The list of contributions received in the context of the consultation for the 2023 Rule of Law report can be found at https://commission.europa.eu/publications/2023-rule-law-report-targeted-stakeholder-consultation_en.
24.hu (2022), The investigation into Florian Farkas’ scandalous Roma programme was quietly terminated (Szép csendben megszüntették a nyomozást Farkas Flórián botrányos roma programja ügyében)
https://24.hu/kozelet/2022/12/12/orszagos-roma-onkormanyzat-farkas-florian-fidesz-hid-a-munka-vilagaba-nyomozas-megszuntetes-nav-ugyeszseg/
.
Alapjogokért Központ (2023), Contribution from Alapjogokért Központ for the 2023 Rule of Law Report.
Amnesty International Hungary, Eötvös Károly Policy Institute (EKINT), Hungarian Civil Liberties Union (TASZ), Hungarian Environmental Partnership Foundation (Ökotárs), Hungarian Helsinki Committee, K-Monitor, Mertek Media Monitor, Political Capital, Transparency International Hungary (2022), Contribution for the 2022 Rule of Law Report.
Amnesty International Hungary (2023), Contribution from Amnesty International Hungary for the 2023 Rule of Law Report.
Amnesty International Hungary, Eötvös Károly Policy Institute and Hungarian Helsinki Committee (2023), Open letter to the European Commission
https://helsinki.hu/en/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2023/05/joint_letter_EC_judicial_reform_20230502.pdf
.
Átlátszó (2020), The Government has abused the pandemic multiple times according to K-Monitor and HCLU (A K-Monitor és a TASZ szerint többszörösen visszaélt a kormány a vírushelyzettel)
https://atlatszo.hu/kozugy/2020/10/28/a-k-monitor-es-a-tasz-szerint-tobbszorosen-visszaelt-a-kormany-a-virushelyzettel/
.
Átlátszó (2021), Botched investigations: 20 important cases that got stuck with prosecutors (Elszabotált nyomozások: 20 fontos ügy, ami megakadt az ügyészségen)
https://atlatszo.hu/kozpenz/2021/09/16/elszabotalt-nyomozasok-20-fontos-ugy-ami-megakadt-az-ugyeszsegen/
.
Átlátszó (2023), We identified the companies that have won hundreds of public contracts in a single city
https://english.atlatszo.hu/2023/02/16/we-identified-the-companies-that-have-won-hundreds-of-public-contracts-in-a-single-city/
.
Bertelsmann Stiftung (2022), Transformation Index: Hungary Country Report
https://bti-project.org/en/reports/country-report/HUN
.
BIRN (2022), Hungary Election: Virtual Smear Tactics Alive and Well on Facebook
https://balkaninsight.com/2022/03/30/hungary-election-virtual-smear-tactics-alive-and-well-on-facebook/
.
Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom (2023), Media Pluralism Monitor 2023, country report on Hungary.
CIVICUS, Monitor tracking civic space – Hungary
https://monitor.civicus.org/country/hungary/
.
Civitas Institute and Transparency International Hungary (2021), Black Book II – Corruption and State Capture in Hungary
https://en.civitasintezet.hu/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/Black_Book_II.pdf
.
Commissioner for Fundamental Rights (2023), Contribution from the Commissioner for Fundamental Rights for the 2023 Rule of Law Report.
Corruption Research Center Budapest (2021), Political Favoritism in Public Tenders in Hungary: Analysis of the odds of winning
https://www.crcb.eu/?p=2925
.
Corruption Research Center Budapest (2022), Corruption Risks and the Crony System in Hungary: a brief analysis of EU funded contracts in Hungarian public procurement 2005-2021
https://www.crcb.eu/?p=3095
.
Corruption Research Center Budapest (2023), White Elephants in Hungary – Lessons of some EU funded projects
https://www.crcb.eu/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/2023_research_notes_01_230129_01.pdf
.
Corruption Research Center Budapest (2023), Fourteen Graphs and Two Tables on the New Trends of Corruption in the Hungarian Public Procurement 2005-2022
https://www.crcb.eu/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/2023_crcb_statistical_quick_report_230207_01.pdf
.
Council of Europe: Committee of Ministers (2010), Recommendation CM/Rec(2010)12 of the Committee of Ministers to member states on judges: independence, efficiency and responsibilities.
Council of Europe: Venice Commission (2012), Opinion on Act CLI of 2011 on the Constitutional Court of Hungary (CDL-AD(2012)009).
Council of Europe: Venice Commission and OSCE ODIHR (2018), Joint Opinion on Section 253 on the special immigration tax of Act XLI of 20 July 2018 amending certain tax laws and other related laws and on the immigration tax (CDL-AD(2018)035).
Council of Europe: Platform to promote the protection of journalism and safety of journalists.Court of Justice of the European Union, judgment of 18 June 2020, Commission v Hungary, C-78/18, ECLI:EU:C:2020:476.
Court of Justice of the European Union, judgment of 16 November 2021, Commission v Hungary, C-821/19, ECLI:EU:C:2021:930.
Court of Justice of the European Union, judgment of 23 November 2021, IS, C-564/19, ECLI:EU:C:2021:949.
Court of Justice of the European Union, Case C-92/23, Commission v Hungary, pending.
Eötvös Károly Policy Institute (2023), Contribution from Eötvös Károly Policy Institute for the 2023 Rule of Law Report.
Euractiv (2022), Orban’s influencers shower cash, become largest social media spenders
https://www.euractiv.com/section/politics/short_news/orbans-influencers-shower-cash-become-largest-social-media-spenders/
.
Euractiv (2022), Burnt Hungarian election ballots in Romania cause uproar
https://www.euractiv.com/section/politics/short_news/burnt-hungarian-election-ballots-in-romania-cause-uproar/
European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF) (2023), Annual Report 2022,
https://ec.europa.eu/olaf-report/2022/index_en.html
.
European Civil Forum (2023), Contribution from the European Civil Forum on Hungary for the 2023 Rule of Law Report.
European Commission (2020), 2020 Rule of Law Report, Country Chapter on the rule of law situation in Hungary.
European Commission (2021), 2021 Rule of Law Report, Country Chapter on the rule of law situation in Hungary.
European Commission (2022), 2022 Rule of Law Report, Country Chapter on the rule of law situation in Hungary.
European Commission (2023), Civil Society Landscape in the European Union - Research in support of the Citizens, Equality, Rights and Values (CERV) Programme
https://op.europa.eu/en/publication-detail/-/publication/5eb1a213-c14f-11ed-8912-01aa75ed71a1/language-en
.
European Commission (2023), 2023 EU Justice Scoreboard.
European Commission (2023), 2023 European Semester, Country Report on Hungary.
European Court of Human Rights, judgment of 12 January 2016, Szabó and Vissy v Hungary, 37138/14.
European Court of Human Rights, judgment of 12 January 2016, Miracle Europe Kft v Hungary, 57774/13.
European Court of Human Rights, judgment of 23 June 2016, Baka v Hungary, 20261/12.
European Court of Human Rights, judgment of 29 September 2022, Hüttl v Hungary, 58032/16.
European Court of Human Rights, decision of 21 March 2023, Szaxon v Hungary, 54421/21.
European Network of Councils for the Judiciary (2022), ENCJ Survey on the Independence of Judges 2022
https://pgwrk-websitemedia.s3.eu-west-1.amazonaws.com/production/pwk-web-encj2017-p/GA%2022/Report%20ENCJ%20Survey%202022.pdf
.
European Parliament: Flash Eurobarometer: News & Media Survey 2022.
European Public Prosecutor’s Office (2023), Annual Report 2022
https://www.eppo.europa.eu/sites/default/files/2023-02/EPPO_2022_Annual_Report_EN_WEB.pdf
.
Fair Trials (2023), Contribution from Fair Trials for the 2023 Rule of Law Report.
Freedom House (2022), Freedom in the World – Hungary Country Report
https://freedomhouse.org/country/hungary/freedom-world/2022
.
Freedom House, Nations in Transit (2023),
https://freedomhouse.org/country/hungary/nations-transit/2023
.
GRECO (2019), Third Evaluation Round – Second Addendum to the Second Compliance Report on Hungary on incriminations and transparency of party funding.
GRECO (2022), Fourth Evaluation Round – Third Interim Compliance Report on Hungary on corruption prevention in respect of members of parliament, judges and prosecutors.
Háttér Society (2023), Contribution from Háttér Society for the 2023 Rule of Law Report.
Hungarian Association of Judges (MABIE) (2023), Contribution from the Hungarian Association of Judges for the 2023 Rule of Law Report.
Hungarian Civil Liberties Union (TASZ) (2023), Contribution from Hungarian Civil Liberties Union for the 2023 Rule of Law Report.
Hungarian Helsinki Committee (2023), Contribution from the Hungarian Helsinki Committee for the 2023 Rule of Law Report.
Hungary Today (2022), Pro-Fidesz Megafon’s Facebook Ad Spending Exceeds HUF 1 Billion (31 March 2022),
https://hungarytoday.hu/pro-fidesz-megafon-social-media-facebook-ad-spending-huf-1-billion/
.
Hungary Today (2022), Political Parties Spent HUF 3 Billion during Campaign Period on Facebook Alone
https://hungarytoday.hu/political-parties-campaign-facebook-opposition-fidesz-dominance-election/
.
ILGA-Europe (2023), Contribution from ILGA-Europe for the 2023 Rule of Law Report.
Integrity Authority (2023), Integrity Risk Assessment Report
https://eutaf.kormany.hu/download/d/25/13000/Integritas_Hatosag_Integritaskockazat_ertekeles_2023_m%C3%A1rcius.pdf
.
K-Monitor (2022), Contribution from K-Monitor for the 2022 Rule of Law Report.
K-Monitor (2022), Hungary’s State of Corruption heading towards elections
https://k.blog.hu/2022/02/21/hungary_s_state_of_corruption_heading_towards_elections
.
K-Monitor (2022), Outnumbered eight to one by the government’s poster campaign, they have already exceeded the legal requirements (Nyolcszoros túlerőben a kormányoldal plakátkampánya, már túlköltötték a törvényi előírásokat)
https://k.blog.hu/2022/03/30/nyolcszoros_tuleroben_a_kormanyoldal_plakatkampanya
.
K-Monitor, Political Capital and Transparency International Hungary (2022), Orban’s Fidesz to overspend in Hungary’s election campaign.
https://transparency.hu/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/KMon_PC_TI_Hu_public_billboards_EN.pdf
.
K-Monitor (2023), Hungarian MPs Assets: Less Declared and Still Not Monitored
https://k.blog.hu/2023/02/15/hungarian_mp_s_assets_less_declared_and_still_not_monitored?layout=5
.
Kúria (2023), Contribution from the Kúria for the 2023 Rule of Law Report.
Liberties (2023), Contribution from Liberties for the 2023 Rule of Law Report.
Mérték (2021), State advertising spending – complaint update.
https://mertek.eu/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/State-advertising-Hungary.pdf
.
Napi.hu (2022), NVB explained why burnt mail ballots are not being investigated (Az NVB megindokolta, miért nem vizsgálják az elégetett levélszavazatokat)
https://www.napi.hu/magyar-gazdasag/valasztas-nbv-levelszavazat-tuz-egetes.749597.html
.
National Judicial Council (2023), Contribution from the National Judicial Council for the 2023 Rule of Law Report.
OECD (2021), Implementing the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention, Phase 4 Two-Year Follow-Up Report: Hungary.
OECD (2021), Economic Survey Hungary
https://www.oecd.org/economy/surveys/Hungary-2021-OECD-economic-survey-overview.pdf
.
OECD Working Group on Bribery (2023), Hungary should urgently implement long-standing OECD Anti-Bribery recommendations, enforce its foreign bribery laws and improve its engagement with the Working Group on Bribery
https://www.oecd.org/corruption/anti-bribery/hungary-should-urgently-implement-long-standing-oecd-anti-bribery-recommendations-enforce-its-foreign-bribery-laws-and-improve-engagement-with-working-group-on-bribery.htm
.
Ökotárs (2023), Contribution from Ökotárs for the 2023 Rule of Law Report.
OSCE (2022), Hungary, Parliamentary Elections and Referendum - ODIHR Election Observation Mission Final Report,
https://www.osce.org/files/f/documents/2/6/523568.pdf
.
Prosecutor General (2021), Extract of the Parliamentary report on the activities of the Prosecution Service in 2020
http://ugyeszseg.hu/en/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/ogy_beszamolo_2020.pdf
.
Prosecutor General (2022), Extract of the Parliamentary report on the activities of the Prosecution Service in 2021.
http://ugyeszseg.hu/en/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/ogy_beszamolo_2021.pdf
.
Public Procurement Authority (2021), Flash Report: Hungarian Public Procurement in Numbers
https://kozbeszerzes.hu/media/documents/FLASH_REPORT-2021.pdf
.
Public Procurement Authority (2022), Flash Report: Hungarian Public Procurement in Numbers.
Reporters Without Borders (2023), 2023 World Press Freedom Index.State Audit Office (2021), Elections: Handbook prepared to support election regularity (Választások: Kézikönyv készült a választások szabályszerűségének támogatása érdekében)
https://www.asz.hu/hu/sajtokozlemenyek/valasztasok-kezikonyv-keszult-a-valasztasok-szabalyszerusegenek-tamogatasa-erdekeben
.
Telex (2022), The Integrity Authority appeals to the public prosecutor’s office over the terminated investigation into the case of Florian Farkas (Az ügyészséghez fordul az Integritás Hatóság a Farkas Flórián ügyében megszüntetett nyomozás miatt)
https://telex.hu/belfold/2022/12/15/az-ugyeszseghez-fordul-az-integritas-hatosag-a-farkas-florian-ugyeben-megszuntetett-nyomozas-miatt?utm_source=ground.news&utm_medium=referral
.
Telex (2023), There are already 34 suspects in the bribery case involving the Ministry of Finance and the Prime Minister’s Office (Már 34 gyanúsítottja van a Pénzügyminisztériumot és a Miniszterelnökséget is érintő vesztegetési ügynek)
https://telex.hu/belfold/2023/03/03/vesztegetes-miniszterelnokseg-ugyeszseg-palyazat-penzugyminiszterium-korrupcio-buncselekmeny-nyomozas
.
Transparency International (2022), Exporting Corruption.
Transparency International (2023), Corruption Perceptions Index 2022.
Transparency International Hungary (2023), Contribution from Transparency International Hungary for the 2023 Rule of Law Report.
Annex II: Country visit to Hungary
The Commission services held virtual meetings in February 2023 with:
·Alapjogokért Központ
·Amnesty International Hungary
·Átlátszó
·Budapest Institute for Policy Analysis (Budapest Szakpolitikai Elemző Intézet)
·Corruption Research Center Budapest
·Danube Institute
·Editors-in-Chief’s Forum (Főszerkesztők Fóruma)
·ELTE Media Department
·Hungarian Association of Judges (MABIE)
·Hungarian Bar Association
·Hungarian Civil Liberties Union (TASZ)
·Hungarian Economic Association (Magyar Közgazdasági Társaság)
·Hungarian Helsinki Committee
·Integrity Authority
·K-Monitor
·Kúria (the Supreme Court)
·Mathias Corvinus Collegium
·Media Service Support and Asset Management Fund (MTVA)
·Mérték Media Monitor
·Ministry of Interior
·Ministry of Justice
·National Assembly (Országgyűlés)
·National Association of Public Procurement Advisors (Közbeszerzési Tanácsadók Országos Szövetsége)
·National Authority for Data Protection and Freedom of Information
·National Judicial Council
·National Media and Infocommunications Authority
·National Office for the Judiciary
·Nézőpont
·Office of the Commissioner for Fundamental Rights
·Prosecution Service of Hungary
·Public Procurement Authority
·State Audit Office (Állami Számvevőszék)
·Századvég
·Transparency International Hungary
* The Commission also met the following organisations in a number of horizontal meetings:
·ALDA (European Association for Local Democracy)
·Amnesty International
·Civil Liberties Union for Europe
·Civil Society Europe
·Culture Action Europe
·European Centre for Press and Media Freedom
·European Civic Forum
·European Federation of Journalists
·European Partnership for Democracy
·European Youth Forum
·Free Press Unlimited
·Front Line Defenders
·ILGA Europe
·International Commission of Jurists
·International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
·International Planned Parenthood Federation European Network
·International Press Institute
·JEF Europe
·Osservatorio Balcani e Caucaso Transeuropa
·Philea
·Reporters Without Borders
·SOLIDAR
·Transparency International EU