This document is an excerpt from the EUR-Lex website
Document 52011SC1463
COMMISSION STAFF WORKING PAPER EXECUTIVE SUMMARY OF THE IMPACT ASSESSMENT
COMMISSION STAFF WORKING PAPER EXECUTIVE SUMMARY OF THE IMPACT ASSESSMENT
COMMISSION STAFF WORKING PAPER EXECUTIVE SUMMARY OF THE IMPACT ASSESSMENT
/* SEC/2011/1463 final - COD 2011/0404 */
COMMISSION STAFF WORKING PAPER EXECUTIVE SUMMARY OF THE IMPACT ASSESSMENT /* SEC/2011/1463 final - COD 2011/0404 */
1.
Problem definition
Article 49 of the Treaty on European Union
stipulates that any European State which respects the EU values referred to in
Article 2 of the Treaty and is committed to promoting them may apply to become
a member of the Union. The rationale for continuing with the enlargement of the
EU was re-affirmed in the Council conclusions of 14 December 2010: “Enlargement
reinforces peace, democracy and stability in Europe, serves the EU’s strategic
interests, and helps the EU to better achieve its policy objectives in
important areas which are key to economic recovery and sustainable growth”.
Currently, the EU is negotiating or has
association agreements with 5 candidate countries[1] and 4 potential candidates[2]. Before 2014, at least one
candidate country should become a Member State, and some potential candidates
may become candidate countries. With the exception of Iceland, the level of
socio-economic development in enlargement countries is generally well below the
EU average. There is a need for substantial investments to align their
legislation and institutions to EU standards, to allow them to withstand the
competitive pressures of the single market and to take onboard the obligations
of membership. In addition, political stability, democracy, the respect of
human rights and good governance – all fundamental values of the EU – still
need to be strengthened. Weak public institutions and administrative capacity
and gaps in the level of human resources development affect negatively the
effective and sustainable deployment of EU assistance. Enlargement countries cannot sustain alone the
cost of all the reforms and investments needed for joining the EU. It is
equally in the own interest of the EU that these countries benefit from efficient
and effective support in preparation for eventual membership. As the needs of each country and their ‘path to accession’ vary
markedly, a one-size-fits-all approach to delivery of
the assistance as foreseen by the current pre-accession instrument is not the
most efficient solution since it does not take into account each country’s own
reform priorities. In addition, in order to increase effectiveness, the
strategic and result-oriented character EU assistance needs to be further
reinforced.
2.
Analysis of subsidiarity
Enlargement policy is part of the external
action and contributes to meeting the common objectives in terms of global
challenges, global response and global leadership. The successive enlargement of the EU is by
its very nature a common task which can be pursued only at EU level.
Only the Member States acting together can decide on the accession requests by
new candidates. The pre-accession assistance provided through the EU budget is
designed to help candidate countries/potential candidates prepare for future
membership: the instrument for pre-accession assistance is built to give
countries a “test run” of obligations of membership before accession. No other
multilateral or bilateral instrument can provide such a comprehensive toolbox, and
only the EU can define what kind of assistance is needed to prepare for taking
over the acquis. In recent years EU Member States have been
reducing the level of their bilateral assistance to candidate countries and
potential candidates, acknowledging that coordinated action at EU level is more
effective. About half of the overall financial assistance of the EU to the
enlargement countries in recent years came from the EU budget. Multilateral
donor organisations have largely phased out their support and those that remain
have now aligned their programmes to the EU's priorities.
3.
Objectives of EU initiative
The new instrument should continue to
pursue the general objective of supporting candidate countries and potential
candidates in their preparations for EU membership and help the progressive
alignment of their national systems/economies with the standards and policies
of the European Union, according to their specific needs and adapted to their
individual enlargement agenda. In terms of results and impacts to be
achieved, the new instrument should have the following specific policy
objectives: –
Support political reforms needed to meet the
criteria for accession; –
Support economic, social and territorial development
and reforms, aiming at a sustainable, smart and
inclusive growth; –
Increase beneficiary countries' ability to
assume the obligations of membership; –
Regional integration and territorial
cooperation. In addition, with regard to how the new
instrument should work in order to achieve the specific policy objectives, the
following methodological ('Regulation specific') objectives
should be pursued: –
Strengthen further the link between financial
assistance and the Enlargement policy agenda, making the assistance more
strategic; –
Increase further the efficiency and
effectiveness of the assistance and bring more tangible and sustainable
results and impact; –
Allow for increased flexibility in the
way the instrument operates and allocates the assistance, whilst preserving
ownership and accountability by the beneficiary countries for each policy area;
–
Leverage more funds from other donors or the
private sector by using innovative financing instruments; –
Pursue simplification and reduction of
the administrative burden linked to managing the financial assistance.
4.
Policy options
In light of the problem identified and in
order to achieve the specific policy and methodological objectives, the
Commission considered the following options for the future instrument for
pre-accession assistance: Option 1 - “No
change": keep the current component structure and its focus. Option 2 - “Amend the existing
Regulation”, with the following alternatives: –
Sub-option 2.1 - "Reduce scope and keep
implementation arrangements”, focusing on the
necessary legal and institutional changes needed to comply with the accession
criteria, without committing any significant funds for co-financing public
investment for socio-economic development. –
Sub-option 2.2 -
“Keep the component structure and add more focus on investments” in
order to increase the socio-economic impact in the beneficiary countries and to
speed up their preparation for managing structural, cohesion and rural
development funds. –
Sub-option 2.3: “Maintain
the scope and adjust implementation arrangements”, covering both compliance
with the accession criteria and support for socio-economic development. In
addition, adjust aspects of the current IPA set-up and implementation
modalities. Option 3:
"Design a new instrument". This option was not analysed in
detail.
5.
Assessment of impacts
The economic impact of the various
options was assessed in terms of the likelihood that the options would: i)
delay or accelerate enlargement and therefore the positive economic impact of the
expansion of the internal market; ii) maintain or reduce costs to the EU and
Member States in terms of security measures and risks, border controls and
irregular migration; iii) constrain or improve the possibilities for better
economic integration, e.g. through improved integration with the Trans-European
Networks; iv) affect positively or negatively the confidence of donors and
investors in the beneficiary countries. The social impact of the various
options was assessed in terms of the likely effect on poverty and exclusion in
the enlargement countries linked to progress towards accession and the creation
of conditions for improved economic performance and policy measures that could address
these issues. Likely effects in terms of risks that the rights in the area of
justice and the rule of law could be jeopardised in the beneficiary countries
as a consequence of delays in and risks to accession taking place were also
considered. The environmental impact of the
options was assessed in terms of the likelihood that environmental costs would
accrue if enlargement was delayed or put at risk, due to lower environmental
standards being used for generating competitive advantage in the beneficiary
countries and/or to delays in implementing the expensive investments needed to
align with the EU environmental acquis. Reducing the scope of the instrument and
keeping the implementation arrangements (option 2.1) was assessed to
have more negative impacts than the no change (baseline) scenario with regard
to reducing the development gap between the beneficiary countries and the EU,
therefore delaying enlargement and the related positive economic benefits. On
the other hand this option would be effective in helping achieve political
reforms needed for accession. Compared to this option and the 'no change'
option, more positive impacts were expected to accrue from the other two
options, ie either keeping the component structure and adding more focus on
investments (option 2.2), or maintaining the scope and adjusting
implementation arrangements (option 2.3), though with different scores
for the individual aspects. The improved modalities for delivering the
assistance foreseen under option 2.3, increasing the focus, coherence, efficiency,
effectiveness, leverage and impact of the assistance, and the reinforced
emphasis on public administration reform supporting more sustainable results,
were assessed to bring overall more positive impacts than those resulting from increased
investments for socio-economic development under option 2.2.
6.
Comparison of options
The following table provides a comparison
of the policy options as to how they would influence the underlying drivers of
the problem that they would address: Negative or very negative impact: || - or -- Neutral impact: || 0 Positive or very positive impact: || + or ++ Effect on the underlying driver of the problem || Option 1 (no change) || Option 2.1 (reduced scope) || Option 2.2 (focus on investments) || Option 2.3 (adjust implementation arrangements) Efficiency || - || - || - || ++ Effectiveness || 0 || + || + || ++ Coherence || - || - || - || ++ Reduced development gap || + || - || ++ || + Reinforced institutions || + || ++ || 0 || ++ Addresses heterogeneity || 0 || 0 || + || ++ Assistance becomes more: || || || || strategic and result oriented || 0 || + || + || + flexible and tailor-made || 0 || 0 || 0 || + simplified, efficient, effective || 0 || 0 || 0 || + In conclusion, maintaining the scope and adjusting implementation arrangements (option 2.3) is preferred as it would combine the benefits (and impacts) of the current scope
of pre-accession assistance (accession driven with socio economic development impact)
while improving the implementation modalities of the
instrument to make it more strategic, result-oriented, flexible and tailor-made
to needs.
7.
Monitoring and evaluation
Under the selected option, monitoring and
evaluation arrangements will be reinforced in comparison to the current
situation. The proposed changes will improve the focus on results and alignment
with the Europe 2020 strategy. They will - as called for by the budget review -
provide for the definition of specific, measurable, achievable objectives as
well as for appropriate indicators. The main macro-indicators would be: –
Progress toward meeting the accession
benchmarks (chapters opened/closed) or implementation of the Association
Agreements as reflected, among others, by
positive Progress Reports, survey-based indices compiled by reputable
international organisations in areas such as government effectiveness;
political stability and absence of violence; the rule of law; –
Socio-economic evolution, as measured by impact indicators such as the UNDP's human
development index as a general measure of prosperity; unemployment rates;
foreign direct investment inflows; trade; –
Regional cooperation and integration, as measured by survey-based indices reflecting perceptions on the
level (trend) of security and stability; political, economic and cultural
interactions, as well as by measures reflecting the integration of Trans
European Networks. [1] Croatia, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia,
Iceland, Montenegro and Turkey [2] Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia as well as
Kosovo under UNSCR 1244/99