EUROPEAN COMMISSION
Brussels, 24.7.2024
SWD(2024) 817 final
COMMISSION STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT
2024 Rule of Law Report
Country Chapter on the rule of law situation in Hungary
Accompanying the document
COMMUNICATION FROM THE COMMISSION TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT, THE COUNCIL, THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COMMITTEE AND THE COMMITTEE OF THE REGIONS
2024 Rule of Law Report
The rule of law situation in the European Union
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Abstract
The 2023 judicial reform is being implemented. The National Judicial Council is exercising its new competences to effectively counterbalance the powers of the President of the National Office for the Judiciary. Rules on preliminary references to the Court of Justice of the EU have been clarified, in line with the requirements of EU law. The transparency of case allocation in the Kúria has further improved, yet concerns remain regarding the lack of transparency of case allocation in lower courts. While the new legal framework aims at limiting the risk of arbitrary decisions about the career of judges, no further steps were taken to address concerns raised by the National Judicial Council. Political influence on the prosecution service remains, with the risk of undue interference with individual cases. The freedom of expression of judges remains under pressure and smear campaigns against judges continue in the media. The level of remuneration of judges and court staff has further deteriorated. The efficiency of the judiciary in civil, commercial and administrative cases, as well as the overall level of digitalisation of the justice system, remain high.
Hungary has adopted a new anti-corruption strategy for 2024-2025. Legislation on lobbying and revolving doors is planned, while enforcement and oversight remain an issue as regards asset declarations. The new Integrity Authority reports certain obstacles in fulfilling its oversight tasks effectively, and the impact in practice of the Anti-Corruption Task Force remains to be seen. Shortcomings regarding political party and campaign financing remain unaddressed. Some high-level corruption cases have reached the indictment stage, but the lack of a robust track record of investigations of corruption allegations concerning high-level officials and their immediate circle remains a serious concern. Court decisions reviewing prosecutorial decisions not to investigate or prosecute corruption are still not binding and have so far not brought significant results, although the possibility of judicial review incentivises prosecutors to assess allegations more thoroughly. The suspension of commitments from EU funds under several EU programmes and the lack of disbursements following a payment request under the Recovery and Resilience Plan persist, as no new measures have been adopted to remedy the outstanding rule of law and anti-corruption issues.
The threats to media pluralism highlighted in previous Rule of Law Reports have remained unaddressed. No measures have been adopted or are planned to regulate the channelling of state advertising to media outlets, to guarantee the functional independence of the media authority and to ensure the editorial and financial independence of public service media. Journalists and independent media outlets continue to face numerous challenges including seemingly coordinated smear and de-legitimisation campaigns, and selective access to government premises and events. Further legislative changes have introduced some restrictions to freedom of information.
Increasing state interventions and arbitrary decisions of the authorities remain a problem for the operation of businesses in the single market. The ‘state of danger’ has been further extended until November 2024. The quality of law-making and the frequent changes in legislation remain a significant cause for concern. The Constitutional Court still reviews the merits of final rulings of ordinary courts in politically sensitive cases. Obstacles affecting civil society organisations persist, while the new Protection of National Sovereignty Act further undermines civic space. Concerns related to the State’s role in financing civil society continue.
Recommendations
Overall, concerning the recommendations in the 2023 Rule of Law Report, Hungary has made:
·No progress on improving the transparency of case allocation systems in lower-instance courts, taking into account European standards on case allocation.
·No progress on adopting comprehensive reforms on lobbying and revolving doors, and further improve the system of asset declarations, providing for effective oversight and enforcement.
·No progress yet on establishing a robust track record of investigations, prosecutions and final judgments for high-level corruption cases.
·No progress on introducing mechanisms to enhance the functional independence of the media regulator taking into account European standards on the independence of media regulators.
·No progress on strengthening the rules and mechanisms to enhance the independent governance and editorial independence of public service media taking into account European standards on public service media.
·No progress on adopting legislation to ensure fair and transparent distribution of advertising expenditure by the state and state-owned companies.
·No progress on fostering a safe and enabling civic space and remove obstacles affecting civil society organisations, including by repealing legislation that hampers their capacity of working, in particular the immigration tax.
On this basis, and considering other developments that took place in the period of reference, in addition to recalling the obligation to comply with the rule of law-related rulings of the ECJ and the rule of law-related infringement procedures referred to in the country chapter, the Commission’s assessment under the general regime of conditionality, the relevant concerns raised in the Article 7(1) TEU procedure initiated by the European Parliament, the relevant commitments made under the Recovery and Resilience Plan, and the relevant country-specific recommendations under the European Semester, it is recommended to Hungary to:
·Improve the transparency of case allocation systems in lower-instance courts, taking into account European standards on case allocation.
·Take structural measures to increase the remuneration of judges, prosecutors, and judicial and prosecutorial staff, taking into account European standards on remuneration for the justice system.
·Adopt comprehensive reforms on lobbying and revolving doors, and further improve the system of asset declarations, providing for effective oversight and enforcement.
·Establish a robust track record of investigations, prosecutions and final judgments for high-level corruption cases.
·Introduce mechanisms to enhance the functional independence of the media regulatory authority taking into account European standards on the independence of media regulators.
·Adopt legislation to ensure fair and transparent distribution of advertising expenditure by the state and state-owned companies.
·Strengthen the rules and mechanisms to enhance the independent governance and editorial independence of public service media taking into account European standards on public service media.
·Remove obstacles affecting civil society organisations and foster a safe and enabling civic space, including by repealing legislation that hampers their capacity of working, in particular the immigration tax.
I.Justice System
Hungary has a four-tier ordinary court system. 114 district courts operate at first instance, while 20 regional courts hear appeals from district courts and decide on certain cases at first instance. Five regional appeal courts decide on appeals against decisions of the regional courts. Administrative cases are dealt with by the ordinary courts (the Budapest Regional Appeal Court hears appeals against first-instance decisions of the eight regional courts with an administrative department). The main role of the Supreme Court (Kúria) is to guarantee the uniform application of the law. The Fundamental Law tasks the President of the National Office for the Judiciary (NOJ), elected by Parliament, with the central administration of the courts. The National Judicial Council is an independent body, with legal capacity and budgetary autonomy acquired following the June 2023 reform, which supervises the NOJ President and participates in the administration of the courts. Judges are appointed by the President of the Republic following a recommendation of the NOJ President based on a ranking of candidates established by the local judicial councils. The NOJ President cannot deviate from this ranking without the prior consent of the National Judicial Council. In the case of Kúria judges, the recommendation is made by the Kúria President. The Constitutional Court is not part of the ordinary court system. The prosecution service is independent under the Fundamental Law and is vested with powers to investigate and prosecute crime. The Hungarian Bar Association and the regional bar associations are autonomous self-governing public bodies.
Independence
The level of perceived judicial independence in Hungary is now average among both the general public and companies. Overall, 41% of the general population and 40% of companies perceive the level of independence of courts and judges to be ‘fairly or very good’ in 2024
. The perceived level of independence among the general public has increased in comparison with 2023 (35%), but it is lower than in 2020 (48%). The perceived judicial independence among companies has increased since 2020 (26%), as well as in comparison with 2023 (32%)
.
Following the legislative reform in 2023, the National Judicial Council exercises its new competences to effectively counterbalance the powers of the President of the National Office for the Judiciary. As noted in the 2023 Rule of Law Report, Hungary adopted a legislative reform which establishes as of 1 June 2023 stronger powers for the National Judicial Council. This reform was positively assessed by the Commission
. The Council has started to exercise its new powers, taking a series of actions within its competence
. For instance, the Council has given binding opinions on numerous proposals of the NOJ President to change the number of judicial posts in various courts or to second judges
. The NOJ cooperated with the Council to support its institution building; after the end of the 9-month ‘incubation period’
, since 1 March 2024, the National Judicial Council has been able to fully exercise its budgetary autonomy
. The newly elected 14 judges-members – including one regional court president
– took office on 30 January 2024. On 14 February 2024, the Council set up an ad hoc committee to analyse the last election process and make recommendations for possible changes to the legislative framework
.
The transparency of case allocation in the Kúria has improved as a result of the 2023 reform. The Kúria President amended
the case allocation scheme as of 16 July 2023 to bring it in line with the requirements of the legislative reform
applicable as of 1 June 2023. In January and April 2024, the case allocation scheme was further amended. It now contains clearer rules on forming three- and five-judge panels where the number of judges assigned to the chamber exceeds five or when the number of presiding judges assigned to the chamber exceeds two
. Special rules applied to the composition of three-judge panels hearing cases related to the 2024 European parliamentary and municipal elections
. As of 6 February 2024, following the entry into force of a Ministerial Decree
, the Kúria extended the data content of the log files published weekly on its web site, which allow anyone to verify more easily whether the rules on case allocation have been duly applied. While also reorganising two Chambers of the Civil Department, the Kúria President dissolved, as of 1 January 2024, Chamber II of the Administrative Department and its judges were assigned to other chambers
. The Kúria explained this decision as motivated by staffing reasons
, however stakeholders described it as arbitrary
.
Rules on preliminary references to the Court of Justice of the EU have been clarified, in line with the requirements of EU law. On 12 December 2023, Parliament adopted a law
amending the Criminal Procedure Code to remove any doubt as regards the right of judges to request in criminal proceedings a preliminary ruling from the Court of Justice in relation to any EU legal act or legislation
. At the same time, concerns have been raised as regards the national preliminary reference procedure before the Kúria in the interest of uniformity of law
. The Court of Justice confirmed in a preliminary reference from a Hungarian court that any court must be able to disregard the legal assessment of a higher national court if it considers, having regard to the interpretation of EU law provided by the Court of Justice, that such assessment does not comply with EU law
.
There has been no progress to address concerns regarding the lack of transparency of case allocation in lower courts. The 2023 Rule of Law Report recommended to Hungary to ‘[i]mprove the transparency of case allocation systems in lower-instance courts, taking into account European standards on case allocation’
. In accordance with the applicable Hungarian legislation, these case allocation schemes continue to be established and regularly amended by court presidents. Judicial councils have no meaningful role in the process and parties to court proceedings cannot verify the proper application of the schemes or whether there was a derogation from them
. The applicable rules have not been amended and there are no plans yet to do so
. Therefore, there has been no progress on the recommendation made in the 2023 Rule of Law Report.
While the new legal framework aims at limiting the risk of arbitrary decisions about the career of judges, no further steps were taken to address concerns raised by the National Judicial Council. In July and September 2023, the National Judicial Council found that in 2022 the NOJ President and the Kúria President had respected applicable rules when appointing judges to the bench
. There are however no legislative plans to address the concerns expressed by the National Judicial Council as regards the practice of the appointing authority when deciding in a single batch on multiple applications for multiple judicial posts
. In the National Anti-Corruption Strategy, the Government called on the Minister of Justice to review the current point system applicable to the evaluation of applications for judicial posts, which stakeholders consider to favour candidates coming from public administration over candidates from within the judiciary
. No follow-up has been given to the draft legislative proposal prepared by the NOJ President to amend the rules related to the assessment of the suitability for judicial tenure of judges appointed for an initial three-year period. This proposal would move forward their evaluation in view of a proposal for judicial tenure, thereby allowing for any judicial review of their evaluation to be completed before the end of their fixed-term appointment
. When recommending the appointment of the Kúria Vice Presidents, the Kúria President is not bound by the ranking established by the full court, while the National Judicial Council gives a binding opinion as to the suitability of the candidates. On 13 June 2024, the Council of Europe’s Committee of Ministers reiterated its request to the Hungarian authorities to step up their efforts to find ways to introduce the required measures to ensure that a decision to remove the President of the Kúria is subjected to effective oversight by an independent judicial body
.
The freedom of expression of judges remains under pressure. Smear campaigns against judges continue in the media
. Also, the February 2024 decision of the Kúria President to suspend the publication of the Kúria’s official court reports was criticized by stakeholders
. As regards the effect of the violations in the Baka case
on the freedom of judges to express their views on matters of public interest concerning the judiciary, on 13 June 2024, the Council of Europe’s Committee of Ministers reiterated serious concern that the Hungarian authorities had not produced their announced evaluation of the domestic legislation on the status of judges and the administration of courts
.
The structure of the prosecution service remains unchanged and risks of undue interference with individual cases remain. The 2023 and previous Rule of Law Reports noted that the strictly hierarchical architecture of the prosecution service and a lack of internal checks and balances enhance the persistent risk of top prosecutors influencing the work of subordinate prosecutors, including in individual cases
. Hungary has not implemented GRECO’s recommendation to review the possibility to maintain the Prosecutor General in office after the expiry of his/her mandate by a minority blocking of the election in Parliament of a successor
. A new law
will allow the Minister of Justice to access the pseudonymised version of all final decisions of the prosecution service and all other decisions (e.g. those of the investigating authorities) reviewed by the prosecution service.
Quality
Digitalisation of the justice system continues to be overall high while further investment remains necessary. Hungary continues to rank very high in terms of digital solutions allowing participation in court proceedings and online access to published judgments
. However, the installation of necessary new terminals for hearings taking place via videoconference has not continued, even though judges increasingly schedule such hearings
. Stakeholders report that no new tools or technologies (e.g. speech-to-text applications) have been introduced to counterbalance the shortage of court staff and that outdated devices (such as laptops) are rarely being replaced
.
The National Judicial Council has made a new legislative proposal to the Ministry of Justice to increase judicial salaries and ensure automatic indexation, considering that the level of remuneration of judges and court staff has further deteriorated due to high inflation. As noted in the 2023 Rule of Law Report
, the Government has not yet taken a decision to increase the real value of judicial salaries. The salaries for judges, prosecutors, as well as court and prosecutorial staff were last increased in January 2022; since then, inflation has exceeded 37%
. Junior judges perceive the attractiveness of their salaries as low, with reports of related resignations shortly after hiring
. This negatively impacts the capacity of the judiciary to recruit and retain competent staff. Salaries for court staff barely reach the minimum wage and do not substantially increase for staff with significant work experience
. The number of judges further decreased in 2023, and the number of applicants for initial positions does not always allow to fill all vacancies
. To address the situation, on 26 February 2024, the National Judicial Council made a new legislative proposal on the increase and automatic indexation of judicial salaries, which is currently being considered by the Ministry of Justice
.
Concerns remain as regards the effectiveness of the legal aid scheme in both civil and criminal cases. The eligibility threshold for legal aid in civil procedure is high
leading, in general, to concerns as regards the inclusiveness of the legal aid scheme
. Fees for defence lawyers under the legal aid scheme are regarded as critically low
, impacting access to justice and the right to a fair trial. Also, as reported last year, access to justice could be improved through specific arrangements for persons at risk of discrimination, for elderly persons and for women victims of violence
.
Efficiency
The efficiency of the judiciary in civil, commercial and administrative cases continues to remain high
. As in previous years, Hungary performs very well as regards the estimated time needed to resolve litigious civil and commercial cases at all court instances, as well as administrative cases at all court instances
. According to the Government, the backlog of cases has been reduced further
. Cases with lengthy proceedings cluster in courts in the central region around Budapest
, where the overall caseload tends to be higher.
There were no further developments regarding a compensation scheme for cases involving protracted administrative and criminal proceedings. The 2021 Act on pecuniary compensation for delay in civil proceedings
guarantees in principle genuine redress for violations of Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights. However, the law does not cover non-contentious civil proceedings, such as enforcement proceedings
, administrative and criminal cases. On 13 June 2024, the Council of Europe’s Committee of Ministers ‘noted with grave concern the continued absence of a reaction to the Committee’s decisions regarding the outstanding criminal, administrative, and non-contentious civil compensatory remedies’
. According to stakeholders, the protraction of court proceedings in certain high-profile criminal cases is imputable to malfunctions of court administration
.
II.Anti-Corruption Framework
The Ministry of Interior is responsible for the overall coordination of the anti-corruption policy and oversight over the National Protective Service
. As a law enforcement agency, the National Protective Service is still in charge of crime prevention and detection, lifestyle monitoring and integrity testing for staff subordinated to the Ministry of Interior
. The Constitution Protection Office, a national security agency overseen by the Prime Minister’s Cabinet Office, is empowered to carry out integrity tests for all other public officials
. The Integrity Authority is an independent authority set up based on the commitments under the conditionality procedure and the Recovery and Resilience Plan to enhance oversight over public spending with a focus on EU funds
. Similarly, the Anti-Corruption Task Force was set up to examine existing anti-corruption policies and to elaborate new proposals
. The State Audit Office contributes to corruption prevention with its competences for the audit of the financial management of public funds, the monitoring of state-owned companies’ compliance with statutory public disclosure obligations, as well as political party finance and campaign finance audits. As to the repression of corruption, the police can investigate private sector corruption and corruption-related economic crimes. The investigation and prosecution of corruption in the public sector fall under the exclusive competence of the Central Chief Investigating Prosecution Office and its six regional offices
. The prosecution service oversees investigations and is supported by the investigative forces of the police and the National Protective Service.
The perception among experts and business executives is that the level of corruption in the public sector remains high. In the 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index by Transparency International, Hungary scores 42/100 and ranks 27th in the EU and 76th globally
. This perception has been relatively stable over the past five years
. The 2024 Special Eurobarometer on Corruption shows that 88% of respondents consider corruption widespread in their country (EU average 68%) and 24% of respondents feel personally affected by corruption in their daily lives (EU average 27%)
. As regards businesses, 78% of companies consider that corruption is widespread (EU average 65%) and 41% consider that corruption is a problem when doing business (EU average 36%)
. Furthermore, 40% of respondents find that there are enough successful prosecutions to deter people from corrupt practices (EU average 32%)
, while 25% of companies believe that people and businesses caught for bribing a senior official are appropriately punished (EU average 31%)
.
While the implementation of some remedial measures put forward in response to the EU conditionality procedure is ongoing, important shortcomings remain and no new measures were adopted to remedy the outstanding concerns. To protect the EU budget against corruption and systemic rule of law issues, on 15 December 2022 the Council, on a proposal from the Commission, temporarily suspended EU funds under several EU programmes
and prohibited entering into new legal commitments with public interest trusts
, until further reforms are introduced. Pursuant to the procedure set out in the Conditionality Regulation
, Hungary may any time notify remedial measures to demonstrate that the relevant breaches of the principles of the rule of law and/or their effects or risks for the Union budget and the Union’s financial interests have been removed. In the absence of a written notification from Hungary, the Commission reassessed on its own motion the situation in Hungary based on the information available. On 13 December 2023, the Commission considered that the situation that had led the Council to adopt measures had not been remedied and that the Union’s budget remained at the same level of risk as established by the Council on 15 December 2022. In its assessment, the Commission listed a number of issues that are still outstanding, concluding that the measures adopted by the Council should remain in place
. Furthermore, no disbursement of funds under the Recovery and Resilience Plan can be made to Hungary until all the ‘super milestones’, including those related to the key implementation steps of the conditionality procedure, have been satisfactorily implemented.
A new National Anti-Corruption Strategy and Action Plan is now in place
. On 14 February 2024, Hungary adopted the medium-term National Anti-Corruption Strategy for 2024-2025 and its related Action Plan, applicable as of 15 February 2024
. On process, the draft had been consulted with some key international stakeholders, but national consultations appear to have remained limited
. On substance, the strategic documents envisage measures related to new ethical standards for public officials on conflicts of interest, asset declarations, and political party financing
. The goal is to put forward a whole-of-society approach in the fight against corruption. While this is beneficial, it remains to be seen in the implementation if this new strategic framework can effectively address systemic weaknesses in public institutions and state organs as public service providers. As noted also by the OECD and the Council of Europe, a comprehensive and strategic policy approach to effectively tackling corruption, including high-level corruption, remains missing from the strategy. Most integrity and corruption prevention measures target low and mid-level officials and the integrity framework applicable to persons with top executive functions remains weak
. As regards the governance framework, the Anti-Corruption Task Force is tasked to help evaluate the progress as regards the implementation of the Action Plan
. A final government assessment report of the level of implementation to be prepared by the Ministry of Interior is planned for 2026
.
The Integrity Authority reports certain obstacles to fulfilling its oversight tasks effectively, and the impact in practice of the proposals made by the Anti-Corruption Task Force remains to be seen. Largely, the Integrity Authority seems to have the adequate capacity and the necessary level of independence to carry out its work
. It referred two cases to the prosecution service in 2023, one following a whistle-blower report and the other identified through its own risk assessment
. On 29 June 2023, the Integrity Authority published its first annual analytical integrity report covering 2022
, and on 14 December 2023 its position
on the Government’s reply to the report
. The Government responded positively to about a quarter of the recommendations issued by the Integrity Authority, committing to take further action
. In practice, some obstacles remain, particularly where the Authority needs to rely on cooperation with other public bodies
. In addition, the Authority reported that it does not have direct access to all the data registers containing information that may be needed for it to carry out its tasks
and in certain cases no such data is available
. To enhance cooperation with other public bodies that it heavily relies upon, the Integrity Authority has proposed to the Government to mirror its powers
also in sectoral laws
. Stakeholders also highlighted the need for a strategy for the Authority, including the definition of criteria for the selection of cases for investigation
. The Anti-Corruption Task Force, created to support the Government’s overall anti-corruption policy coordination, adopted its second annual report. Non-governmental members of the Task Force expressed concerns as regards its capacities
, scope and the Government’s limited uptake of proposals and questioned the Task Force’s meaningful impact in practice
.
The possibility of judicial review has reportedly led the prosecution service to assess the follow-up on crime reports more thoroughly, even though court decisions overturning prosecutorial decisions remain non-binding
. A year after its introduction, Hungary has started the revision of the possibility for a judge to review prosecutorial and investigative authorities’ decisions not to investigate reported corruption suspicions or to terminate ongoing corruption investigations without indictment
, which has been in force since 1 January 2023
. The Prosecutor General has published guidelines, including instructions how to file a review request, which stakeholders have found to be user-friendly
. However, shortcomings remain in particular as regards the temporal scope of the new measure
and the lack of the binding nature of court decisions quashing the prosecutor’s decision not to prosecute
. Stakeholders have also raised concerns as to its results in practice
. Until 29 February 2024, 74 motions for judicial review had been filed with the competent Buda Central District Court
; most of them were allegations of abuse of office, unrelated to public funds
.
Integrity tests and lifestyle monitoring remain the main tools to detect and deter corruption, although their effectiveness is limited in detecting high-level corruption. Also in 2023, reliability testing through integrity surveillance and testing of public officials was reported to be the primary tool used to detect corruption in the public sector
. In practice, this has been effective primarily for petty corruption cases, such as gratitude payments in healthcare
. Other tools that could be more effective in detecting a wider variety of corruption cases (including high-level corruption), such asset declarations, whistleblower disclosures and registers
, continue to play a relatively minor role in corruption investigations
. The National Protective Service continues to be considered indispensable to gather evidence essential for initiating corruption investigations and prosecutions
. It is tasked with carrying out integrity tests and lifestyle monitoring for staff subordinated to the Ministry of Interior and other public administrative bodies. For the integrity testing of all other public officials conducted by the Constitution Protection Office, risks to the transparency of such proceedings, as previously reported, has materialised in the reporting period
. Information or data about reliability testing, including numbers of corruption suspicions reported to the prosecution service, is no longer publicly available for those public officials who are covered by the mandate of the Constitution Protection Office
.
Whereas the number of convictions for corruption-related crimes has increased in low level corruption cases, there has been no progress yet to establish a robust track record against high-level corruption. The 2022 and 2023 Rule of Law Reports recommended to Hungary to ‘[e]stablish a robust track record of investigations, prosecutions, and final judgments for high-level corruption cases’
. The prosecution service continues to view the level of cooperation between the relevant state entities combating corruption, as well as human and financial resources, and specialisation as adequate to carry out their tasks
. The new IT system for the prosecution service, planned to address the persisting challenge in evidence-gathering and sharing, is still not in place and is now planned to be operational by the end of 2025
. The reported indictment rate for corruption crimes continues to be high, according to the prosecution service
, with one new indictment in 2023 also in a complex corruption and money laundering case against a large number of defendants, including one former high-level official
. In 2023, the prosecution service reported that 364 persons had been convicted at a final instance for corruption-related crimes
. However, most cases target low to mid-tier officials while leaving out the top-level officials of the country’s public administration, and convictions in high-level corruption cases continue to be rare
. Generally, in complex high-level corruption cases, court proceedings tend to be excessively long
. The risk of undue interference with individual cases persists in the prosecution service
, while also the police’s operational independence appears to be affected by political influence on the prosecution service
. Serious concerns remain therefore about the absence of a robust track record of investigations of corruption allegations concerning high-level officials and their immediate circle. Stakeholders also continued to raise concerns about clientelism, favouritism and nepotism in high-level public administration and about the risk of impunity caused by a disparity in the treatment of corruption cases for political purposes
. Overall, considering the lack of significant developments
, no progress was made on establishing a robust track record to fight high-level corruption, as recommended in the previous years.
Enforcement against foreign bribery is still lacking. International recommendations to design a strategy to proactively detect and investigate foreign bribery cases and to provide for more time in the application of investigation measures in highly complex multi-jurisdictional cases remain among other recommendations unfulfilled since 2012
. The Government considers Hungary’s legislative framework appropriate to prevent and repress foreign bribery, focusing its activity in this area on organising trainings and on creating a framework for improving cooperation
. While one conviction is reported, no new investigations into foreign bribery have been initiated during the reporting period
.
The legislative steps taken to facilitate on-the-spot checks conducted by the EU Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF) for investigations involving EU funds have proven effective. In 2023, based on the legislation adopted in October 2022
, OLAF requested in several instances the National Tax and Customs Administration to secure the presence of a finance guard during OLAF’s on-the-spot checks to ensure cooperation of the economic operator subject to the control and it received the necessary support. Following allegations of a corruption ring in managing authorities, more than 50 suspects have been brought before the courts on bribery charges in connection with EU funds, including a former deputy state secretary and 25 legal entities
. Furthermore, the Integrity Authority conducted successful own-initiative proceedings in at least one case concerning budget fraud, including EU subsidies, in a case involving a high-level official and his family, finding irregularities
.
There has been no further progress on lobbying and post-employment regulation, with plans to legislate in this area only in 2025. The 2023 Rule of Law Report recommended to Hungary to ‘[a]dopt comprehensive reforms on lobbying and revolving doors [...] providing for effective oversight and enforcement’
. The new National Anti-Corruption Strategy 2024-2025 and Action Plan contain a commitment of the Government for a legislative proposal on lobbying law, including rules on revolving doors, to be prepared by the Ministry of Justice by 30 November 2025
. Whether the proposal will provide for the creation of a transparency register and a legislative footprint to disclose contacts with interest representatives in the decision-making process, which are so far missing in Hungary, is not yet decided
. In this context, the Minister of Justice is tasked by Government decision to evaluate and prepare a report on current lobbying practices
. The Government committed further to a non-binding Code of Conduct for persons with executive functions, including contacts with lobbyists and post-employment restrictions
. For Parliament, no steps have been reported for the establishment of a clear set of rules on contacts between members of Parliament and lobbyists to address concerns regarding the level of transparency in the decision-making process
. Thus, Hungary’s lobbying rules remain incomplete, with no systematic follow-up ensured in case of non-compliance
. Post-employment restrictions and cooling-off periods remain largely fragmented
and limited in personal scope
. At the same time, no further steps have been taken to provide for more effective enforcement
. A code of ethics for members of Parliament, that would include post-employment guidelines, is planned
. Without more steps taken for a comprehensive reform on lobbying and post-employment rules, there has been no further progress on the recommendation made in the previous years.
There has been no further progress to improve the asset declarations’ system, including effective oversight. The 2023 Rule of Law Report recommended to Hungary to ‘further improve the system of asset declarations, providing for effective oversight and enforcement’
. On 7 December 2023, the Integrity Authority presented an ad-hoc report on Hungary’s asset declaration system, including an extensive set of recommendations to the Government
. There is no official Government reply to this report yet. The National Anti-Corruption Strategy for 2024-2025 includes plans for the Ministry of Justice to create the possibility for electronic submission of asset declarations and to propose the introduction of an effective, proportionate, and dissuasive administrative and criminal sanctions’ regime for breaches of asset declaration obligations
. The power to verify asset declarations has not yet been effectively transferred and provided to the Integrity Authority
. In practice, according to the Integrity Authority, obstacles for its oversight role remain substantial, including the lack of direct access to certain registers necessary for the effective fulfilment of its verification tasks
. Stakeholders stressed emerging risks, with private equity funds and fiduciary asset management arrangements providing for new opportunities to potentially hide assets, as they are removed from general oversight and access by the Integrity Authority
. With regard to asset declarations of members of Parliament, concerns persist regarding their effective and regular monitoring and verification
. In the reporting period, no procedure against a member of Parliament before the National Assembly’s Immunity Committee was initiated, and two members of Parliament decided to correct and rectify their asset declarations retrospectively following reports in media
. As previously reported, there is still no obligation for regular monitoring for the respective entities in Parliament or the Tax and Customs Administration to check the correctness and completeness of the declarations made. Asset declarations are generally verified only upon notification of suspicions, and potential follow-up is left to the discretion of the public official’s employer or, in case of members of Parliament and other high-ranking officials, to the Immunity Committee. However, neither declarations of most high-ranking officials nor information about any follow-up are publicly available
. Other previously identified shortcomings remain unaddressed, including more effective monitoring, verification, oversight and enforcement
. Against this background, no progress has therefore been made towards implementing the recommendation made in the 2023 Rule of Law Report
.
Guides and awareness-raising measures on conflicts of interests are envisaged, while legislative fragmentation and systemic weaknesses remain. The Government included in the Action Plan of the National Anti-Corruption Strategy 2024-2025 the adoption of a Code of Conduct for persons with executive functions
, the aim of which is to provide new soft law rules for political and professional senior managers, their advisers, and Prime Minister’s delegates. To increase awareness of integrity also in the National Assembly, in particular, on conflicts of interests, gifts and benefits, the Code of Conduct is planned to cover also members of Parliament and employees of the Office of the National Assembly
. However, in 2023, there were no developments to address the systemic weaknesses reported on in 2023
. These include, among others, the fragmentation of the regulatory framework on conflict of interests, including the lack of a general definition of conflict of interests and the absence of a central supervisory body remain so far, as also pointed out by the Integrity Authority
.
The new whistleblower protection law for EU funds entered into force. The new law transposing the EU Directive
to enhance the protection of whistleblowers reporting on potential wrongdoings relating to breaches of EU law has been in force since 24 July 2023
. Stakeholders flagged risks of legal uncertainty, with weaker protection levels for those cases that concern national funds compared to those that relate to EU funds
. An accompanying Government Decree sets out which Government bodies will be required to establish separate whistleblower disclosure systems
apart from the already operated online disclosure channels
. The anonymous, secure whistleblower hotline of the Integrity Authority for corruption, fraud and conflicts of interests related to EU funds became operational in June 2023
. Overall, some disclosures reportedly reach the respective entities, but whistleblower reporting is not yet a widespread practice
. Also in 2023, no further steps have been taken yet to address the major operational deficiencies in the whistleblower regime in practice, including the limited protection against retaliation and the risks of disclosure of the whistleblowers’ identity
.
Shortcomings with regard to political party and campaign rules and their narrow scope of application remain unaddressed. As reported last year, some measures had been taken to increase the transparency of political party financial registries. The Government announced in its National Anti-Corruption Strategy 2024-2025 a review of the operations of political organisations and the enforcement of political party finance rules with a focus exclusively on preventing foreign funding of political parties
. In February 2024, the State Audit Office imposed fines on six political parties for alleged illegal foreign funding during the 2022 election campaign
. Challenges previously identified regarding political party and campaign financing rules
have not been addressed in the reporting period and no actions in this regard are planned under the Strategy and Action Plan. Overall concerns therefore remain as regards the transparency of party financing
.
New obstacles to the transparency of public procurement appeared, while different levels of control exist for national and EU-funds related procurements. Businesses’ attitudes towards corruption in the EU show that 29% of companies in Hungary (EU average 27%) think that corruption has prevented them from winning a public tender or a public procurement contract in practice in the last three years
. Some measures to enhance competition in public procurement are included in the National Anti-Corruption Action Plan for 2024-2025
. The members of the Anti-Corruption Task Force report that most of the proposals made in its report related to public procurement did not receive support by the Government
. Stakeholders report that since autumn 2023, new obstacles have appeared for transparency of public procurement
, highlighting practical challenges. For instance, they report that a new feature renders the bulk download of data on public procurement, and hence statistical analysis concerning risks of corruption and political favouritism, difficult
. This restricts possibilities for public monitoring. Corruption risk sectors remained largely the same compared to previous years, with high risks in public procurement, construction, health, IT, and communication services
. National legislation does not allow public entities to conclude contracts with or make payments to non-transparent entities. However, stakeholders report about emerging risks concerning transactions through non-transparent structures with transactions often being concluded through private equity funds or trust funds, preventing the public disclosure of their beneficial owners and change in ownership in practice
. This uncertainty creates a challenge for the supervisory authority to track compliance with loan limits to companies owned by the owner of the bank. It also makes it difficult for the public to monitor the use public money if the state sells companies or concludes tender contracts with private equity funds
. Overall, corruption risks were found to have increased in 2023 for public tenders related to national funds that are not controlled by the EU and thus where different levels of control and oversight applies
. In this context, high corruption risks were identified in particular for the local level and municipalities, indicating examples of how political networks can lead to abuse of tender processes, including favouritism due to close ties between business and politics
. Stakeholders continue to report about selective awarding to political affiliates
, which carry the potential to increase corruption risks in a procurement market that is already vulnerable to corruption
.
III.Media Pluralism and Media Freedom
Hungary’s Fundamental Law
and sectoral legislation provide the legal framework for the protection of media freedom and pluralism. The Media Act regulates, in detail, both the Hungarian media regulator, as well as the governance of public service media. The Freedom of Information Act establishes a detailed framework which regulates the right to access information held by public authorities
. The Press Act lays down general and fundamental rules on freedom of the press and media content.
There has been no progress to strengthen the functional independence of the Hungarian media regulator. The 2023 Rule of Law Report recommended to Hungary to ‘[i]ntroduce mechanisms to enhance the functional independence of the media regulatory authority taking into account European standards on the independence of media regulators’
. The decision-making body of the Authority, the Media Council, remains composed of members all nominated by Parliament. The Commission’s action against Hungary in front of the Court of Justice - in relation to the Media Council’s refusal to renew the broadcasting license of independent radio station Klubrádió, which resulted in the radio being taken off air - is ongoing
. In light of the unresolved concerns with regard to the authority, the 2024 Media Pluralism Monitor (MPM) once more assesses the independence and effectiveness of the Media Authority as an area presenting high risk, referring to the authority’s composition, lack of transparency of its decision-making process and ‘clear political bias’
. Given that no measures have been adopted or are planned to strengthen the regulator’s functional independence, there has been no progress as regards the recommendations made in the previous years.
There has been no progress to increase transparency and fairness in the distribution of state advertising. The 2023 Rule of Law Report recommended to Hungary to ‘adopt legislation to ensure fair and transparent distribution of advertising expenditure by the state and state-owned companies’
. No measures have been announced to that effect. Stakeholders concur that the State is, by far, the most important player in the media advertising ecosystem and that the channelling of significant state resources to pro-government media continues to prevent a level playing field in the Hungarian media landscape
. MPM 2024 states that ‘for years now, the government is seen as the largest advertiser on the Hungarian media market’, continues to consider this to be an area of medium risk
. Given that no legislative or other measures have been adopted or are planned by the Government, there has been no progress as regards the recommendations made in the previous years.
There are no specific rules on transparency in the ownership structure of media companies. Registers maintained by the media authority contain limited information on media service providers, but direct ownership information is available via the business register. This leads the 2024 MPM to once more consider this a high-risk area although it points out that ‘in practice […] the public is often aware of the ultimate beneficial owners behind a particular outlet’ due to the attention which journalists and researchers have given to this matter
. There has been no change to the Hungarian system of review of market concentration in the media market and, to date, no attempt by the Media Authority to examine the impact of major operations on the plurality and diversity of the Hungarian media market
.
There has been no progress to enhance the independence of public service media. The 2023 Rule of Law Report recommended to Hungary to ‘[s]trengthen the rules and mechanisms to enhance the independent governance and editorial independence of public service media taking into account European standards on public service media’
. No significant legislative or policy changes have been adopted or are planned in terms of the governance and funding of public service media, and concerns in relation to its financial and editorial independence persist
. As a consequence, the 2024 MPM has maintained its very high-risk score for this area based on its findings, among others, that public service media is financially dependent on the governing majority and the lack of effective control mechanisms
. There has thus been no progress on the recommendations made in the previous years
.
Further legislative changes have introduced some restrictions to the freedom of information which had been subject to a recent reform. The 2023 Rule of Law Report noted that a recent reform sought to facilitate access to public information and rendered the charging of fees exceptional. The reform aimed to accelerate litigation in connection with data of public interest, by introducing very tight procedural deadlines. Stakeholders also noted that the reform had established the over-arching principle that public information should be provided free of charge, rendering associated fees exceptional
. Stakeholders report that the reform has indeed resulted in speeding up litigation in freedom of information cases in front of the courts, although extraordinary remedies before the Kúria and ineffective enforcement proceedings significantly delay the release of the documents and data requested
. In 2023 and 2024, Parliament adopted further legislative amendments, introducing new grounds for rejecting freedom of information requests
. Furthermore, in direct response to a court decision which had ordered access to certain unclassified but unpublished government documents, as of 1 March 2024 a legislative amendment
expressly allowed the authorities to limit public access to this category of documents. According to stakeholders, these amendments make access to public information more difficult
. Parliament has so far not implemented a Constitutional Court decision
requiring legislative amendments to establish effective judicial protection in case of freedom of information requests related to public funds, addressed to the recipients of such funds. While Hungary committed to ensure that all public bodies publish specified data on the new transparency portal, stakeholders point out that proactive data publication on the new portal is not mandatory for all entities performing a public duty and certain features of the portal hamper its usefulness in accessing data
. The MPM 2024 maintains its high-risk score for this area
.
Journalists and other media professionals continue to face numerous challenges. Following an amendment to the Criminal Code, slanderous or defamatory statements made in the press or in the media as part of the public discourse are no longer punishable, unless they ‘are aimed at a manifest and seriously offensive denial of the human dignity of the aggrieved party’. While stakeholders point out that physical attacks against journalists are very rare in Hungary, they continue to draw attention to the selective access to government premises and events, as well as the prevalence of seemingly coordinated smear and de-legitimisation campaigns against various journalists who are frequently labelled ‘foreign agents’, ‘mercenaries’ and ‘traitors’
. The 2024 MPM continues to consider the safety of journalists to be an area of medium risk
. The 2023 Mapping Media Freedom monitoring report flags the targeting of numerous media outlets by Distributed Denial-of-Service (DDoS) cyberattacks as a new emerging threat
. The Council of Europe’s Platform to promote the protection of journalism and safety of journalists registered two new alerts relating to, respectively, the adoption of the Protection of National Sovereignty Act
and DDoS attacks
.
IV.Other Institutional Issues related to Checks and Balances
Hungary is a parliamentary republic with a unicameral Parliament (National Assembly). Parliament, among other functions, adopts and amends the Fundamental Law of Hungary, legislates, including cardinal laws
, elects the Prime Minister, and elects – by a two-thirds majority – the top rank public officials of the country. The President of the Republic is elected by Parliament. There are a number of institutions tasked with counter-balancing the powers of the legislature and the executive, and are entrusted with guaranteeing the respect of the constitutional order, including the Constitutional Court, the State Audit Office and the Ombudsperson (‘Commissioner for Fundamental Rights’); the latter is also tasked with the roles of the equality body and national human rights institution. The Constitutional Court reviews the constitutionality of laws and judicial decisions. In addition to the Government, the President of the Republic, every parliamentary committee and any member of Parliament may table a draft law.
Increasing state interventions and arbitrary decisions of the authorities weaken legal certainty and remain a problem for the operation of businesses in the single market. The 2023 Rule of Law Report noted that the Government continued to use its emergency powers extensively, which undermines legal certainty and affects the operation of businesses in the single market
. The Government extended until November 2024 the ‘state of danger’ declared by the Government on 25 May 2022 ‘in view of the armed conflict and humanitarian catastrophe in Ukraine and with a view to averting their impact on Hungary’
. In this way, the Government can override Acts of Parliament. Several emergency measures adopted in the reporting period might have an impact on the business environment
, while others do not seem to be related to the ‘state of danger’
. Parliamentary oversight of individual emergency measures is weak
. Stakeholders reported that the Constitutional Court cannot ensure the effective and timely review of emergency measures
and that the extensive and prolonged use of the Government’s emergency powers has undermined legal certainty
. The Government has continued to declare certain investment projects to be of ‘strategic importance for the national economy’ or of ‘priority’. While the Government maintains that legal remedies before the ordinary courts exist, these types of projects are exempt from public oversight and control
merely through decrees, which can only be challenged before the Constitutional Court. So far, the Court has not annulled any of these Decrees
. On 19 June 2024, in the context of the European Semester, the Commission proposed that the Council recommend that Hungary ‘[i]mprove the regulatory framework and enhance competition in product markets and services by avoiding arbitrary administrative interventions and the selective use of tailor-made legislation providing undue advantage or disadvantage to specific companies, by applying competition scrutiny systematically to business transactions and by reducing the use of emergency measures to what is strictly necessary, in line with the principles of the single market and the rule of law’
.
The quality of law-making and the frequent changes in legislation remain a significant cause for concern. Stakeholders reported that while draft pieces of legislation are published on the Government’s website, response times are limited to the statutory eight days and there is no meaningful feedback
. Stakeholders also note that important legislative changes are not subject to public consultation or a meaningful debate in Parliament because of the Government’s practice to include only technical amendments in draft laws and then, following a purely formal process, introduce new provisions in the bill through the Committee on Legislation
just before the final vote in Parliament
. The quality of law-making and the frequent changes in legislation remain a significant cause for concern about the effectiveness of investment protection among companies in Hungary
.
Concerns regarding the independence and effective functioning of the Commissioner for Fundamental Rights remain. The UN Sub-Committee on Accreditation (SCA) of the Global Alliance of NHRIs (GANHRI) has not revised its earlier recommendation that the Hungarian national human rights institution be downgraded to B-status
. Stakeholders reported that the deficiencies pointed out by the SCA persist
. In December 2023, the Deputy Commissioner organised a conference on vulnerable groups in the courtroom, with a special focus on children and refugees
. The mandate of the Commissioner was significantly extended in 2023 with regard to the protection of persons with disabilities
, as well as whistleblower protection
. According to stakeholders, the trend
to merge all specialised human right protection institutions into the Commissioner’s Office could be highly problematic due to not only the lack of functional independence of the Office, but also due to the decreased institutional focus and resources in an organisation with multiple mandates
. In that context, the Government refers to the Paris Principles that require that national institutions possess the widest possible mandate to promote and protect human rights.
New rules rendered the judicial review of administrative decisions more difficult. As of 1 January 2024, a public authority may amend or repeal its administrative decision after receiving an application seeking judicial review but before transmitting the file to the court
. If the citizen or a business fails to contest the amended decision within eight days, the application for review becomes ineffective, and the authority is not obliged to transmit the file to the court. According to stakeholders
, these new rules, and in particular the tight deadline, is a disincentive for citizens and businesses to seek judicial review, which raises issues under European standards
..Also, the Court of Justice of the EU has found that national law preventing third-country nationals who, on the basis of confidential information obtained by the Constitution Protection Office, have had their residence permit withdrawn, or have been refused such a permit, from being informed even of the substance of the grounds forming the basis of those decisions and from using such information for the purposes of an administrative procedure or judicial proceedings violates EU law
.
Concerns persist due to the absence of effective judicial or other oversight as regards the use of secret surveillance measures outside criminal proceedings. The 2023 Rule of Law Report noted that ‘[f]urther concerns [had] been raised due to the absence of effective oversight as regards the use of secret surveillance measures outside criminal proceedings’
. No steps have been taken to address these concerns. Stakeholders note that the excessively broad range of potential victims of surveillance may give rise to mass-surveillance
. On 13 June 2024, the Council of Europe’s Committee of Ministers ‘strongly exhorted the authorities to adopt, without further delay, the measures required to bring the domestic legislation on secret surveillance for national security purposes fully and effectively in line with the Convention requirements’
. Previous reports highlighted that journalists and other media professionals have been targeted by spyware
. In spite of subsequent investigations into the matter, there were no consequences for individuals or entities concerned, nor were any legislative changes initiated
. In February 2024, Hungary signed with China a memorandum of understanding on performing joint patrolling services which allows Chinese police to operate on the territory of Hungary
.
The Constitutional Court still reviews the merits of final rulings of ordinary courts in politically sensitive cases. The 2023 Rule of Law Report noted that legal certainty had been improved as public authorities could no longer challenge final judicial decisions before the Constitutional Court
. The Constitutional Court, composed of members elected by Parliament without the involvement of the judiciary, is still reviewing judgments of the ordinary courts acting as ‘a court of fourth instance’
. In several such cases, some of them politically sensitive, final judgments of the ordinary courts were annulled
. Stakeholders noted that the Constitutional Court does not have a case allocation scheme and cases are assigned to judges-rapporteurs under non-transparent rules
. Moreover, although the law requires that the Constitutional Court render a decision on a constitutional complaint within a reasonable time, stakeholders noted that the Constitutional Court is not bound by procedural deadlines when hearing such cases
. As a rule, this domestic remedy needs to be exhausted before filing an application with the European Court of Human Rights
. As of 14 December 2023, an omnibus law
inserted a new provision in the Constitutional Court Act
allowing the Constitutional Court to give an advisory opinion – upon request of the Court of Justice of the EU
– on the interpretation of the rules related to Hungary’s constitutional order, constitutional requirements, constitutional traditions, national identity, sovereignty, population, and rights and freedoms enshrined in the Fundamental Law.
On 1 January 2024, Hungary had 45 leading judgments of the European Court of Human Rights pending implementation, an increase of two compared to the previous year
. Hungary’s rate of leading judgments from the past 10 years that remain pending is at 76% (compared to 71% in 2023), which remains the highest in the EU, and the average time that the judgments have been pending implementation is over 6 years and 2 months (compared to over 6 years and 8 months in 2023)
. The oldest leading judgment, pending implementation for almost 15 years, concerns the violation of the right to freedom of assembly
. As regards the respect of payment deadlines, on 31 December 2023 there were 47 cases in total awaiting confirmation of payments (compared to 82 in 2022)
. On 1 July 2024, the number of leading judgments pending implementation had had increased to 47
. The execution of the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights in the Kenedi v Hungary
and Magyar Helsinki Bizottság v Hungary
cases is still pending. Hungary also faces challenges as regards the effective implementation of judgments of the Court of Justice of the EU
.
There has been no progress in removing existing obstacles affecting civil society organisations, while new legislation further undermined civic space. The 2023 Rule of Law Report recommended to Hungary to ‘[f]oster a safe and enabling civic space and remove obstacles affecting civil society organisations, including by repealing legislation that hampers their capacity of working, in particular the immigration tax’
. While the overall legal framework for CSOs
did not change in 2023 and is generally in line with European standards
, the space for civil society continues to be rated as ‘obstructed’
. Stakeholders reported that government-coordinated smear campaigns and vilification of independent CSOs remain a current practice
. The implementation of the law
, adopted in 2021 to repeal the Transparency Act
in line with the judgment of the Court of Justice
, is pending
. The so-called ‘child-protection law’
, amending, among others, the law on national public education
, authorises the responsible minister to regulate by decree the conditions of registration for CSOs that are allowed to give sex education classes in public education institutions. No such decree has been issued ever since, thereby limiting the activity of the CSOs concerned
. As of 1 January 2023, in response to a judgment of the Court of Justice
, Hungary amended its legislation which criminalised the organisation of activities carried out with a view to assisting the initiation of applications for international protection that do not fulfil the national criteria for granting that protection. Another law
introducing a special 25% immigration tax applicable to financial support received by organisations carrying out ‘activities facilitating immigration’, which also raised concerns, continues to apply, although it is not enforced in practice
. On 12 December 2023, Parliament adopted the Protection of National Sovereignty Act
; it establishes a new office with broadly defined competences tasked with reporting on any person or organisation suspected of serving foreign interests and/or receiving foreign funding. Independent media outlets issued a statement warning that the new law is ‘capable of severely restricting the freedom of the press’
. In June 2024, the new office launched investigations into the activities and funding of an anti-corruption CSO and an investigative media outlet
. The new law also amended the political party and campaign finance rules without public consultation. Therefore, there has been no progress on the recommendation made in the 2023 Rule of Law Report.
Concerns related to the State’s role in financing civil society persist. Overall, 40% of civil society’s resources come from public funding
. Stakeholders report that this income is distributed unevenly
, and that the operation of state funding for CSOs is non-transparent
. Funding earmarked for civil society is often absorbed by organisations affiliated with the governing parties
. Also in this respect, no progress has been made on the implementation of the recommendation made in the previous years to remove obstacles affecting CSOs. The increasing lack of state funding is to some extent offset by the growing amount of individual donations
. Cutting off CSOs from public funding increases their dependence on crowdsourcing tools and on philanthropies and donors from abroad
.
There is little room for CSOs and human rights defenders to engage effectively with public institutions on issues of significant societal impact. The involvement of local communities in debates related to investment projects (e.g. vehicle battery factories), has been limited through legislation
. The Government continued the practice of ‘national consultation’
. Independent CSOs can participate in the monitoring committees that oversee the spending of EU funds at national level and in the Anti-Corruption Task Force
.
Annex I: List of sources in alphabetical order*
* The list of contributions received in the context of the consultation for the 2024 Rule of Law report can be found at https://commission.europa.eu/publications/2024-rule-law-report-targeted-stakeholder-consultation_en
24.hu (2024), Ministerial fortunes may remain invisible as a result of a government decision (Miniszteri vagyonok maradhatnak láthatatlanok egy kormányhatározatnak köszönhetően) (15 January 2024),
https://24.hu/belfold/2024/01/15/miniszteri-vagyonok-kormanyhatarozat-bizalmi-vagyonkezelok/
.
24.hu (2024), The prosecution service would send to prison Mihály Varga’s former deputy state secretary and László Palkovics’ confidant (Varga Mihály volt helyettes államtitkárát és Palkovics László bizalmasát is börtönbe zárná az ügyészség) (9 April 2024),
https://24.hu/kozelet/2024/04/09/varga-mihaly-penzugyminiszterium-volt-helyettes-allamtitkar-karsai-tamas-palkovics-laszlo-barta-eke-gyula-korrupcio-eu-palyazat-kenopenz-vesztegetes-borton-vadirat/
.
Amnesty International Hungary, Eötvös Károly Institute, Hungarian Civil Liberties Union, Hungarian Helsinki Committee, K-Monitor, Mérték Media Monitor, Ökotárs, Political Capital, Transparency International Hungary (2024), Joint contribution for the 2024 Rule of Law Report.
Anti-Corruption Task Force (2023), 2022 Report of the Anti-Corruption Task Force
https://kemcs.hu/wp-content/uploads/2023/06/Korrupcioellenes-Munkacsoport-2022-evre-vonatkozo-jelentese.pdf
.
Anti-Corruption Task Force (2023), Complementary Report on the draft medium-term National Anti-Corruption Strategy for 2023-2025
https://kemcs.hu/wp-content/uploads/2023/06/Kiegeszito_jelentes_NKS.pdf
.
Átlátszó (2020), Corruption info: hundreds of millions of euros in EU funding for the company of the son of the minister responsible for the Paks investment (Korrupcióinfó: több százmilliós uniós támogatás a paksi beruházásért felelős miniszter fia cégének) (23 April 2020),
https://atlatszo.hu/kozugy/2020/04/23/korrupcioinfo-tobb-szazmillios-unios-tamogatas-a-paksi-beruhazasert-felelos-miniszter-fia-cegenek/
.
Átlátszó (2023), We identified the companies that have won hundreds of public contracts in a single city (16 February 2023),
https://english.atlatszo.hu/2023/02/16/we-identified-the-companies-that-have-won-hundreds-of-public-contracts-in-a-single-city/
.
Átlátszó (2024), Átlátszó, K-Monitor and Transparency have not accepted the annual report of the Anti-Corruption Working Group (18 March 2024),
https://english.atlatszo.hu/2024/03/18/atlatszo-k-monitor-and-transparency-have-not-accepted-the-annual-report-of-the-anti-corruption-working-group/
.
Bertelsmann Stiftung (2024), Transformation Index: Hungary Country Report
https://bti-project.org/en/reports/country-report/HUN?cHash=16802a21c33eab84edaf76f4d2c323fe
.
Bloomberg (2024), Hungary Clamps Down on Orban’s Opponents with Hefty Fine (20 February 2024)
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2024-02-20/opposition-deprived-of-funding-as-orban-clamps-down-with-hefty-fine
.
Budapest Institute (2022), Open letter announcing withdrawal from participation in the activities of the Integrity Authority’s Anti-Corruption Task Force (19 May 2022),
https://www.budapestinstitute.eu/uploads/IH_MCS_level_2023.pdf
.
Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom (2023), Monitoring Media Pluralism in the Digital Era in the year 2022, Country report: Hungary.
Civicus, Monitor tracking civic space – Hungary
https://monitor.civicus.org/country/hungary/
.
Corruption Research Center Budapest (2023), White Elephants in Hungary – Lessons of some EU funded projects (29 January 2023),
https://www.crcb.eu/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/2023_research_notes_01_230129_01.pdf
.
Corruption Research Center Budapest (2023), Fourteen Graphs and Two Tables on the New Trends of Corruption Risk in the Hungarian Public Procurement 2005-2022 (7 February 2023),
https://www.crcb.eu/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/2023_crcb_statistical_quick_report_230207_01.pdf
.
Corruption Research Center Budapest (2023), The new trends of corruption risks in Hungarian public procurement (17 October 2023),
https://www.crcb.eu/?p=3450
.
Corruption Research Center Budapest (2024), Two Communication Companies in the Hungarian Public Procurement Market 2012-2023 (19 February 2024),
http://www.crcb.eu/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/2024_research_notes_01_190224_03.pdf
.
Council of Bars and Law Societies of Europe (2024), Contribution from Council of Bars and Law Societies of Europe for the 2024 Rule of Law Report.
Council of Europe: Commissioner for Human Rights (2023), Hungary: The proposal for a ‘defence of national sovereignty’ package should be abandoned (27 November 2023)
https://www.coe.int/ca/web/commissioner/-/hungary-the-proposal-for-a-defence-of-national-sovereignty-package-should-be-abandoned
.
Council of Europe (2023), Hungary: anti-corruption group calls for measures to prevent corruption in central government and law enforcement (9 June 2023)
https://www.coe.int/en/web/portal/-/hungary-anti-corruption-group-calls-for-measures-to-prevent-corruption-in-central-government-and-law-enforcement
.
Council of Europe (2024), Supervision of the execution of judgments decisions of the European Court of Human Rights – 17th Annual Report of the Committee of Ministers – 2023
https://edoc.coe.int/en/module/ec_addformat/download?cle=a73d18446f20a30be28c26ab513da8d8&k=af860e1889bc86177636bda12d13da47
.
Council of Europe, Platform to promote the protection of journalism and safety of journalists – Hungary,
https://fom.coe.int/en/pays/detail/11709524
.
Court of Justice of the European Union, judgment of 16 November 2021 WB and others, C-748/19 and others, ECLI:EU:C:2021:931.
Court of Justice of the European Union, judgment of 18 June 2020, Commission v Hungary (Transparency of associations), C-78/18, ECLI:EU:C:2020:476.
Court of Justice of the European Union, judgment of 16 November 2021, Commission v Hungary (Incrimination de l’aide aux demandeurs d’asile), C-821/19), ECLI:EU:C:2021:930.
Court of Justice of the European Union, judgment of 11 January 2024, Global Ink Trade Kft., C-537/22, ECLI:EU:C:2024:6.
Democracy Reporting International (2024), Contribution from Democracy Reporting International for the 2024 Rule of Law Report.
Eötvös Károly Policy Institute (2024), Contribution from Eötvös Károly Policy Institute for the 2024 Rule of Law Report.
European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF) (2024), Annual Report 2023
https://anti-fraud.ec.europa.eu/about-us/reports/annual-olaf-reports_en
.
European Association of Judges (2024), Contribution from European Association of Judges for the 2024 Rule of Law Report.
European Association of Judges (2024), Resolution on Judicial Remuneration in Hungary
https://www.iaj-uim.org/iuw/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/EAJ-Resolution-Hungary.pdf
.
European Commission (2022), 2022 EU Justice Scoreboard.
European Commission (2022), 2022 Rule of Law Report, Country Chapter on the rule of law situation in Hungary.
European Commission (2023), HICP all-items — annual average inflation rates, 2013-2022
https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php?title=File:HICP_all-items_%E2%80%94_annual_average_inflation_rates,_2013-2022(%25).png
.
European Commission (2023), 2023 Rule of Law Report, Country Chapter on the rule of law situation in Hungary.
European Commission (2023), Civil Society Landscape in the European Union - Research in support of the Citizens, Equality, Rights and Values (CERV) Programme
https://op.europa.eu/en/publicationdetail/-/publication/5eb1a213-c14f-11ed-8912-01aa75ed71a1/language-en
https://op.europa.eu/en/publicationdetail/-/publication/5eb1a213-c14f-11ed-8912-01aa75ed71a1/language-en
.
European Commission (2023), Commission Decision of 13 December 2023 on the reassessment, on the Commission’s initiative, of the fulfilment of the conditions under Article 4 of Regulation (EU, Euratom) 2020/2092 following Council Implementing Decision (EU) 2022/2506 of 15 December 2022 regarding Hungary
https://commission.europa.eu/document/83f08b3a-bf4a-4462-a361-88d44692452b_en
.
European Commission (2024), 2024 EU Justice Scoreboard.
European Commission (2024), Economic forecast for Hungary, last update (15/02/2024), Winter 2024 Economic Forecast: A delayed rebound in growth amid faster easing of inflation
https://economy-finance.ec.europa.eu/economic-surveillance-eu-economies/hungary/economic-forecast-hungary_en
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Intellinews (2024), Hungarian State Audit Office fines opposition parties for alleged foreign campaign finance (21 February 2024)
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K-Monitor (2024), According to the State Audit Office, the Prime Minister’s Office lawfully awards public funds to organisations that stand elections (24 March 2024),
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Telex (2023), There are already 34 suspects in the bribery case involving the Ministry of Finance and the Prime Minister’s Office (Már 34 gyanúsítottja van a Pénzügyminisztériumot és a Miniszterelnökséget is érintő vesztegetési ügynek) (3 March 2023),
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Telex (2024), SAO: CÖF and Megafon said that they had not cooperated with Fidesz (ÁSZ: A CÖF és a Megafon azt mondták, hogy ők nem működtek együtt a Fidesszel) (20 February 2024)
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Telex (2024), The Integrity Authority filed a complaint over the half-billion forint ‘dairy farm’ of the family of ex-minister János Süli (Az Integritás Hatóság feljelentést tett Süli János exminiszter családjának félmilliárdos „tehenészete” miatt) (21 February 2024)
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.
Telex (2024), The Sovereignty Protection Office has no problem with Chinese policemen coming to Hungary (A Szuverenitásvédelmi Hivatal szerint semmi baj nincs azzal, hogy kínai rendőrök jönnek Magyarországra) (3 April 2024),
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.
Telex (2024), Transparency International and Átlátszó became the first targets of the Sovereignty Protection Office (A Transparency International és az Átlátszó lettek a Szuverenitásvédelmi Hivatal első célpontjai) (25 June 2024),
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.
The Budapest Times (2023), Prosecutors investigate a further 9 people in EU tenders bribery case (3 March 2023),
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.
The Budapest Times (2024), KNYF: ‘No documents disappeared in so-called Volner-Schadl case’ (28 March 2024),
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.
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.
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Válasz Online (2024), Fidesz has built a gigantic network of GONGOs for the elections – several little ‘Szilárd Németh’ can jump into action (A Fidesz gigantikus álcivil hálózatot épített a választásokra – sok kis „Németh Szilárd” léphet akcióba) (22 January 2024),
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.
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.
Annex II: Country visit to Hungary
The Commission services held virtual meetings in February 2024 with:
·Amnesty International Hungary
·Átlátszó
·Bea Bodrogi lawyer, media expert
·Buda Central District Court
·Corruption Research Center Budapest
·ELTE Media Department
·Eötvös Károly Policy Institute
·Hungarian Association of Journalists (MÚOSZ)
·Hungarian Association of Judges (MABIE)
·Hungarian Bar Association (MÜK)
·Hungarian Civil Liberties Union (TASZ)
·Hungarian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (MKIK)
·Hungarian Helsinki Committee
·Integrity Authority
·K-Monitor
·Kúria (Supreme Court)
·Media Service Support and Asset Management Fund (MTVA)
·Mérték Media Monitor
·Ministry for European Affairs
·Ministry of Finance
·Ministry of Interior
·Ministry of Justice
·National Assembly (Országgyűlés)
·National Data Protection and Freedom of Information Authority (NAIH)
·National Judicial Council (OBT)
·National Media and Infocommunications Authority (NMHH)
·National Office for the Judiciary (OBH)
·Office of the Commissioner for Fundamental Rights
·Prosecution Service of Hungary
·State Audit Office (Állami Számvevőszék)
·Transparency International Hungary
* The Commission also met the following organisations in a number of horizontal meetings:
·Amnesty International EU
·Centre for Democracy and Technology Europe
·Centre for European Volunteering
·Civil Liberties Union for Europe
·Civil Rights Defenders
·Civil Society Europe
·Culture Action Europe
·Democracy Reporting International
·European Centre for Non-Profit Law
·European Civic Forum
·European Federation of Journalists
·European Partnership for Democracy
·European Youth Forum
·Free Press Unlimited
·International Federation for Human Rights
·International Planned Parenthood Federation
·International Press Institute
·Irish Council for Civil Liberties
·JEF Europe
·Open Society Foundations
·Philanthropy Europe Association
·PICUM
·Reporters Without Borders
·SOLIDAR
·Transparency International EU