9. července 2025
DOSLOVNÝ ZÁZNAM ZE ZASEDÁNÍ Z 9. ČERVENCE 2025

(C/2026/2302)

Obsah

Zahájení denního zasedání

Jednání předcházející prvnímu čtení v Parlamentu (článek 72 jednacího řádu) (další postup)

Závěry ze zasedání Evropské rady konaného dne 26. června 2025 (rozprava)

Dlouhodobý rozpočet EU po roce 2027: očekávání Parlamentu před předložením návrhu Komise (rozprava)

Pokračování denního zasedání

Žádosti o zbavení imunity

Hlasování

7.1.

Evropský právní rámec pro klima (hlasování)

7.2.

Námitka podle čl. 114 odst. 3 jednacího řádu: změna nařízení Komise v přenesené pravomoci (EU) 2016/1675 za účelem doplnění několika zemí na seznam vysoce rizikových třetích zemí a odstranění několika zemí z uvedeného seznamu (B10-0311/2025, B10-0315/2025, B10-0316/2025, B10-0318/2025) (hlasování)

7.3.

Námitka podle čl. 115 odst. 2 a 3 jednacího řádu: nařízení proti odlesňování – seznam zemí, které jsou zařazeny do kategorií „nízké riziko“ nebo „vysoké riziko“ (B10-0321/2025) (hlasování)

7.4.

Změna nařízení (EU) č. 1026/2012 o některých opatřeních za účelem zachování populací ryb ve vztahu k zemím, které umožňují neudržitelný rybolov (A10-0070/2025 – Thomas Bajada) (hlasování)

7.5.

Návrh opravného rozpočtu č. 1/2025: zapsání přebytku z rozpočtového roku 2024 (A10-0116/2025 – Victor Negrescu) (hlasování)

7.6.

Uvolnění prostředků z Fondu solidarity Evropské unie: pomoc Rakousku, Polsku, Česku, Slovensku a Moldavsku v souvislosti s povodněmi, k nimž došlo v září 2024, a Bosně a Hercegovině v souvislosti s povodněmi, k nimž došlo v říjnu 2024 (A10-0114/2025 – Andrzej Halicki) (hlasování)

7.7.

Uvolnění prostředků z Evropského fondu pro přizpůsobení se globalizaci: žádost EGF/2025/000 TA 2025 – Technická pomoc z podnětu Komise (A10-0115/2025 – Jean-Marc Germain) (hlasování)

7.8.

Bezpečnost výrobků a dodržování právních předpisů v elektronickém obchodu a při dovozu ze zemí mimo EU (A10-0133/2025 – Salvatore De Meo) (hlasování)

7.9.

Zprávy o Albánii za roky 2023 a 2024 (A10-0106/2025 – Andreas Schieder) (hlasování)

7.10.

Zprávy o Bosně a Hercegovině za roky 2023 a 2024 (A10-0108/2025 – Ondřej Kolář) (hlasování)

7.11.

Zprávy o Severní Makedonii za roky 2023 a 2024 (A10-0118/2025 – Thomas Waitz) (hlasování)

7.12.

Zprávy o Gruzii za roky 2023 a 2024 (A10-0110/2025 – Rasa Juknevičienė) (hlasování)

7.13.

Provádění a plnění cílů udržitelného rozvoje s ohledem na politické fórum na vysoké úrovni v roce 2025 (A10-0125/2025 – Robert Biedroń, Nikolas Farantouris) (hlasování)

7.14.

Dopady války vedené Ruskem proti Ukrajině na lidské životy a naléhavá potřeba ukončit ruskou agresi: situace nelegálně zadržovaných civilistů a válečných zajatců a pokračující bombardování civilistů (RC-B10-0304/2025, B10-0303/2025, B10-0304/2025, B10-0305/2025, B10-0306/2025, B10-0307/2025, B10-0308/2025) (hlasování)

Pokračování denního zasedání

Schválení zápisu z předchozího denního zasedání

10.

Ponaučení z budapešťského pochodu hrdosti: naléhavá potřeba zavést antidiskriminační předpisy v celé EU a chránit základní práva před útoky pravicových extremistů (tematická rozprava)

11.

Obchodní jednání mezi EU a USA (rozprava)

12.

Unie připravenosti EU s ohledem na nadcházející období lesních požárů a sucha (rozprava)

13.

Členství ve výborech a delegacích

107

14.

Prezentace strategií pro vytváření zásob – posílení reakčních kapacit v měnícím se prostředí rizik a hrozeb (rozprava)

107

15.

Údajné zneužití finančních prostředků EU členy krajní pravice a opatření k zajištění institucionální integrity (rozprava)

114

16.

Mírová dohoda mezi Demokratickou republikou Kongo a Rwandou (rozprava)

121

17.

Výsledky konference o financování rozvoje v Seville (rozprava)

127

18.

51 let po turecké invazi do Kyperské republiky: odsouzení pokračující turecké okupace a podpora obnovení jednání o komplexním řešení v souladu s mezinárodním právem, rezolucemi Rady bezpečnosti OSN a zásadami a acquis EU (rozprava)

135

19.

Rozpravy o případech porušování lidských práv, demokracie a právního státu (rozprava)

139

19.1.

Případ Ryana Corneliuse v Dubaji

139

19.2.

Svévolné zatčení a mučení belgicko-portugalského výzkumníka Josepha Figueiry Martina ve Středoafrické republice

142

19.3.

Naléhavá potřeba ochrany náboženských menšin v Sýrii po nedávném teroristickém útoku na kostel Mar Elias v Damašku

145

20.

Písemná vysvětlení hlasování (článek 201 jednacího řádu)

152

21.

Pořad jednání příštího denního zasedání

152

22.

Schválení zápisu z tohoto denního zasedání

152

23.

Ukončení denního zasedání

152

Doslovný záznam ze zasedání z 9. července 2025

IN THE CHAIR: ROBERTA METSOLA

President

1. Zahájení denního zasedání

(The sitting opened at 09:02)

2. Jednání předcházející prvnímu čtení v Parlamentu (článek 72 jednacího řádu) (další postup)

President. – I have one announcement before we start.

In relation to the decision by several committees to enter interinstitutional negotiations pursuant to Rule 72(1) as announced at the opening of the session on Monday, 7 July 2025, I have received no request for a vote in Parliament by Members or political groups reaching at least the medium threshold.

The committees may therefore start negotiations.

3. Závěry ze zasedání Evropské rady konaného dne 26. června 2025 (rozprava)

President. – The first item on the agenda today is the debate on the European Council and Commission statements on the conclusions of the European Council meeting of 26 June 2025 (2024/2981(RSP)).

I would like to remind you that we will continue with the new format for this debate and there will be no fixed speakers' list.

After the first round of speakers, Members who received speaking time from their political groups or the non-attached secretariat will be called to speak and will be reminded of their allotted to intervene.

Please keep an eye on the screens in the Chamber, where the current speaker and the next three speakers will be displayed. When your name appears, I would ask you to prepare and make your way to the lectern.

The normal rules regarding blue cards and catch-the-eye procedure will apply.

António Costa, President of the European Council. – Madam President, Madam President of the European Commission, honourable Members of the European Parliament, three fundamental priorities marked the first seven months of our mandate: defence, competitiveness and Europe's role in the world.

Starting with defence, the Russian invasion of Ukraine was a wake-up call for Europe. It demonstrated that peace without defence is an illusion. NATO is indispensable, but the European Union has a clear added value. In fact, it has a fundamental role and it's ready to assume greater responsibility.

That is why the European Council has approved a work plan towards achieving defence readiness by 2030. First, giving Member States more fiscal space and funding through the SAFE programme to allow for more ambitious defence spending. Second, ensuring that Member States can spend better through standardisation, aggregation of demand, harmonisation of requirements and joint procurement. Third, looking at defence as a driver for competitiveness, boosting research and innovation, and developing a real industrial policy on defence, with more private investment supported by the European Investment Bank.

On all these areas, we have, with the Commission, achieved progress, but we must do much more, acting together as Europeans. As we invest more, we don't need to multiply the same capabilities by 27. We need to implement a common defence system, investing together in strategic capabilities, like air defence, maritime security, space and cyber.

I'm not talking about a European army. I'm talking about common goods operated by our national armies, according to a common plan. Gone are the days of futile discussions about the roles of the European Union and NATO in building the Europe of defence. It is now clear that strengthening European defence is the best way to preserve a stable transatlantic alliance. Building the Europe of defence is not a slogan – it is a duty, a duty to protect our citizens, uphold our values and defend our future.

Secondly, on competitiveness, a more competitive Europe is a safer, more resilient Europe. A more competitive Europe is essential to attract more investment, create better jobs, strengthen our economic resilience and underpin our social model. The European Union is simultaneously a powerful single market and a powerhouse on trade. As Mario Draghi underlined, defence and the energy transition are the main drivers to boost our competitiveness.

In fact, the green transition is Europe's chance to lead, to modernise our industry, to create clean jobs, to reduce energy costs and to reinforce energy security. And this is, of course, crucial to tackle the existential threat of climate change, because we can stop the clock on European rules, but there is no stopping the clock for climate change. That means we cannot reduce our ambition and give up on our climate targets.

But to reduce emissions, we don't need to increase bureaucracy. We must achieve our goals not through bureaucratic pollution, but by ensuring that no one is left behind by the climate transition. That is why we invite the co-legislators to accelerate the simplification of the rules for business and to cut red tape. It is also about addressing – with realism – the challenges that the middle class and lower-income citizens are facing, for example, in improving the energy efficiency of their houses or replacing their old cars.

Ladies and gentlemen, there is no competitiveness without trade. The European Union will only lead in innovation, deliver prosperity and good-quality jobs, and attract talent if it pursues its ambitious fair-trade agenda with partners all over the world. We are the largest trader of manufactured goods and services in the world.

We have built the most extensive network of trade agreements, covering 78 countries and growing. We are advancing negotiations with countries like India, Indonesia, Thailand, Malaysia and the Philippines, and others. Since last December, the Commission has concluded the political negotiations with Mercosur and for the modernised agreement with Mexico. The Mercosur deal alone will form the largest free trade zone in the world – a market of over 700 million consumers. It will boost investment in Europe, strengthen strategic industries in Europe and create jobs in Europe. We must, therefore, focus on the long-term benefits for Europe.

Policymakers should decide based on facts, not on perceptions. And allow me to mention one example: the Mercosur agreements quota for beef represents 1.6 % – I repeat, 1.6 % – of the total European beef production. This is also less than half of our current imports from Mercosur. This will simply not be able to destroy European agriculture.

If we want to export our social and environmental standards, the way to do this is through trade agreements, because tariffs don't spread standards; trade agreements do. This is the message that Europe should send to the world. While others raise barriers, we build bridges. So let's move forward and sign the Mercosur agreement by the end of this year, because shaping social global economic rules, forging strong partnerships and fostering shared prosperity is in Europe's vital interest.

Finally, to reinforce Europe's position in the world, it is more important than ever to intensify our diplomatic engagement in the multipolar world. The support for Ukraine and achieving the enlargement to the Western Balkans are our most important geopolitical investment, but we need to look beyond. We already held important summits with South Africa, Central Asian countries, the United Kingdom, Canada and Moldova. More are to come: Japan and China this month, Egypt in October, as well as Latin America and the Caribbean, and the African Union later this year.

In a time of fragmentation, the rules-based order needs defenders – credible defenders that uphold it consistently without double standards, whether in Ukraine, the Middle East or anywhere else where fundamental principles are at stake. Europe is the credible, predictable and reliable partner that multilateralism needs. Whether at the United Nations, the G20 in South Africa or COP30 in Brazil, the European Union will be there – not as a spectator, but as an actor that shapes outcomes.

Honourable Members, Europe has shown that it can act, not just react. The European Council has been guided by unity in the diversity of our nations, working hand in hand with the Commission and with Parliament. Thank you, Roberta. Thank you, dear Ursula. Together, we are strengthening our defence, reinforcing our competitiveness, and defending our values and interests globally. You can count on the European Council to continue on this path, because our citizens expect protection, prosperity and purpose. We must deliver together.

Ursula von der Leyen, President of the Commission. – Madam President, dear Roberta, Mr President, dear António, honourable Members, President Costa has spoken on the topics we discussed, so allow me to build on this by zooming in on two areas which were the most prominent in the European Council. The first is geoeconomics and the second, defence and security.

Honourable Members, a year ago, in my political guidelines, I spoke of the need for Europe to build a true foreign economic policy. The seismic and disruptive shift in global economic relations in the last year has made that need all the more acute.

But, as we all know, any foreign economic policy must start at home, because we first need to make our own economic and industrial base stronger and more resilient to shocks. This is the work we are doing in four key areas.

First, we need to make it easier for innovative companies to grow here in Europe. Our entrepreneurs, startups and scaleups all lack access to the capital they need, and this is a handicap relative to all of their direct competitors. This is why we need to speed up our work on the capital markets, build the savings and investment union, and deliver on our first ever startup and scaleup strategy.

Second, we need to make Europe a better place to invest. Two out of three European Union companies say that regulation is a key obstacle to investment. So we need to make it easier and faster for companies. Speed and simplification – we speak about these often here. This is why we're working on our Omnibus proposals for those strategic sectors. We stick to our climate goals – I want to be very clear about that – but we make it easier to reach them. We are agile, flexible and adaptable on the way towards the climate goals.

My third point is: we have to make doing business in Europe cheaper. Energy costs in particular continue to be a competitive disadvantage for our industry, and this is why it's so important that we step up investment in grids, in interconnectors and in storage, that we fully implement our affordable energy action plan, and that we deliver on our commitment to phase out imports of Russian gas and oil by the end of 2027. It is time to turn off the tap and end the era of fossil fuels in Europe for good.

So capital, speed and simplify, energy costs down – the focus on the homework at home.

Abroad, of course, we also have a lot of work to do, and let me turn to the United States. As you know, since February, the United States has imposed tariffs on 70 % of total EU trade with the United States. The scale and the scope of these measures is unprecedented. So our line has to be very clear. We will be firm. We do prefer a negotiated solution. This is why we're working closely with the US administration to get an agreement – and I had a good exchange with President Trump earlier this week to help move things forward. We're looking for a reliable framework from which we can keep building our common trade.

So the message is clear: we stick to our principles, we defend our interests, we continue the work in good faith and we get ready for all scenarios. We will, of course, keep this House informed.

Honourable Members, the reason why we're working day and night to find a solution is because we believe tariffs are bad for business. Of course, we're not the only ones worldwide. Since the start of our new mandate, we already concluded new trade deals – you mentioned it, António – with Mercosur, with Mexico, with Switzerland. We will work hard to finalise the deal with India by the end of the year; that would be an enormous opportunity, a huge market.

And there will be more to come, because the world is looking for partners it can count on, and, of course, Europe is such a partner. For us it is a key part of our foreign economic policy and, of course, a key part of our competitiveness – you mentioned the enormous market in Mercosur that is possible for our business and, of course, the consumers on both sides.

These trade negotiations with these different countries can open immense new opportunities. So, yes, this is the moment of risk for Europe, but it is also the moment of opportunities for Europe – and it is a moment to be seized immediately by all of us.

Let me turn to the second topic. Tonight, 728 drone attacks on Ukraine took place. It is the highest number in a day since the beginning of the war – 728 drones. And, if we look at this battlefield, we see very clearly: the war still rages on. The threat from Russia remains. And this is the reality we must always keep in mind when we discuss defence.

We cannot rely on others to defend Europe. The defence of Europe is our responsibility. We all apprehend the urgency. We have made a huge step forward since the European Council in March, and thank you for the excellent cooperation on that one. We have set out our white paper: Readiness 2030. We have the ReArm Europe plan, which laid out the necessary tools to deliver on the surge of investment. And we have facilitated the investment of up to EUR 800 billion in defence.

So the surge in European defence spending that we need is now possible. Sixteen Member States have already requested the activation of the national escape clause, so this allows a substantial increase of defence expenditure without triggering the excessive deficit procedure. On top of this comes SAFE, with EUR 150 billion in loans for joint procurement. Ten Member States have already signalled their intention to take up loans; I expect more to join – and this is crucial, because defence readiness is not only about how much we spend, but it's mostly about how we spend.

This is why the European Council has tasked us to work on a roadmap for readiness for the European Council in October – so a short time frame. We will work with Member States to map their capability gaps so that we have an overview – of course, in close cooperation with NATO. We will identify common European projects for joint procurement, the flagships, so that Member States spend more on interoperability and more European, because that makes more investment stay in the European Union, boosts our own defence industry and makes us have, of course, more research and development in our Member States. That is not only good for security – it's good for security, but not only – but it is also good for creating good jobs here at home.

So our defence industry must be enabled to consolidate, to scale up, to speed up. We expect a lot of them: that's hard work. And we should certainly not slow them down. Let me give one example of us slowing them down. Authorising the expansion of an already existing defence factory can take over one year – and we are speaking about an already existing defence factory. And the permit can then be denied because of the size of the car park. That cannot be.

And this is why, two weeks ago, we tabled the Defence Omnibus. This Omnibus aims to simplify a number of European rules. It will fast track permitting, it will simplify State aid, etc. Now, the Omnibus needs to be agreed in Parliament and the Council, and time is of the essence – both because Russia is rearming fast, let's be very clear about that, and because the more we wait, the more European investment will go abroad outside the European Union.

Honourable Members, to finish, I would like to stress that this investment is important for our Member States, but it is also very important for our Member States in the future, so the candidate countries. We're talking about our common security and our common prosperity.

And this is, of course, particularly the case also for Ukraine. The speed, the cost effectiveness and the smartness of their defence production is impressive. And it started three years ago from scratch. There was nothing. It's amazing to see how much they built. But we also know that this highly capable defence industry is only operating at 60 % capacity.

So, that is our opportunity. Our Member States can take their SAFE loans and procure directly in the Ukrainian defence industry. For Member States, it's top-notch quality, fast and cheap – so a big advantage for them. For Ukraine, it's both crucial revenues, but also an opportunity to strengthen its defence industrial base.

Ukraine and the European Union stand together now. We will be together in the future, with this House, with this Commission and with all Member States present and future. Long live Europe.

Dolors Montserrat, en nombre del Grupo PPE. – Señora presidenta, señora presidenta de la Comisión, señor presidente del Consejo Europeo, el Consejo Europeo y este Parlamento han acordado la incorporación de Bulgaria a la zona del euro en 2026 y, por tanto, enviamos nuestra felicitación a todo el pueblo búlgaro.

El Consejo también ratificó nuestro respaldo a Ucrania, que sigue luchando por su libertad, recordándonos que la seguridad no se improvisa, se construye. Hoy, los aliados estamos más unidos y más convencidos que nunca de que la defensa es la mejor garantía de paz contra criminales como Putin.

Europa avanza, presidenta, hacia una economía más competitiva, más innovadora, pero necesitamos continuar avanzando en reducir esta maraña de burocracia que asfixia a las pequeñas empresas, a la industria y a nuestras familias; también necesitamos el mejor presupuesto para hacerlo realidad.

Necesitamos el presupuesto para tener una economía robusta, porque así tendremos la mejor política social que podemos dejar a nuestros jóvenes, que son los empleos de calidad. Y, por supuesto, tenemos que continuar acelerando, abriendo mercados, con esta política de acuerdos comerciales tan acertada. Pero, sobre todo, no podemos olvidar en este presupuesto a nuestros agricultores y a nuestros pescadores, esenciales en nuestra economía.

También se revisaron las políticas de seguridad interna e inmigración. Solo Europa debe decidir quién entra en Europa. Y debemos luchar con firmeza contra las mafias que utilizan el drama humano de la inmigración y que convierten a nuestros mares en un cementerio.

También necesitamos recursos contra las amenazas híbridas, el terrorismo y el crimen organizado.

En el Consejo también se conmemoró el 40.o aniversario de la adhesión de dos países hermanos a la Unión Europea: Portugal y España. Dos grandes economías, dos socios leales y un puente estratégico con Latinoamérica y África, pero, sobre todo, dos ejemplos de compromiso con la libertad, la democracia y el Estado de Derecho. Valores que hoy están amenazados en España. Ayer, la Comisión Europea publicó el informe anual sobre el Estado de Derecho de todos los países de la Unión y, en cuanto al informe de España, fue demoledora: determina que España está en riesgo democrático. Yo les digo que el único responsable tiene un nombre: se llama Pedro Sánchez.

Europa nació también como una promesa contra la impunidad y la corrupción, pero esa promesa se rompe cuando uno de sus Estados miembros está dirigido por un presidente que no gobierna, sino que resiste en el poder porque maniobra y ataca a la democracia.

Pedro Sánchez viola cada día los valores europeos, es el responsable de una organización criminal corrupta, cuyos cabecillas eran sus dos hombres de máxima confianza: uno pagaba prostitutas con dinero público y el otro está en la cárcel por cobrar mordidas millonarias.

Es más, este informe sobre el Estado de Derecho denuncia también el aumento imparable de la corrupción bajo su mandato, especialmente en contratos públicos y financiación de partidos.

Por eso, ha llegado el momento en que, desde aquí en Europa, exijamos detener toda esta corrupción en España, porque Sánchez no va a frenar la corrupción, porque él es la corrupción. Por tanto, defendamos desde aquí el Estado de Derecho y la lucha contra la corrupción en todos los rincones de Europa.

Kathleen Van Brempt, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, you know, Ms Montserrat, we have a sort of joke in the S&D Group. Every time you take the floor in the plenary, you will wait one minute, two minutes before you say the name Pedro Sánchez.

But let me come to the Council. Dear Presidents of the Commission, of the Council and of the Parliament, when there is a storm outside, people look for shelter, a place where they can be safe and where they can count on protection. Colleagues, I do not have to tell you that there is a storm outside and that anybody who looks to Europe for shelter will be disappointed today.

Just look at the outcome of the EU summit. Genocide in Gaza? Not on the agenda, no action. Further support for Ukraine? Blocked. Sanctions against Russia? Postponed. Ban on the Budapest Pride? Not on the agenda. The Serbian Government's heavy-handed attack on protesting students? Business as usual. Trump will see. It is very clear who gains from that approach: Putin, Trump, Netanyahu, Vučić, Erdoğan, Orbán, Xi.

Dear Council, you mentioned it, international law, multilateralism, rules-based order are the principles on which Europe is built and they are the strongest weapons that we have to defend people. But it only makes sense when you follow them consistently, if we uphold them every time and we protect them when they are under attack.

We need to act by finally confronting Orbán's attack on his own people, by giving Ukraine a clear and committed path towards EU accession, by stopping the appeasement of Vučić, and by finally doing what's right and suspending the association agreement with Israel. Council and Commission, that would be leadership. Please act upon it.

Kinga Gál, a PfE képviselőcsoport nevében. – Tisztelt Elnök Úr, Elnök Asszonyok! Az emberek igazi megoldásokat várnak Európa-szerte. Mégis, a legutóbbi EU-csúcson a magyar miniszterelnök volt az egyedüli, aki ki merte mondani az igazságot. Ukrajna erőltetett uniós csatlakozása tönkretenné az Uniót. Súlyos következményekkel járna a mezőgazdaságra, a munkaerőpiacra, a biztonságunkra nézve. A piacok megnyitása Ukrajna előtt messzemenő következményekkel jár a gazdáinkra nézve. Ezért elfogadhatatlan, hogy ismét zárt ajtók mögött köt a Bizottság kereskedelmi megállapodást Ukrajnával. Támogatjuk a tagállamok védelmi képességeinek és iparainak megerősítését, de ez tagállami hatáskör kell, hogy maradjon, nem válhat további központosítás eszközévé.

Továbbá végre nem az elhibázott migrációs paktumot kellene erőltetni. Gyökeres változás kell, akár a nemzetközi intézmények és a bíróságok gyakorlatának felülvizsgálatával. A versenyképesség hanyatlása égető probléma, hallottuk ma többször. Mégis a Bizottság további önsorsrontó javaslatokat tesz, amelyek révén az energiaárak az egekbe szöknek. A szerződések, a tagállami egyhangúság megkerülése az uniós együttműködés tönkretételéhez vezet. Európának valódi megoldásokra van végre szüksége, nem pedig ideológiai zsákutcákra. A Patrióták ezért küzdenek.

Nicolas Bay, au nom du groupe ECR. – Madame la Présidente, la guerre est à nos portes. Le monde est toujours plus instable et nous perdons du temps. Le Conseil a abordé quelques dossiers toujours brûlants, essentiels pour nos intérêts et notre sécurité.

L'Ukraine, d'abord, pour laquelle il est nécessaire de parvenir rapidement à une paix juste et durable, qui ne peut s'obtenir que par le rapport de force et la négociation. Nous saluons d'ailleurs l'annonce, hier, de l'envoi de plusieurs systèmes de défense Patriot par le président Trump.

Le Moyen-Orient, ensuite. Nous le répéterons inlassablement, Israël a le droit de se défendre par tous les moyens face au terrorisme islamique et face à ses voisins menaçants. Il est impératif pour la stabilité de la région et pour la sécurité de l'Europe que l'Iran et son régime des mollahs n'obtienne jamais l'arme nucléaire.

S'agissant de l'immigration, grâce à nos alliés italiens et suédois, le Conseil commence à ouvrir les yeux. Trop tardivement, trop lentement. Nous avons besoin de partenariats avec tous nos voisins en Méditerranée, sur le modèle de ce que fait Giorgia Meloni en externalisant la gestion des flux migratoires dans les pays tiers. Notre groupe, ECR, sera intransigeant lors des négociations sur le règlement „retour“ et la révision de la liste des pays sûrs. Des expulsions massives de clandestins sont aujourd'hui indispensables pour protéger les Européens.

Enfin, madame von der Leyen – vous l'avez évoqué il y a quelques instants, mais vous serez jugée sur les actes –, la simplification réglementaire doit être accélérée pour libérer notre compétitivité. Il faut simplifier les démarches, baisser les taxes, détricoter le pacte vert pour soutenir nos entrepreneurs dans une compétition mondiale devenue féroce.

En un an, la droite a déjà obtenu quelques victoires dans cet hémicycle. Il faut aller plus vite, plus loin. Notre autonomie et notre sécurité en dépendent.

Valérie Hayer, au nom du groupe Renew. – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Présidente von der Leyen, Monsieur le Président Costa, chers collègues, un mot revient avec insistance ces dernières années: celui de crise – crise géopolitique, crise commerciale, crise démocratique, mais aussi crise climatique, économique, sociale, sanitaire ou encore migratoire. Fort heureusement, on dit que l'Europe n'avance que dans les crises. Les dernières années l'ont démontré, avec la manière dont nous avons répondu au Brexit, à la COVID-19 avec les vaccins et le plan de relance historique, à la guerre en Ukraine avec le déploiement de l'Europe de la défense et le renforcement de notre indépendance énergétique, ou encore au réchauffement climatique avec le pacte vert.

Le groupe Renew Europe a été le moteur de ces réalisations concrètes, avec une obsession: protéger nos classes moyennes et populaires, les plus durement touchées. Mais aujourd'hui, chers collègues, l'Union européenne doit faire plus encore. C'est ce que nous avons ressenti à l'issue du dernier sommet, Monsieur le Président. Je salue bien sûr les avancées obtenues par les Vingt-sept: sur le soutien unanime à la défense européenne, sur le renforcement de notre compétitivité et sur l'appui à la Commission dans les négociations commerciales avec les États-Unis, afin de parvenir à un accord rapide et pragmatique.

Mais sur de nombreux autres sujets, chers collègues, allons plus loin! N'oublions pas, évidemment, l'Ukraine; ne perdons pas de vue le danger que la Russie fait peser sur notre propre sécurité. Pour ce qui est de l'absence d'unanimité sur le 18e paquet de sanctions, disons-le: il s'agit d'un échec. On le sait, la Slovaquie de Fico et la Hongrie d'Orbán sont deux soutiens de Vladimir Poutine et ils sont des épines dans le pied de l'Europe. N'oublions pas non plus ce qui s'est passé lors de la présidentielle en Roumanie, où des ingérences russes ont été clairement démontrées. La Russie de Vladimir Poutine n'a qu'un objectif vis-à-vis de l'Union européenne: favoriser les agents de division dans les États membres pour instiller le doute sur le nécessaire soutien à l'Ukraine, influencer nos décisions ici même, dans cet hémicycle, grâce à des relais aujourd'hui parfaitement identifiés, et encourager le manque d'unanimité au sein du Conseil. Le temps que nous perdons ici n'a qu'une seule conséquence: favoriser les forces russes dans leur travail de sape contre la résistance ukrainienne. Aujourd'hui, l'Europe est le premier soutien de l'Ukraine.

Mes chers collègues, sur ce sujet et sur tous les autres, il y a un éléphant dans la pièce: les États-Unis de Donald Trump. L'Amérique nous pose aujourd'hui un défi: qui a le leadership mondial? Mes chers collègues, l'Europe a tout pour se faire respecter (un marché de 450 millions de consommateurs, des règles qui nous protègent…), mais elle doit être à l'initiative, ne pas subir, ne pas se montrer timide dans la mise en œuvre de son programme législatif, préserver son unité sur l'Ukraine, renforcer ses partenariats avec des alliés qui partagent nos valeurs – et je pense, notamment, au Royaume-Uni.

C'est pourquoi, chers collègues, nous devons agir, proposer, avancer. Mon groupe, Renew Europe, sera toujours du côté des architectes de l'Europe, et ce que je vous propose, ici, c'est un triple „plus“: plus vite, plus fort, plus loin – parce que nous avons besoin d'Europe!

Bas Eickhout, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, the themes were competitiveness, security and defence, and the EU in the world. Well, that's a good coincidence, because those are the topics I'm addressing as well, but maybe in a bit more of a challenging way. It seems that we're all very happy with how the Council went, but to be very honest, I don't think there's a good reason to be so happy about what happened in the Council, because the Council conclusions are quite empty and not really forward-looking. Let's start with competitiveness. Then we should start with our green economy, our future economy. You mentioned that the climate targets will not be debated, but they were. Macron is attending the Visegrád group meeting at the moment, fighting climate action while Marseille is burning. That's the real state of where we are, and that's really condemning to watch.

Madam President, you said we are going to end the fossil era in Europe for good. That's lovely to hear. No, you said in general. Yes, I did take you by your word, and indeed I'm going to ask: what are you going to do in the negotiations with the United States? Are we now going to replace our fossil dependency on Russia with one on the United States? That's not ending the fossil era for good. This shows we are not really solving our problems for our future economy. I hope you will pick up on the fact that we need strong industrial policies in the MFF. It's not deregulation; we need clarity for industry, strong guidance, industrial policy and lead markets. Those issues need to be delivered on.

On security and defence, the big elephant in the room, Orbán, is not even mentioned. He's blocking negotiations with Ukraine, and you are not doing anything. Where's the Article 7 procedure? When are we going to take Orbán to court? These are measures that we need to take, but meanwhile we are silent while he is banning Pride in Budapest.

Finally on Europe in the world, Europe's inaction on Gaza is shameful. The Council took note of a report that is making it very clear that human rights are being violated every day. When is Europe finally going to suspend the association agreement with Israel?

Manon Aubry, au nom du groupe The Left. – Madame la Présidente, Madame von der Leyen, Monsieur Costa, vous parlez de paix et de sécurité, mais vous n'avez pas un seul mot aujourd'hui sur le génocide en cours dans la bande de Gaza.

Madame von der Leyen, je cite „le rapport est très clair, Israël a violé l'article 2 de l'accord d'association entre l'Union européenne et Israël.“ Ce n'est pas moi qui le dit, mais votre haute représentante pour les affaires étrangères, Kaja Kallas. Il a fallu vingt mois de destruction systématique de la bande de Gaza, de bombardements indiscriminés, d'enfants amputés, de populations affamées pour en arriver à cette conclusion évidente: Israël viole le droit international et le droit européen. Pourtant, quelle conclusion en tirez-vous? La suspension immédiate et sans condition de l'accord d'association entre l'Union européenne et Israël? Non, rien. Parce que, surtout, l'objectif, je cite, „serait de ne pas punir Israël“.

Ne pas punir? Mais alors, comment appelez-vous les plus de 57 000 civils qui ont été tués? Les distributions alimentaires prises pour cible? Les survivants qui vivent au milieu des ruines et des cadavres, et qui doivent choisir entre mourir de faim et mourir sous les bombes? Ce n'est pas une punition, pour ces 2 millions de Gazaouis? Si on ne punit pas le gouvernement israélien maintenant, quand il commet un génocide, alors quand? Vous n'avez pas eu peur de punir la Russie de Poutine en adoptant à juste titre 17 trains de sanctions. Mais pas une seule sanction n'a été prise contre Israël et Benyamin Netanyahou. Pis: il peut survoler tranquillement l'espace aérien français sans qu'Emmanuel Macron ne l'intercepte et ne l'arrête, comme l'y oblige pourtant le mandat d'arrêt international.

Madame von der Leyen, on n'arrête pas un génocide avec des mots ou des gesticulations. On l'arrête avec des actes. L'Union européenne est le premier partenaire commercial d'Israël. Nous ne pouvons plus commercer avec un génocidaire. En acceptant de continuer la coopération avec Israël, vous financez et légitimez directement les massacres de masse en cours dans la bande de Gaza. Madame von der Leyen, par votre inaction vous vous rendez chaque jour un peu plus complice du génocide et vous êtes en train de laisser une tache indélébile sur l'histoire de notre continent. Chaque jour, chaque heure compte. Faites enfin ce qui est votre devoir: agissez.

René Aust, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren! Ich möchte zunächst mit etwas Positivem beginnen, denn die Nationalstaaten haben durchblicken lassen, dass sie die Lieferkettenrichtlinie abschwächen wollen. Endlich geht also auch der Rat in die richtige Richtung, wie es manchmal und zunehmend auch in diesem Parlament geschieht – leider aber immer noch zu langsam –, denn die Welt verändert sich, sie verändert sich rasant, tiefgreifend und unumkehrbar. Technologischer Umbruch, demographische Verschiebungen, geopolitische Spannungen – überall spüren wir den Wandel. Nur ein Kontinent bleibt im Vergleich zu den Geschwindigkeiten der anderen Teile der Welt scheinbar stehen, nämlich Europa. Während China in künstlicher Intelligenz davonläuft, während Indien zum globalen Techstandort aufsteigt und die USA neue Wachstumszentren erschließen, hinken wir leider hinterher.

Was wir erleben, ist kein Zufall, denn nach wie vor ist dieser Kontinent gefesselt von links-grüner Ideologie. Viel zu selten haben Politiker an verantwortlicher Stelle den Mut, die neuen Mehrheiten in diesem Parlament, aber auch auf diesem Kontinent insgesamt zu nutzen zugunsten einer patriotischen Wende. Wir stehen dafür zur Verfügung. Wir wissen, dass Europa dann funktioniert, wenn seine kulturelle Reichhaltigkeit respektiert wird, nicht, wenn es Gleichmacherei erzeugt, und im Übrigen auch nur dann, wenn es Meinungsfreiheit gibt und nicht so, wie Sie versuchen, die einzuschränken.

Paulo Cunha (PPE). – Senhora Presidente do Parlamento, Senhor Presidente do Conselho, Senhora Presidente da Comissão, caros colegas, o Conselho Europeu de junho foi claro: a Europa não pode ser espetadora de um mundo em fragmentação.

Na Ucrânia, a nossa solidariedade não pode esmorecer nem recuar. Apoiar a sua defesa é também proteger a segurança e os valores europeus. No Médio Oriente, impõe-se um cessar-fogo imediato e o pleno respeito pelo Direito Internacional e Humanitário. A diplomacia europeia deve ser firme, mas nunca indiferente e o valor da vida humana é inegociável.

Na segurança interna, precisamos de mais interoperabilidade e confiança entre Estados, mas também de atenção ao que cresce dentro de portas. Por toda a Europa, sinais de radicalização e discurso de ódio espalham-se online, exigindo uma resposta firme, mas também que haja prevenção.

Quanto às migrações, o equilíbrio a que devemos aspirar é claro: fronteiras seguras, vias legais ativas e integração com dignidade.

Permita-me ainda sublinhar a competitividade como eixo transversal. Só com uma Europa capaz de inovar, criar emprego e garantir uma verdadeira união energética, poderemos responder a um mundo em rápida mudança. Isto é um imperativo que já não podemos ignorar. Num tempo de incerteza, a Europa deve ser uma presença firme, capaz de proteger sem ceder aos extremos e de unir sem perder os seus valores.

Nicola Zingaretti (S&D). – Cari Presidenti, in questo momento della storia avete una missione: non indebolite il processo unitario a favore dell'Europa solo intergovernativa.

Lo dico perché siamo talmente abituati alla civiltà, al diritto e alla pace da aver dimenticato che, in realtà, gli europei per centinaia di anni si sono fatti la guerra, si sono uccisi, e solo per una piccola parentesi della loro storia hanno vissuto nella pace: dopo i patti di Roma, quando gli europei hanno deciso non di riarmarsi, neanche semplicemente di coordinarsi o di organizzare dibattiti, ma hanno iniziato a integrarsi, a stabilire valori comuni e a mettere in comune degli interessi.

Si capì allora che solo unendo e integrando risorse ed economie il destino comune avrebbe prevalso su tensioni e guerre. Soprattutto le nuove, giovani democrazie avrebbero potuto resistere alla globalizzazione.

Questo e non altro ha permesso all'Europa di essere un attore di pace e di promuovere benessere.

Qualcuno, ora, vuole distruggere questa storia e l'Unione europea, sotto la spinta drammatica dei nuovi nazionalismi, rischia di trasformarsi in una versione ridotta delle Nazioni Unite: sì, luogo di incontro, luogo di confronto dove si votano le risoluzioni, ma purtroppo non soggetto e forza politica in grado di incidere nei teatri di guerra.

Questa è la storia che ha unito i riformismi europei: uniti per essere insieme un attore di forza. Difendiamo insieme questa bellissima storia, perché il mondo ne ha bisogno, invertendo la rotta.

Paolo Borchia (PfE). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, se il futuro dell'Unione è quello che abbiamo ascoltato questa mattina, c'è da preoccuparsi.

E c'è da preoccuparsi tanto, perché abbiamo avuto un Presidente del Consiglio europeo che ha parlato soltanto di armi – e quanto mi mancano i tempi in cui la sinistra europea era pacifista – e una signora, von der Leyen, che adesso ci ha lasciato, che ci parla di quanto sarebbe bello pagare meno le bollette e avere meno burocrazia, quando è stata proprio l'Unione europea, la Commissione europea, a creare quegli stessi problemi che adesso ci spiega come risolvere.

C'è una linea che unisce tutto: parte dalla pandemia, poi arriva all'emergenza climatica e adesso alla paventata invasione della Russia in tutta Europa. Quando i popoli sono spaventati, quando si generano le emergenze, poi sono i popoli stessi che magari sono più propensi a piegare la testa. E questo sembra essere il vostro obiettivo.

In conclusione, Presidente Costa: un'Europa che trova soldi e flessibilità per le armi è un'Europa che tradisce le proprie origini e tradisce i propri principi, perché si dimentica di pensioni e di stipendi, si dimentica dell'Europa che soffre in nome dell'Europa delle armi.

Carlo Fidanza (ECR). – Signora Presidente, signor Presidente, signor Commissario, onorevoli colleghi, l'ultimo Consiglio europeo, fortemente incentrato sui temi internazionali, è stato preceduto ancora una volta da un vertice sull'immigrazione, presieduto da Giorgia Meloni insieme ai colleghi di Olanda e Danimarca.

L'immigrazione non deve essere subita, ma deve essere gestita. Avanti, allora, con il contrasto dell'immigrazione irregolare, con gli accordi con i paesi extra-UE, con la definizione di paesi terzi sicuri e con l'accelerazione dei rimpatri.

Perché la strumentalizzazione dell'immigrazione è una delle minacce ibride a cui l'Europa è sottoposta, come abbiamo visto anche ieri in Libia, nella Libia orientale, dove è stato impedito l'accesso al Commissario Brunner e a tre importanti ministri di altrettanti paesi europei.

Ed è anche per questo che, quando discutiamo dei nostri necessari investimenti in difesa, come fatto al Consiglio dopo il vertice NATO, dobbiamo considerare come tali anche quelli per contrastare le minacce ibride, difendere i confini, proteggere le infrastrutture strategiche e controllare le materie prime critiche. Significa difendere la nostra libertà e la nostra sovranità.

Estrella Galán (The Left). – Señora presidenta, qué lástima que la señora von der Leyen no haya podido tener un minuto más para escucharnos.

La Unión Europea ha habilitado de urgencia cientos de miles de millones de euros para el rearme, lo que responde exclusivamente a los intereses económicos de los Estados Unidos. La máxima urgencia que debería tener la Unión Europea en este momento es acabar con el genocidio del pueblo palestino —que ni han citado, señor Costa—, pero para eso no hay recursos, no hay tiempo y, por supuesto, lo que no hay es voluntad política.

Y todavía se atreven a decir que son indicios cuando asistimos en directo al exterminio de todo un pueblo. En lugar de defender los derechos humanos y los derechos de los ciudadanos, se empeñan en reforzar la OTAN, haciendo de vasallos de Trump. Europa no necesita gastar más en defensa, lo que necesita es soberanía, justicia social y paz.

Señor Costa, hay dos cosas urgentes que la Unión Europea debería hacer ya: romper de inmediato con el Acuerdo de Asociación con Israel y enviar recursos para ayudar al pueblo palestino, la población en Gaza que está siendo exterminada. No se lo pido yo: la gente lo está gritando en las calles de toda Europa. Escúchenlos, por favor, y actúen ya.

Milan Uhrík (ESN). – Vážená pani predsedajúca, pani Leyenová, vy Európsku úniu zničíte. A ja som presvedčený, že Európska únia čoskoro skolabuje, pretože robíte všetko pre to, aby sa tak stalo. Uvedomte si, prosím vás, trošičku, že čo vlastne od Slovenska a Maďarska žiadate. Prídete a poviete, aby sme schválili osemnásty balík protiruských sankcií a definitívne sa odstrihli od tej zlej ruskej ropy a zlého ruského plynu. Ale tieto uhľovodíky sú totálne dôležité, životne dôležité pre slovenský priemysel a hospodárstvo. Bez toho by náš priemysel buď nefungoval, alebo nebol konkurencieschopný.

Pán Šefčovič, a vy tu sedíte a vy to viete a ja vás vyzývam, aby ste sa Slovenska v tejto veci trošku viacej zastali. Potom prídu spojenci zo západu a povedia nám, že musíme dať 5 % HDP na zbrane a na stavbu ciest, po ktorých pôjdu tanky zo západu na východ, ako povedal pán Zdechovský. No nie! Ďakujeme, stačilo. Proste toto nechceme. A ja sa čudujem slovenskému premiérovi, prečo nezablokoval tie protiruské sankcie definitívne, lebo my by sme to už dávno spravili. A nečudujem sa Slovákom, ktorí začínajú volať po neutralite, lebo takúto budúcnosť v Európskej únii si určite nepredstavovali.

Κώστας Παπαδάκης (NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, οι εμπρηστικές αποφάσεις του Ευρωπαϊκού Συμβουλίου συντονίζονται με τις επικίνδυνες αποφάσεις της συνόδου του ΝΑΤΟ, προβλέπουν κλιμάκωση, επιτάχυνση της πολεμικής προπαρασκευής και των μπίζνες του πολέμου. Σφοδρός ο ανταγωνισμός για ενεργειακούς δρόμους, σπάνιες γαίες, πράσινες προδιαγραφές.

Οι εχθροπραξίες που επικαλούνται τα συμπεράσματα για τη Γάζα και το Ιράν επιχειρούν μάταια να κρύψουν τη γενοκτονία που διαπράττει το Ισραήλ μαζί με τις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες, και τον προωθούμενο εκτοπισμό σε βάρος του παλαιστινιακού λαού που λιμοκτονεί. Ξεπλένουν την ιμπεριαλιστική επίθεση των συμμάχων σας, ΗΠΑ και Ισραήλ, εναντίον του Ιράν στον ιμπεριαλιστικό ανταγωνισμό με Κίνα και Ρωσία. Η επέμβαση της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και του ΝΑΤΟ στη Λιβύη και ο διαμελισμός της οδήγησε στο ανυπόστατο τουρκολιβυκό σύμφωνο και τώρα χιλιάδες ξεριζωμένους πρόσφυγες μέσω της Λιβύης να φτάνουν στην Κρήτη σε απαράδεκτες συνθήκες, με ευθύνες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και της ελληνικής κυβέρνησης.

Η πολεμική οικονομία σας σημαίνει καθηλωμένοι μισθοί, 13ωρα εξοντωτικής δουλειάς, ληστεία ασφαλιστικών ταμείων, υγεία, παιδεία, εμπόρευμα. Οι λαοί με ογκώδεις διαδηλώσεις απαιτούν λευτεριά στην Παλαιστίνη. Καμία εμπλοκή στον πόλεμο, καμία θυσία για τα ευρώ-ΝΑΤΟϊκά σφαγεία.

Luděk Niedermayer (PPE). – Madam President, let me start by congratulating our Bulgarian colleagues, like my friend, Dolors. I really envy them, that they have the courage to take the right decision. I'm saying that as a Czech – unfortunately, my country hasn't had this courage so far.

But talking about our debate, I would say that this is a little bit of a half-empty glass situation. I will talk about three issues. Only in one of them, I guess, are we on the very right track.

The very right track is concerning the foreign diplomatic policies or foreign trade policies because here, I must say, I have great respect for the work of the Commission. I hope we will have the courage as the Parliament to take the right decision and go forward with that because this is something that will strengthen our economy.

In the other two areas, it is not so positive. In defence, we should have more courage to work together because only by purchasing together, by coordinating, will we be able to improve our ability to defend ourselves effectively.

It is the same for competitiveness. We know that the key for competitiveness is the strengthening of the single market, removing the barriers. But I don't see progress on the Member States level because these are Member States that build the barriers that are slowing down our economy. Why don't they start to race who is quicker in removing these barriers? This would make Europe stronger and this is what we need.

Dan Nica (S&D). – Doamnă președintă, domnule președinte Costa, domnule comisar Šefčovič, ce mi-aș fi dorit să văd în concluziile Consiliului și nu am găsit sunt măsurile concrete pentru ca prețurile la energia electrică în Uniunea Europeană să fie cele bazate pe costuri, să fie rezonabile.

Este complicat și foarte greu să merg în țara mea, în România, și să le spun românilor de ce ei trebuie să plătească prețuri la energia electrică acasă, de două ori, de patru ori mai mari decât în celelalte țări din Uniunea Europeană. De ce firmele din România trebuie să plătească prețuri la energia electrică cu 50% mai mari decât țările din vestul Europei?

Și vorbim de competitivitate. Păi ce fel de piață unică este aceasta în care toată presiunea și toată greutatea este pe umerii României și ai românilor, în timp ce această piață de electricitate nu funcționează?

Și domnule Costa, domnule Šefčovič, am mai spus ceva, că nu vom lăsa pe nimeni în urmă și nu vom accepta ca cineva să fie pus în situația să nu-și cumpere medicamente, haine, ca să poată să-și plătească energia electrică. Din păcate, acest lucru nu se întâmplă și este trist.

Marieke Ehlers (PfE). – Madam President, colleagues, the Council conclusions are clear. We need to do everything in our power to improve cooperation on returns. But the current proposal is silent on the external dimension. And this is more than a missed opportunity. It is a strategic mistake. Without securing cooperation by third countries through visa, trade and aid conditionality, any return system will fail.

Now, many here, of course, want exactly that – failure, because they do not want illegal migrants to be returned. But let me remind you that there is a working right-wing majority in this House, and it is working for our citizens, and now it needs to work for returns.

If the EPP sides with the left on this, they will end up with a regulation that is weaker than their own Commissioner's proposal. And now is not the time for weak compromises. It's time to take a chainsaw to the bureaucracy and inaction that have paralysed our return system for years, and this is only possible with the help of the Patriots.

Reinhold Lopatka (PPE). – Madam President, dear colleagues, the European Council conclusions send a clear and resolute message. The European Union remains steadfast in its commitment, firstly, to enlargement. We had the last one in 2013. The time has come for the next enlargement.

Secondly, a clear message that we defend Ukraine's sovereignty, and it is a good signal. Also, the United States now said that they will continue in their support for the freedom of the people in Ukraine.

And thirdly, the strengthening of our collective security. Austria was always in favour of enlargement, and we strongly support the credible merit-based enlargement process. This is essential for the future of the European Union. Enlargement was always a success story. We should continue with it. We need concrete results after years of negotiations, especially with Western Balkan countries, and we have to do everything so that we are not losing credibility.

Therefore, we have to say very clear that we are absolutely in favour of an immediate ceasefire in Gaza and guaranteed unhindered humanitarian access. This is necessary for us to keep our credibility.

Javier Moreno Sánchez (S&D). – Señora presidenta, señor presidente del Consejo Europeo, señor comisario, señorías, el proyecto europeo que nació después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial y que nos ha llevado hasta la actual Unión Europea es, ante todo, un proyecto de paz.

Por eso, todos los esfuerzos financieros, materiales y humanos para reforzar nuestra seguridad y defensa —que, recordemos, son bienes públicos europeos— deben estar dedicados a mantener la paz.

Ante las amenazas externas debemos reforzar nuestra capacidad de defensa, gastando mejor y conjuntamente a través del mecanismo MCE y del Reglamento EDIP.

También tenemos que luchar contra la amenaza interna en nuestras sociedades, la precariedad y la desigualdad. Para mantener la paz necesitamos también garantizar el Estado de bienestar, la cohesión social y el desarrollo económico de nuestros países.

Como ha hecho el Gobierno de Pedro Sánchez, hay que alcanzar un equilibrio entre las capacidades de defensa acordadas con la OTAN y la garantía de un Estado de bienestar fuerte.

Señorías, tenemos dos guerras a nuestras puertas. La paz también pasa por poner fin a la agresión de Putin a Ucrania y al genocidio de Netanyahu a los palestinos. Utilicemos todos los instrumentos para lograrlo, incluso la suspensión del Acuerdo de Asociación con Israel.

IN THE CHAIR: CHRISTEL SCHALDEMOSE

Vice-President

Anna Bryłka (PfE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Komisja Europejska kolejny raz pokazała, jak bardzo nie rozumie otaczającej jej rzeczywistości, a szczególnie nie rozumie sytuacji gospodarczej państw członkowskich i podejmuje decyzje bez akceptacji Rady Europejskiej. Redukcja emisji gazów cieplarnianych o 90% do 2040 r. to nie plan klimatyczny, to plan likwidacji europejskiego przemysłu, rolnictwa i transportu. To plan biedy dla milionów Europejczyków.

Czy naprawdę nie widzicie, że ta ideologiczna obsesja dekarbonizacji zniszczy konkurencyjność Europy? Że zamiast produkować u nas, wszystko przeniesie się poza Unię? Że to zupełnie nie wpłynie na klimat? Że rolnicy, kierowcy, małe firmy, wszyscy padną ofiarą tej radykalnej polityki klimatycznej?

Zamiast chronić klimat, będziecie importować produkty z krajów takich jak kraje Mercosuru, które z emisją nic nie robią. Wasza polityka to czysta hipokryzja. Mówimy stanowcze nie dla tego eksperymentu na narodach Europy. Polityka klimatyczna nie może być narzędziem przymusu i destrukcji. Czas postawić na rozwijanie przemysłu i rolnictwa tutaj w Europie.

Gaetano Pedulla' (The Left). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, la rotta intrapresa dal Consiglio europeo ci farà deragliare tutti.

Il piano di riarmo di Ursula von der Leyen è congeniale agli interessi di NATO e Stati Uniti, mentre l'Europa obbediente tradisce i suoi interessi, la sua autonomia, i suoi valori e i suoi cittadini.

Questa strada non ci garantirà maggiore sicurezza, al contrario, sta già alimentando una corsa al riarmo che fa felici i produttori di cannoni, mentre i cittadini, le famiglie, i commercianti, le piccole e medie imprese subiscono i tagli degli investimenti e dei servizi sociali.

Con il leader del Movimento 5 Stelle, Giuseppe Conte, e tanti partiti europei, proprio mentre si svolgeva il vertice NATO, siamo andati all'Aia per gettare le fondamenta di un'Europa diversa, della pace, della giustizia sociale, dei cittadini e non delle lobby.

Infine, mi permetta di aggiungere che è mortificante l'ennesimo rinvio sulla sospensione dell'accordo di associazione fra UE e Israele per il veto di alcuni leader, tra cui Giorgia Meloni. Si fa finta di non vedere come ogni giorno bambini in fila per un tozzo di pane sono massacrati dall'esercito israeliano. Questi leader sono complici del genocidio a Gaza. Vergogna!

Seán Kelly (PPE). – Dia dhaoibh a chairde, I strongly welcome the European Council's conclusions on the Middle East and Gaza. The call for an immediate ceasefire, the unconditional release of hostages and the path towards a permanent end to hostilities is most welcome. I spoke many times in this House about the utterly deplorable and unacceptable situation in Gaza. Our failure to act sooner and apply pressure on Israel has allowed this to continue. Now, at last, we see a united Council position reflecting the one that has been long-advocated by Ireland – a call to lift the blockade, to ensure the unhindered flow of humanitarian aid, to enable the UN and other organisations to do their lifesaving work, and to reassess the EU-Israel Association Agreement.

I particularly welcome the Council's reference to Israel's obligations under international law and under Article 2 of the Association Agreement. There must now be serious and immediate follow-up. If respect for human rights is the condition of that Agreement, as it is and must be, then we cannot turn a blind eye. It is time to pause and reassess this relationship, and to send a clear, unequivocal message to Mr Netanyahu that the EU is united against his unacceptable actions.

Marta Temido (S&D). – Senhora Presidente, Senhora Presidente do Conselho Europeu, Senhor Comissário, sem surpresa, as conclusões do último Conselho são reveladoras da dificuldade dos nossos Estados-Membros em formar consensos progressistas.

São de saudar os compromissos assumidos quanto ao apoio à Ucrânia, ao reforço da defesa e segurança europeias e à competitividade, mas são de lamentar a complacência em face do governo de Israel, a timidez da referência a uma diplomacia da paz e ao multilateralismo eficaz ou a adesão à externalização das políticas migratórias.

É, sobretudo, angustiante o silêncio político perante a guerra na Faixa de Gaza. Estamos perante a existência de „dois pesos e duas medidas“, se compararmos as posições tomadas pelos Chefes de Estado e de Governo quanto à invasão da Ucrânia — 18.o pacote de sanções — e à invasão de Gaza — que nem sequer reúnem consenso para acionar a revisão do Acordo de Associação com Israel.

Mas é também desolador o silêncio quanto às denúncias das consequências da externalização do nosso controlo de fronteiras, nomeadamente nos países de trânsito do Norte de África.

Realço positivamente a preocupação com a proteção dos tribunais internacionais e recordo que a Europa é, na essência, um projeto de paz e aí reside o seu futuro.

(A oradora aceita responder a uma pergunta „cartão azul“)

João Oliveira (The Left), Pergunta segundo o procedimento „cartão azul“. – Senhora Deputada Marta Temido, além das questões que referiu e com as quais estamos de acordo relativamente ao silêncio cúmplice desta reunião do Conselho Europeu com o genocídio em Gaza, há um outro aspeto sobre o qual queria colocar uma questão.

É que, quer nas intervenções do presidente do Conselho Europeu, António Costa, quer nas intervenções da senhora presidente da Comissão Europeia, Ursula Von der Leyen, que hoje aqui ouvimos, ouvimos um conjunto de facilidades dirigidas à indústria do armamento, aos gastos militares, ao ritmo dos tambores da guerra da NATO, todo um sem-fim de vantagens e de possibilidades para aumentar gastos militares, mas nem uma palavra sobre aumentos de salários, resposta à crise da habitação, acesso à saúde, acesso à educação, combate à pobreza (…)

(a Presidente retira a palavra ao orador)

Marta Temido (S&D), Resposta segundo o procedimento „cartão azul“. – Senhor Deputado, só lhe posso responder por mim própria e pela minha família política.

Nós associamos sempre duas palavras: preparação para a guerra e reforço da nossa segurança, mas também paz. E ela significa isso tudo que referiu: educação, saúde, Estado social mais forte.

Csaba Dömötör (PfE). – Tisztelt Elnök Asszony! Nem telik el uniós csúcs anélkül, hogy ne erőltetnék Ukrajna gyorsított európai uniós tagságát. Azt szeretném kérdezni Önöktől, hogy mikor hajlandóak végre beszélni ennek gazdasági következményeiről, amelyek már most becsapódnak? A Bizottság múlt héten megállapodást kötött Kijevvel, amely alapján jobban megnyitják a kapukat az ukrán mezőgazdasági termékek előtt. Ezek szerint senkit nem érdekel, hogy egy hasonló lépés milyen károkat okozott 2022-ben. A 2004-ben csatlakozó államoknak a tagság után évekig kellett várniuk arra, hogy ugyanazt az elbánást megkapják. Ukrajna már a tagság előtt megkapja. Miért?

Azt is írja a Politico, többek között, hogy 20%-kal akarják csökkenteni az agrártámogatásokat a következő költségvetési időszakban. Ők nem írják, de mindannyian tudjuk, hogy azért, hogy helyet csináljanak a bővítés költségeinek. Na és kitől fogják elvenni az ehhez szükséges pénzeket? A gazdáktól, a családoktól és a vállalkozásoktól. Nem a Pfizer-balhé a mostani Bizottság legnagyobb botránya, hanem az, hogy egy olyan politikát folytat, amely tönkrevágja Európa gazdaságát. Ne várják, hogy szó nélkül hagyjuk.

Catch-the-eye procedure

Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señora presidenta, señor presidente del Consejo Europeo, señor comisario, de un tiempo a esta parte es más la tarea por hacer que lo que queda reflejado en las Conclusiones del Consejo. En defensa y política exterior: hay que revertir el seguidismo de Trump, lo que significa extraer conclusiones del genocidio de Netanyahu y suspender el Acuerdo de Asociación con Israel, además de apostar por integrar las capacidades militares en lugar de, acríticamente, incrementar el porcentaje del presupuesto de defensa.

En materia de migración y asilo: hay que apostar por el cumplimiento leal del Pacto, y las referencias constantes a la instrumentalización por parte de Putin y Lukashenka no pueden hacernos perder de vista que la ruta más mortífera y afluente de tráficos ilícitos es por el Atlántico hacia Canarias.

Y en materia del espacio de libertad, seguridad y justicia y el Estado de Derecho: tenemos que, por fin, desbloquear en el Consejo la propuesta de Directiva sobre la igualdad de trato como propone la Presidencia danesa, además de la propuesta de Directiva relativa a la lucha contra los abusos sexuales y la explotación sexual de los menores y el material de abuso sexual de menores, y cumplir finalmente el mandato del Tratado de la Unión Europea de que la Unión Europea se adhiera al Convenio Europeo para la Protección de los Derechos Humanos.

Sebastian Tynkkynen (ECR). – Madam President, the European Council has chosen words over courage. Conclusions of the European Council meeting on the situation in the Middle East dangerously ignores the very cause of that tragedy. Hamas – a terrorist group – that refuses to release innocent civilians whose only 'crime' in the eyes of Hamas is being Israeli.

Where is the outrage over Hamas storing weapons under hospitals, or using children as human shields?

It is deeply disappointing that the message of European leaders to Israel is about lifting blockades in Gaza rather than fighting terrorism that makes blockades necessary in the first place. Peace will never come from pressuring the only democracy in the region to lay down its weapons while its enemies are arming themselves.

The European leaders forgot this once again, unfortunately.

Maria Grapini (S&D). – Doamnă președintă, domnule comisar, domnule președinte al Consiliului, trebuie să spun că m-am bucurat, domnule Costa, când ați spus că hotărârile le luați pe bază de fapte, și nu de percepție. Din păcate, când a venit doamna președintă a Comisiei, a înșirat numai cuvinte goale: „trebuie, trebuie, trebuie“.

Și la concluziile după șapte luni, nu aveți nici un punct legat de viața socială a cetățenilor. Domnule președinte, fără oameni care să aibă o situație financiară cu care să poată să trăiască, nu vom putea face nimic. Nici competitivitate, nici apărare. Nimic, absolut nimic.

Și este dezastruos că la șapte luni nu ne propunem, când vedem că Europa are copii în sărăcie, are generații de tineri în sărăcie, care nu-și pot lua locuințe, demografic, stăm foarte prost, să avem politici sociale pentru a putea avea o întărire a populației europene, care da, să facă și altceva.

Cum să facă competitivitate un om bolnav și flămând? Eu vin din producție. Muncitorul meu nu poate să facă producție dacă nu are ce mânca. Deci este dezastruos. Și rog Consiliul și pe domnul comisar ca la următoarea întâlnire să pună pe ordinea de zi această situație. Situația socială din…

(Președinta a retras cuvântul vorbitoarei)

João Oliveira (The Left). – Senhora Presidente, Senhor António Costa, o que esta reunião do Conselho Europeu nos traz não nos serve: continuação indefinida da guerra na Ucrânia, gastos militares a aumentar ao ritmo dos tambores da guerra da NATO, um sem-fim de dinheiro e facilidades para a corrida às armas, com o pacote Omnibus para a indústria do armamento, como hoje a senhora Ursula von der Leyen voltou a insistir.

Promessas de mais vantagens para as multinacionais, com o aprofundamento do mercado único e mais medidas de alívio de regras e favorecimento à sua atividade, em contraste com o desprezo pelas pequenas e médias empresas. Silêncio absoluto sobre o aumento de salários, o combate à pobreza, a resposta à crise da habitação e outros problemas que afligem a vida dos povos; e um incómodo fingido com o genocídio do povo palestiniano, ao mesmo tempo que a União Europeia mantém a cumplicidade com o genocida, mantendo o Acordo de Associação com Israel.

O que o Conselho Europeu aponta é um caminho de guerra, confrontação, retrocesso social e agravamento das injustiças. O caminho que os povos necessitam é o oposto. É o de investimento político na paz, no progresso económico, na resposta aos problemas dos povos e desenvolvimento. É esse o caminho alternativo (…)

(a Presidente retira a palavra ao orador)

Alexander Jungbluth (ESN). – Frau Präsidentin! Wenn man sich die Ergebnisse der Sitzung des Rates ansieht, dann ist das wie ein schlechter Traum. Ich möchte es mal an drei Beispielen festmachen.

Erstens: Beitritt der Ukraine. Es wird immer davon gesprochen, dass jetzt diese Verhandlungen angestoßen werden sollen. Dabei erfüllt die Ukraine wirklich gar keine Voraussetzungen, um Mitglied der Europäischen Union zu werden. Es fehlt schon an einer tragfähigen demokratischen Ordnung, um dies tun zu können.

Punkt zwei: Maßnahmen zur Wirtschaft. Der Rat spricht viel davon, dass Wettbewerbsfähigkeit hergestellt werden soll, dass eine Binnenmarktintegration stattfinden soll. Und was machen wir stattdessen? Überregulierung. Wir regulieren sogar Märkte, die noch gar nicht existieren, damit sie im Keim erstickt werden.

Dritter Punkt: Energieunion bis 2030. Was ist die Realität in der Energiepolitik? Wir haben einen Green Deal, der dazu führt, dass wir die höchsten Energiepreise in ganz Europa haben, dass die Industrie in vielen Mitgliedstaaten der Europäischen Union am Boden liegt.

Also insofern: Alles, was der Rat macht, geht an der Lebenswirklichkeit der Menschen und der Wirtschaft vorbei.

Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis (S&D). – Madam President, dear Commissioner, the European Union faces a critical juncture marked by geopolitical shifts, transnational crises and internal complexities. For geopolitical reasons, the European Union enlargement is high on the political agenda, but the European Union is not ready yet to welcome new members, either institutionally or policywise.

You remember the excellent report which shows that we need to do more. And the only one way is to do our homework. To encourage Member States to do their homework, we need a much broader multiannual financial framework budget. We need our own resources. We need to integrate Ukraine into the EU as soon as possible. There is only one way to achieve peace: the integration of Ukraine into the EU.

Malika Sorel (NI). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, partout dans nos pays, la colère des peuples gronde. Cela devient préoccupant pour la stabilité de l'Union européenne et même pour nos démocraties. Nos peuples ont le sentiment que l'Europe qu'ils aiment se construit contre eux et non pour eux. Il faut d'urgence leur redonner la fierté d'être européens. Cela passera par plusieurs voies.

Les Européens ne pourront se faire respecter sur la scène internationale qu'en redevenant puissants et forts. Cela est possible. Œuvrons au retour de nos talents, en particulier de nos ingénieurs et de nos chercheurs partis travailler aux États-Unis. Cessons d'entraver nos propres entreprises. Révisons certaines de nos règles absurdes quant à la concurrence libre et non faussée, qui a empêché l'émergence de grands champions et de géants. Faisons une pause dans les élargissements. Oui, faisons une pause dans cette fuite en avant qui nous affaiblit – les faits sont là pour en attester.

Il y aurait tant de choses à dire et à faire… Mais je vais citer un dernier point: il est grave et moralement condamnable que l'Union européenne organise le pillage des talents des pays du Sud…

(La Présidente retire la parole à l'oratrice)

Milan Mazurek (ESN). – Vážená pani predsedajúca, pán Šefčovič, sedíte tu ako reprezentant Slovenskej republiky, ako eurokomisár a počúvate pani Leyenovú, ako sa stavia otvorene k podpore tých najhorších politík, ktoré Slovenskú republiku ťažkým spôsobom poškodia: k migračnej politike, k dúhovej politike, k zelenej politike, ku green dealu, ale taktiež k úplnému zákazu fosílnych palív, o ktorom tu otvorene hovorila, a dokonca o totálnom odstrihnutí sa od dovozu palív z Ruska.

Vy viete veľmi dobre, že aj vaša materská strana, aj premiér Slovenskej republiky na Slovensku tieto veci otvorene kritizujú. Vy tu pritakávate a schvaľujete politiku, ktorá ťažko poškodí slovenský priemysel a obyvateľov Slovenskej republiky. Tak čo si z toho občania Slovenskej republiky majú vybrať? Ktorej strane majú veriť? Ako majú ďalej znášať túto dvojtvárnosť?

Naozaj sa mi nepáči, keď tu sedíte a doslova len za tú pozíciu a možno za výhody, ktoré poskytuje, zapredávate vlastný štát. Absolútne s tým nesúhlasím a vždy budem takéto správanie považovať za zavrhnutiahodné.

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

Maroš Šefčovič, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, Mr President, after this entrée, I would focus on what was really the topic of this debate. What is very important is that I would just offer two aspects from the perspective of the Commission, because the debate was covering the overall debate and discussions in the European Council.

Let me just elaborate a little bit on the geoeconomics first. The President of the European Council highlighted excellently the importance of global trade. Mr Costa is absolutely right – we have to address the growing volatility by further diversification of our trade partnerships. As you know very well, 50% of our GDP and 30 million jobs in Europe depend on our trade relationships and on trade. On top of this, our industry needs critical raw materials, we need access to sensitive technologies, and we have to do it through our tools in which we are strong. This is our ability to trade and to have fair deals.

Both presidents went through the list of the ongoing or completed trade negotiations, so I do not need to dwell on it. I would just like to add one thought here, and the thought is that we need to give trade policy new strategic importance. We need to laser focus on new market access for our farmers, for our industry and for our service providers, and we need a new speed to do that. We must simply accelerate our procedures in approving and ratifying these agreements. If you look at the timeline, I believe you would agree with me that we are losing an enormous amount of time. I know that legal scrubbing and the translations are important, but we also have to realise that every year in which a negotiated and completed free trade agreement has not entered into force means a loss of millions and sometimes of billions of euros in business opportunities for our economy.

Allow me to conclude on the second thought, which is linked to simplification. First and foremost, I really would like to reassure the Honourable Members that the simplification efforts are not about undermining our climate ambitions. It is about protecting our economy; it's about protecting our business; it's about protecting our competitiveness, our jobs, our standards, and about the social fabric of the European Union. Therefore, I would just like to leave you with one plea. Let's not politicise this issue. Let's not politicise the process of simplification, because both goals are very important, and I can assure you that we spend an enormous amount of time and energy to find the right balance, to strike that equilibrium into what we can accomplish by easing the burden, cutting the red tape, and preserving our high goals in the field of protecting our planet and tackling climate change.

António Costa, président du Conseil européen. – Madame la Présidente, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, Monsieur le Commissaire, tout d'abord, sur la situation dramatique au Moyen-Orient, le Conseil européen n'a pas ignoré la catastrophe humanitaire à Gaza. Nous avons reconnu la situation inacceptable que subissent nombre de civils, qui souffrent des attaques et de la famine. Le Conseil européen a clairement appelé Israël à mettre fin au blocage de l'aide humanitaire et à laisser travailler librement les Nations unies, à travers ses agences, ainsi que les organisations humanitaires. Nous avons pris très clairement position en condamnant l'escalade de la violence en Cisjordanie et en condamnant les colonies implantées illégalement. Nous avons clairement invité le Conseil à donner suite au rapport dans lequel, pour la première fois, nous reconnaissons publiquement qu'Israël viole les droits de l'homme à Gaza.

Il n'est pas facile d'arriver à une position d'ensemble, au Conseil européen – sûrement pas. En écoutant les uns et les autres, je n'arrive pas à me convaincre qu'il est possible de prendre une décision à l'unanimité ici, au Parlement européen. La vérité, c'est que le Conseil européen, au sein duquel sont représentés les différents États membres, est lui aussi une entité plurielle. Nous n'en sommes pas moins arrivés à prendre des décisions à l'unanimité sur ce sujet.

Il est faux de dire que l'Union européenne ne soutient pas l'Autorité palestinienne, alors que nous sommes son plus fort soutien. Entre 2021 et 2024, nous y avons investi plus de 1 milliard d'euros, et nous venons d'approuver un nouveau programme d'un montant de 1,6 milliard d'euros pour soutenir l'Autorité palestinienne et ses réformes. Nous allons donc continuer à soutenir le peuple palestinien, sachant que l'unique façon d'arriver à une paix durable dans la région est la mise en place de la solution à deux États – ce que nous soutenons également.

À propos de l'Ukraine, nous avons tout d'abord approuvé le renouvellement des précédents paquets de sanctions. Nous sommes même en train d'approuver le 18e paquet de sanctions ainsi que le programme SAFE, qui permet aux États membres de soutenir militairement Kiev. Nous allons poursuivre ce programme, de même que nous allons poursuivre les négociations avec l'Ukraine quant à son adhésion à l'Union européenne.

Il ne faut à ce titre pas dramatiser quant au fait que les négociations se déroulent de manière formelle ou informelle. Le Conseil européen a approuvé en 2022, à l'unanimité, l'ouverture des négociations pour l'adhésion de l'Ukraine ainsi que le statut de candidat pour le pays. Dès 2022, la Commission européenne a entamé des négociations avec Kiev. Ces tractations vont bon train, et, dans la situation somme toute difficile que vit le pays, il n'en poursuit pas moins son programme de réformes ainsi que l'introduction des acquis communautaires dans son cadre juridique. Les négociations doivent se poursuivre et aboutir, de sorte que, une fois examinée par le Conseil, l'Ukraine puisse obtenir l'approbation à l'unanimité de son adhésion à l'Union. Personne, donc, ne peut bloquer la volonté politique du Conseil européen de faire avancer le processus d'adhésion de l'Ukraine.

Enfin, on a beaucoup parlé des dépenses militaires, qui, en Europe, je le rappelle, ne servent pas à faire la guerre: elles servent à prévenir la guerre et à défendre notre paix. Ce que nous avons appris d'une façon très douloureuse, avec la guerre en Ukraine, c'est que nous ne pouvions pas avoir confiance en la Russie, eu égard à la situation dans laquelle nous nous trouvions jusqu'alors vis-à-vis d'elle. La Russie est une menace pour la paix et pour l'Europe. L'unique façon de nous éviter une guerre dans l'avenir, c'est de nous défendre dès aujourd'hui. C'est pour cela que nous devons investir dans notre propre défense, pas pour aller à la guerre, mais pour soutenir la paix ici, en Europe.

Senhor Deputado João Oliveira, ninguém deseja mais a paz do que os próprios ucranianos. Ninguém deseja mais a paz do que aqueles que sofrem todos os dias os ataques da Rússia. Mas se quer a paz, só há uma coisa a fazer: é convencer a Rússia a parar a invasão e a parar com a guerra, porque a única razão pela qual a guerra não acabou é porque a Rússia continua a invasão da Ucrânia.

E nós, quando falamos do Direito Internacional no Médio Oriente e em Gaza, não podemos deixar de falar do Direito Internacional na Ucrânia. E o Direito Internacional é muito claro. O direito à soberania, à integridade territorial, à estabilidade das fronteiras internacionalmente reconhecidas são direitos que estão inseridos na Carta das Nações Unidas. Têm de ser defendidos em todos os locais e também na Ucrânia. Não há nenhuma razão para que a Ucrânia seja uma exceção.

E para terminar: de facto, a nossa vida na Europa e a política europeia não são só a dimensão externa da União Europeia. Começam também na nossa vida interna, na forma como defendemos a competitividade da nossa economia, a qualidade dos nossos empregos e respondemos aos desafios sociais. E por isso, pela primeira vez, no próximo Conselho Europeu de outubro, teremos na agenda um ponto sobre a habitação porque é um tema central responder à crise da habitação na Europa e a Europa tem de se mobilizar para responder a este desafio fundamental para a coesão social das nossas sociedades.

President. – The debate is closed.

Written Statements (Rule 178)

Mariusz Kamiński (ECR), na piśmie. – To skandal, że podczas szczytu nie poruszono absolutnie kluczowej kwestii — karygodnej sytuacji na granicy polsko-niemieckiej. Donald Tusk po raz kolejny milczy, nie chcąc narazić się Berlinowi. W konkluzjach Rady odnotowano jedynie, że 40 lat temu podpisano porozumienie ustanawiające strefę Schengen. Ten fundament zamożnej, bezpiecznej i zjednoczonej Europy dziś pęka pod naporem konsekwencji destrukcyjnej polityki migracyjnej narzuconej Europie przez Berlin, wobec której brukselscy urzędnicy nie mają ani odwagi, ani woli, by powiedzieć jasno: dość.

Dziś ci, którzy przez lata domagali się otwarcia granic zewnętrznych, pierwsi zamykają je wewnątrz Europy, rozmontowują to, co miało być symbolem europejskiej jedności.

To skandal, że Bruksela milczała, gdy Angela Merkel forsowała politykę „otwartych drzwi“, że nadal milczy, gdy Niemcy de facto wprowadzają trwałe kontrole graniczne, gdy dochodzi do podrzucania migrantów Polsce z pełnym naruszeniem zasad zaufania i współpracy wewnątrzunijnej.

To skandal, że ci, którzy doprowadzili do obecnego kryzysu, dziś bezwstydnie próbują przerzucać koszty swoich błędów na sąsiadów.

Strefę Schengen można jeszcze uratować. Wymaga to odwagi, by powiedzieć prawdę i postawić sprawy jasno. Tej odwagi po raz kolejny zabrakło. Donald Tusk wybrał milczenie. Wybrał lojalność wobec Berlina. Dlatego Polacy, z poczucia odpowiedzialności i patriotyzmu, biorą sprawy w swoje ręce. Wyrażam uznanie dla Ruchu Obrony Granic.

4. Dlouhodobý rozpočet EU po roce 2027: očekávání Parlamentu před předložením návrhu Komise (rozprava)

President. – The next item is the debate on the Council and Commission statements on the EU's post-2027 long-term budget: Parliament's expectations ahead of the Commission's proposal (2025/2803(RSP)).

I would like to remind you that we will continue with the new format for this debate and there will be no speakers' list.

After the first round of speakers on behalf of the groups, Members who received speaking time from their political group or the non-attached secretariat will be called to speak and will be reminded of their allotted speaking time.

Please keep an eye on the screens in the Chamber, where the current speaker and the next three speakers will be displayed. When your name appears as upcoming speaker, I would ask you to prepare and make your way to the rostrum.

The normal rules regarding blue cards and catch-the-eye procedure will apply during this debate.

Marie Bjerre, President-in-Office of the Council. – Madam President, honourable Members, Commissioner, it is my great pleasure to engage with you today on the next Multiannual Financial Framework. The upcoming MFF will define a budget for the upcoming years, but it will also represent a strategic decision shaping the future direction of our Union for the decades to come.

The aim of today's exchange should not be to discuss the possible content of the Commission's proposals. These will come very shortly. And both we in the Council and you in this House will have the opportunity to consider and examine the proposal thoroughly and with a shared sense of responsibility.

Having said that, it is clear that the Council will strive for a strong and effective EU long-term budget. The current geopolitical context calls on the EU to empower itself. That means providing the Union with resources to act in areas that deliver an impactful, added value. Our continuous support to Ukraine is one of our most pressing priorities and will remain so for as long as it takes. We are fully committed to a lasting and just peace for the Ukrainian people.

EU support in all its dimensions cannot back down. We must also strengthen our hand on security and defence, including, importantly, ramping up our defence readiness. The world before the Russian invasion of Ukraine is no more, and our next long-term budget must reflect the new reality.

Let us also not forget that the core of our Union is a single market. This was the end goal of the signatories of the Treaty of Rome. It is now a reality. Ever growing and ever improving. We must therefore boost European productivity and competitiveness decisively for our businesses to thrive, for our position towards international competitors to be strong, for Europe to remain the greatest social market economy, aiming at full employment, social progress, climate ambition and a high level of protection of the environment.

Finally, the Common Agricultural Policy and Cohesion Policy will continue to find a permanent place in our long-term budget. The Council will work together with you for a green and market-oriented CAP, supporting our farmers and our environmental objectives. We will also strive for modern and effective cohesion policy. We share the ambition of a MFF that allows us to deliver on our joint objectives. It will be important that checks and balances are aligned with its flexibility, and I also wish to highlight that the basis for implementing the budget will be compliance with the Union's values and fundamental rights.

Now, when confronted with our joint ambitions we must consider the financing side as well. It must be with due regard for the fiscal position of Member states and taxes imposed on citizens and businesses. We will need to continue the debate on the revenue side that is fit for the challenges of the 21st century. The Danish presidency will approach the debate with an open mind and is committed to advancing talks on their own resources.

The first phases of the negotiations on the proposals for the next MFF will be key to deliver on our shared priorities. It is our great honour and responsibility to be taking over the Council of the presidency at this crucial moment. The Danish presidency is ready to open discussions on the Commission's proposals for the next MFF with ambition and determination, setting an ambition and financially responsible course for the Council works. We will do so in a spirit of openness and sincere cooperation with this House, in line with the competences defined in the Treaties.

I look forward to the start of our work and for our cooperation.

Piotr Serafin, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, Madam Minister, just a week before the publication of the Commission proposal on the next MFF, I would like to concentrate my reflections on what I believe unites us. I think that we are united in the belief that the EU budget has to be modernised. We know that the world around us is changing, and changing rapidly, and that the new challenges require smarter responses.

A smarter MMF means, first and foremost, a more flexible MFF. The situation which we are in – where 90 % of our budgetary resources are locked in from the outset – is not sustainable. There is a growing consensus that that must change. We must create space for the unforeseen to respond quickly to the new priorities and to crises.

But in the search for flexibility, we also must preserve some predictability. Our regions, researchers, companies – they need stability to plan and deliver long-term investments. Our investors need to know where to orient their funds in line with the European priorities.

I believe we can strike the right balance, and the national and regional partnership plans could help us in that they could ensure that people on the ground have a say in how funds are used, while giving them also the necessary certainty to plan their investments. And those investments could – and should – also stimulate reforms, both at the national and regional level. Investments and reforms are necessary to support convergence among our regions and Member States.

Second, smarter definitely means also simpler. That is the recurring element that I have heard while travelling around Europe: deliver a more simple budget. So if we want to be truly competitive, we need to deliver on simplification, also in the context of the EU budget. It is as simple as that.

Now I would like to share also some conclusions with respect to specific topics that attracted the attention of debate in the last few months. I would start by mentioning that the war at our eastern border has reminded us that we must do more on security and defence. It would be nice to think that the Union budget alone can lift this massive task, which is, first and foremost, the responsibility of Member States. But defence is an area where the Union budget can help Member States to invest better and achieve more results with fewer resources.

We must nevertheless be prudent. Increased defence spending must not come at the expense of our European social model. That would create unnecessary divisions. We have to make sure that we invest both in security and in our people.

My second point would be that we must not forget another foundational policy of the Union: the common agricultural policy. It is undergoing reforms and simplification, and rightly so. But it must provide farmers with the necessary predictability and means. Food security is an important dimension of Europe's independence.

Finally, Europe must rise to the competitiveness race in which we are. And we are united in that belief. We need to face the competitiveness gap and address it. For that purpose, we will propose the European Competitiveness Fund – a clear EU framework for investments throughout the entire innovation cycle, from applied research through manufacturing and deployment. And the Competitiveness Fund will extensively use financial instruments to increase the financial firepower.

So far, I have spoken about how we are going to spend. But now comes the part on how to finance it. You know well, honourable Members, that the debate over new resources has never been easy. But this time round, we cannot avoid it. Why? Because the financial needs are higher, while national budgets are under growing pressure. And from 2028 onwards, around EUR 25 billion in our budget will be committed to repaying loans from the NextGenerationEU instruments.

Parliament has long championed the reform of the revenue side. I count on your continued support to move this forward. As I'm sure the esteemed Minister will agree, Member States are reluctant to increase national contributions. Therefore, we must identify a balanced mix of new revenues that neither overburden national budgets, nor create extensive financial obligations, and which are in sync with our policies and objectives.

Honourable Members, the post-2027 MFF will be the fourth I have worked on in various capacities, and I have learned one thing: despite the difficult – and sometimes divisive – negotiations, there is always goodwill among participants, because the MFF, like the EU itself, is a win-win concept.

The EU has shown that it can act decisively and ambitiously during the pandemic, during the war in Ukraine. Let us continue on that path. Let us prove once again that Europe delivers. Let us prove it together. And the next great challenge for our Union in the next decade is to build a true, independent Europe. Honourable Members, you can count on my full commitment in that respect.

Siegfried Mureșan, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Madam President, Minister, Commissioner, welcome to Parliament, dear colleagues, the debate that we are having today is very important because it's the start of us deciding how we will spend up to 2034. And this has to be in line with the priorities of the Union. This will also influence priority spending at national and regional levels and will also trigger private investments.

The debate is important because we need to give certainty to the beneficiaries of EU funds. Farmers, students, researchers, and small and medium-sized enterprises need to know what amounts – under which conditions and for which types of projects – will be available. Of course, seven years is a long period of time. Of course, we need to be open to unexpected developments. But we need to give certainty to those who invest – to those who keep the economy going.

This is why the European Parliament starts this process with clear priorities. And we say, firstly, our new priorities have to be security and defence, and competitiveness; and these two are interlinked. We need to strengthen our economy. We need to invest in research, innovation and digitisation; improve our energy efficiency; and reduce pollution. We need to improve security and defence. 1.2 % of the previous MFF – less than EUR 15 billion – for security and defence for seven years for 27 Member States is not enough.

These are our new priorities, but you cannot have security without food security, and you cannot have a competitive economy without an investment policy. And this is why our traditional priorities, our traditional policies – the common agricultural policy and the cohesion policy – are today more relevant than ever. And this is why we say, dear colleagues, Commissioner, before the proposal on 16 July: 'the utmost priority of Parliament now – and the strong expectation – is that the identity and the strength of the common agricultural policy and the cohesion policy shall be preserved'.

This means a clear, distinct, separate budget for our farmers. They need to know exactly what the resources available to them are, what the resources for rural development are. It means a legal base – a separate legal base – for agriculture and for cohesion and a clear goal for the regions in the cohesion policy. We need a direct allocation for regions in the cohesion policy. And the cohesion policy should continue to serve the development of the least developed regions.

These are our priorities. Parliament is clearly united behind this, and we are ready to start work on negotiations as soon as possible…

(The President cut off the speaker)

President. – Dear colleagues, we have a very, very long speakers' list, we have a lot of people in catch-the-eye already now and we have a vote at 12:00 approximately, so I would kindly ask you to stick to your speaking time.

Mohammed Chahim, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Madam President, a single mother from the Dutch region Twente is taking classes to finally realise her dream to start at the police academy. In Zadar, a coastal town in Croatia, a secondary school has been equipped with computers and tablets. And in Prague, victims of sexual violence have been able to receive support in a newly-built shelter since last year. The mother, the student and the victims have all been helped by European funding.

Across Europe, there's a surge in applications for new projects. In the Netherlands, hundreds of thousands of people have participated in EU-funded employment and skill initiatives. And I think it's bad that the European Commission wants to cut this. Irresponsible, in my opinion, and inappropriate. If this happens, we sideline the most vulnerable, the most needed.

We need to invest in industry. We need to invest in energy. We need to invest in defence. But the European Social Fund is the main European instrument to invest in people. And if we cut the ESF out of the budget, you hit Europe at its heart. And what will remain is a Europe without a soul.

Tamás Deutsch, a PfE képviselőcsoport nevében. – Tisztelt Elnök Asszony! Unalomig ismert szóvirágokat hallhattunk az új keretköltségvetésről: hatékony, rugalmas, stratégiai, egyszerű, átlátható, ambiciózus. Az egész üres blabla, nettó átverés. Nézzük, mire is készülnek valójában a brüsszeli bürokraták!

1.	Az új IMF-et egy háborús költségvetésnek szánják. Brüsszel a háborúra akarja fordítani, illetve Ukrajnának szánja az uniós költségvetés 20-25 százalékát.

Másrészt, a közös uniós hitelfelvétel hatalmas adósságot teremtett, így az adósságtörlesztésre kell majd fordítania a többéves költségvetés további 20-25 százalékát. Brüsszel brutális megszorításokat tervez, az agrár- és kohéziós támogatásokat is 20-20 százalékkal akarja megvágni, és Brüsszel óriási új adókat akar kivetni. Ráadásul egy végletesen központosított uniós költségvetési rendszert akarnak bevezetni, és a politikai zsarolást totálissá akarják tenni. Amire Brüsszel készül, az európai polgárok érdekeivel ellentétes, ezért teljességgel elfogadhatatlan.

Patryk Jaki, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Komisarzu! Pani Minister! Od lat siedzą tutaj te same ekipy. Otrzymaliście do zarządzania kontynent, na którym zbudowano najwspanialszą kulturę na świecie, najlepszą gospodarkę, przemysł, rozwój, największe tradycje demokratyczne – i wszystko zrujnowaliście.

Najpierw wzrost demograficzny, bo wciskaliście tak zwane prawa reprodukcyjne i kit, że im więcej dzieci, tym więcej emisji dwutlenku węgla. Więc dzieci zabrakło i trzeba było ściągać imigrantów, którzy zamiast budować rozwój, powodowali coraz większe koszty i coraz więcej problemów. Wiemy, że nielegalni imigranci pracują średnio mniej, średnio, popełniają więcej przestępstw i gardzą naszą kulturą, a wy zamiast się ich pozbyć, karmicie, ubieracie i jeszcze grozicie tym, którzy chcą bronić przed nimi zwykłych ludzi.

Jak w ogóle pani przewodnicząca von der Leyen mogła mówić, że reprezentujecie siły demokratyczne? Mieliście być przykładem demokracji na całym świecie, a zasłynęliście z tego, że anulowaliście wyniki wyborów, które wam się nie podobały.

Pamiętam, jak nakładaliście na Polskę sankcje za tak zwane pushbacki na granicy z Białorusią. Dzisiaj się okazuje, że Niemcy robią dokładnie to samo na granicy z Polską w ramach strefy Schengen. I co? I nic.

Gdzie jest równość państw? To jest tak, że zamiast budować solidarność, mamy rosnące podziały i teorie o lepszych i gorszych kulturach. Jedne mogą stosować zasady w sądownictwie takie jak chcecie, a inne nie.

Więc poza tym chęć bycia prymusem w tak zwanym zielonym szaleństwie tylko nas ośmiesza i sprawia, że jesteśmy frajerami świata. Straciliśmy prawie połowę udziału nominalnego PKB w światowej gospodarce. I wy jeszcze chcecie zaostrzyć cele klimatyczne? Przecież to jest szaleństwo. Wszechobecna dekadencja i upadek obyczajów, czego symbolem są absurdalne teorie o 256 płciach, i jeszcze chcecie uzależnić wypłaty w kolejnym budżecie od wypełniania tych wszystkich zielonych teorii? To jest kolejne szaleństwo.

Wasza polityka miała budować pokój, a ściągnęła na kontynent kolejną wojnę. I jak macie walczyć o Europę, skoro sami nie wierzycie w jej prawdziwe dziedzictwo: rozum, prawo, piękno, innowacje? Zamiast tego symbolem Europy uczyniliście nielegalnych imigrantów, tęczową flagę i zielone szaleństwo. No i jeszcze bym zapomniał o nakrętkach do butelek.

Trzeba więc odwołać przewodniczącą Komisji Europejskiej.

Fabienne Keller, au nom du groupe Renew. – Madame la Présidente, monsieur le Commissaire Piotr Serafin, madame la Ministre des affaires européennes – chère Marie Bjerre –, chers collègues, la Commission européenne – vous, Monsieur le Commissaire – va présenter sa proposition le 16 juillet prochain. Ce que le Parlement demande, ce que mon groupe, Renew Europe, attend de ce texte est très simple: un budget ambitieux et réellement européen.

Il est impensable que ce prochain cadre financier pluriannuel ne contienne pas de nouvelles ressources propres. Pourquoi les ressources propres prévues en 2020 par l'accord interinstitutionnel ne sont-elles toujours pas mises en place? La Commission nous annonce déjà des coupes afin de rembourser la dette de NextGenerationEU. Le budget européen est déjà petit, au vu du nombre de champs qu'il couvre, et on voudrait le réduire encore?

J'ai échangé, comme beaucoup d'entre nous, avec des agriculteurs, des magistrats, des journalistes, des agences européennes, et le verdict est sans appel: tous nous demandent plus de moyens. Les citoyens européens nous demandent plus de moyens.

Je vous appelle donc, monsieur le Commissaire, madame la Ministre, à agir pour construire ensemble un budget européen qui nous permette de répondre ensemble aux attentes de nos concitoyens, qui nous permette de peser sur la scène internationale, qui nous permette d'être à la hauteur de nos ambitions.

Terry Reintke, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Madam President, Madam Minister, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, the EU budget should actually start from the consideration of what the people in Europe currently need and what their concerns are. Starting, for example, with the dire situation of last week's immense heat wave. For our survival on this planet, for our well-being, for our economy, we have to act faster. That is why we have to make sure that at least half of our budget is spent on green objectives in the next funding period.

Not only should we spend money on the right objectives, we should actually stop spending money on the wrong ones. No money for fossil fuels, for example, or environmentally harmful subsidies. Pollution in the European Union should not be encouraged, but instead we should also fight with our budget for fertile soils, clean air and drinkable water.

Regarding the cost-of-living crisis, let's take citizens' concerns seriously. We see it across the European Union, in every single Member State. Housing is a key concern for our citizens, so let us introduce a dedicated housing fund to meet these concerns of our citizens.

What we also see across the globe, including in the European Union, is that NGOs are under heavy attack, not least here in this House by the far right, together with the EPP. That is why, for us, it will be key that this budget defends the strong role of civil society for our decision-making, for our democratic standards. We need a strong voice from NGOs, and we will defend that.

Finally, who should pay for all of this? Those who do not pay their fair share yet – the big tech bros in the US, the best friends of Donald Trump. We should, in our own resources, introduce a tax for digital services so that we can pay for the needs of this budget. We need the EU to step up her game. We also know, Mr Commissioner, that we can only have a majority for this budget in the centre of this House. So let us work together and let us make….

(The President cut off the speaker)

João Oliveira, em nome do Grupo The Left. – Senhora Presidente, Senhor Comissário Serafin, a discussão do próximo quadro financeiro plurianual continua a cheirar mais a pólvora do que a casas novas prontas a habitar. Os povos precisam de um QFP orientado para a paz e a cooperação que dê resposta a problemas como a crise da habitação, que dê prioridade à coesão económica, social e territorial e a objetivos como os do pleno emprego, da elevação das condições de vida dos trabalhadores, da erradicação da pobreza, do acesso democrático à saúde e à educação, da promoção do equilíbrio ecológico.

Não precisamos de um QFP comandado pela Comissão Europeia para impor as suas políticas aos Estados, muito menos para favorecer os grandes interesses económicos e financeiros e as multinacionais, em prejuízo dos povos, das pequenas e médias empresas, do desenvolvimento e da justiça social.

Precisamos de um QFP que compense os países prejudicados pelas políticas comuns e dê apoio aos Estados-Membros em políticas nacionais que aproveitem e desenvolvam os recursos e capacidades produtivas nacionais. Precisamos de um QFP que assuma o objetivo de eliminar as assimetrias de desenvolvimento entre países em termos económicos, sociais, científicos e tecnológicos.

Precisamos de um QFP de mais progresso e de menos pólvora.

Alexander Jungbluth, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Herr Serafin, ich möchte Ihnen erst einmal an einigen Punkten doch sehr stark widersprechen. Nämlich Sie haben hier gesagt, es gibt eine große Einigkeit, was die Flexibilität des Haushalts angeht, was die Umstrukturierung des Haushalts angeht, und insofern wird immer darüber gesprochen, dass wir krisenfester werden müssen. Ich weiß gar nicht – lesen Sie doch bitte Ihren eigenen Haushalt.

Wir haben eine ganze Reihe an Mitteln bereits im bestehenden Haushalt, die genau für Krisen gegeben sind, beispielsweise der Europäische Solidaritätsfonds. Also insofern sehen wir überhaupt keine Notwendigkeit dieser viel beschworenen Flexibilisierung. Am Ende geht es bei der Flexibilisierung um eins: Man braucht immer mehr Geld, weil man immer mehr Macht haben möchte, weil man diesen Haushalt immer mehr aufbläht. Und es geht am Ende darum, dass wir aktuell 1 % des Bruttonationaleinkommens als Standardeinnahmequelle haben und das erhöht werden soll. Und das lehnen wir als ESN, das lehnen wir als Patrioten strikt ab.

Nämlich bei der Erhöhung des Haushalts, bei der Erhöhung der Finanzierung, die damit einhergeht, geht es genau darum, dass die Bürger in Mitleidenschaft gezogen werden. Die Bürger müssen all das finanzieren, und das wollen wir nicht. Statt diesen Haushalt immer weiter aufzublähen, sollten wir endlich sparen. Wir können sparen, insbesondere bei den ganzen linken NGOs, diesem Hort der Nutzlosen, den niemand in der Europäischen Union …

(Die Präsidentin entzieht dem Redner das Wort.)

Karlo Ressler (PPE). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, poštovani povjereniče, kolegice i kolege, očekujemo prijedlog za tjedan dana koji će pokazati ima li Europa snage djelovati kao ozbiljna zajednica. Ulozi su veliki i loptica je sada kod Komisije. Pozicija Parlamenta je poprilično jasna i poprilično jednostavna i zna se što očekujemo.

U Hrvatskoj, kao i u drugim, većini drugih država članica, europski fondovi su ključni investicijski pokretač. Zbog toga je ključno da u kohezijskoj politici lokalne i regionalne sredine ostanu uključene, ostanu središnje, a ne da europski fondovi postanu samo nekakav zbir nacionalnih planova pod pretjeranom centralizacijom od strane Komisije.

Potrebna su nam nova vlastita sredstva, ali također bez opterećenja za obitelji, za građane, za poduzeće jer je jedan od imperativa i smanjenje birokratskih opterećenja za krajnje korisnike.

Carla Tavares (S&D). – Senhora Presidente, Senhor Comissário Serafin, Senhora Ministra, a abordagem de um plano nacional por Estado-Membro para os programas de gestão partilhada não é uma opção para este Parlamento Europeu. Isto é claro no nosso relatório de iniciativa parlamentar. Não aceitaremos um novo quadro financeiro plurianual sem um fundo social europeu independente, autónomo e forte.

O artigo 162.o do Tratado sobre o Funcionamento da União Europeia define os objetivos e as medidas relacionadas com a política social e sublinha que o Fundo Social Europeu é o principal instrumento para reforço da dimensão social da União. O Fundo Social Europeu deve, por isso, ser salvaguardado.

Não aceitaremos enfraquecer a política de coesão e os seus objetivos e critérios. A política de coesão deve continuar a ser a principal política de investimento descentralizada e de longo prazo da União, uma política de coesão que continue centrada na convergência, que reduza a disparidade entre regiões, com um regime específico para as regiões ultraperiféricas e que mantenha os atuais níveis de financiamento. Só assim podemos reforçar a competitividade e a resiliência da União Europeia.

Angéline Furet (PfE). – Madame la Présidente, nous parlons aujourd'hui du futur budget européen. C'est fondamental, car c'est l'argent des Européens, des Français notamment. Or, nous entendons déjà, à Bruxelles et ici, des voix qui réclament toujours plus. Plus de dette, plus d'impôts et, surtout, plus de budget vert, en avançant le faux prétexte d'une prétendue urgence climatique.

Soyons sérieux, s'il vous plaît! N'en déplaise à Mme von der Leyen et à ses soutiens, le vrai défi de l'Europe, ce n'est pas une idéologie verte servie par des financements opaques. Non, le vrai défi de l'Europe, c'est l'emploi, la sécurité, la compétitivité de nos entreprises et un investissement concret dans nos territoires.

Le prochain budget européen doit donc être réaliste, concret et centré sur les priorités immédiates des citoyens. Il devra soutenir nos industries et défendre nos frontières, nos agriculteurs et nos artisans, à savoir ceux qui font tourner concrètement notre économie et garantissent notre souveraineté.

Les Français ne veulent pas d'une Europe qui gaspille leur argent. Les Français veulent d'une Europe efficace, qui protège et qui agisse concrètement pour eux. C'est donc dans ce but-là uniquement que l'argent des Français doit être dépensé.

Johan Van Overtveldt (ECR). – Voorzitter, commissaris, collega's, we staan voor een omvangrijke oefening, want het is duidelijk dat het huidige MFK-kader geen oplossingen biedt voor hedendaagse noden en uitdagingen. We kijken dan ook uit naar de voorstellen die de Commissie volgende week gaat neerleggen.

Zoals Mario Draghi glashelder heeft toegelicht: gemeenschappelijke schulden zijn niet de eerste prioriteit. Wat Europa wel dringend nodig heeft, zijn structurele hervormingen met als prioriteit een volwaardige kapitaalmarktenunie en krachtige stimulansen voor innovatie en ondernemerschap. Het is een illusie dat al onze structurele problemen op te lossen zijn door er simpelweg geld tegenaan te gooien. Integendeel, deze filosofie vergroot vaak juist nog de problemen. Meer middelen zonder hervormingen leiden tot stagnatie, niet tot vooruitgang.

Wat onze burgers vandaag het meeste bezighoudt en waar de Europese Unie zonder twijfel een grote meerwaarde kan bieden, zijn defensie en migratie. Het zijn dan ook twee domeinen die in het nieuwe MFK centraal dienen te staan en dit vereist een grondige, kritische evaluatie van het volledige gamma aan bestaande programma's. We hebben investeringen nodig, maar vooral investeringen uit de private sector. Het is dan ook onze taak om de voorwaarden te scheppen om die investeringen uit te lokken.

Tot slot – en dit wordt ook in het verslag-Draghi zeer benadrukt – hebben we nood aan doordachte deregulering. Dat is wat we nodig hebben om terug te kunnen groeien.

Lucia Yar (Renew). – Madam President, dear colleagues, Commissioner, I want to talk about the size of the MFF today, because the annual EU budget is roughly as large as the budget of the country holding currently the presidency, Denmark, with 6 million people. But Europeans – half a billion people – demand much more, we've heard it: prosperous regions; investments in infrastructure, security, climate action, media, support for civil society and much more.

But how? How can we fund all this if we shy away from discussing alternative resources? The Commissioner said it. We see memes comparing the US and China to leaders of a new space age, while the EU is dealing with bottle lids – we've heard that today. But, dear citizens, it's about the amount of competences and precisely resources that our governments, national governments are granting to the European Union. And I see the MFF as a great opportunity to change it.

We may not be able to change the Treaties right now, but we certainly can shape the European Union with money, and Europeans are expecting nothing less from us.

Rasmus Nordqvist (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, today we are discussing our expectations for the long-term budget. To be honest, my expectations are actually pretty low, but my hope is very high. It's high because it needs to be. We are standing at a crossroad. The climate crisis is no longer a distant threat; it's here and it demands action now. At the same time, we're in the middle of a biodiversity crisis, economic and social insecurity and geopolitical instability. All this we need to tackle in the long-term budget. It means, of course, that we should not just tweak a little on what we have today. We have to rebuild it.

We need to be serious about the green industrial policy. We need to be bold, and we need to be smart. We cannot do this budget without having a strong green spending target. It's needed for the environment, for the climate, for nature. We need to work actively with the principles of 'do no significant harm', and of course, we need to create a standalone nature fund to invest in biodiversity. At the same time, we need social conditionality to meet the citizens of Europe. So perhaps my expectations are not that high, but I actually think Europeans' expectations are, and they should be, because we need every euro in the coming budget to move us closer to a climate-neutral, competitive and just economy.

Younous Omarjee (The Left). – Madame la Présidente, que la structure de notre budget doive être adaptée aux réalités nouvelles, nous sommes tous d'accord avec cela; que la politique de cohésion doive être modernisée, simplifiée, rendue plus efficace, nous sommes également d'accord. Mais cette modernisation ne doit pas être un prétexte pour démanteler une politique qui est avant tout une politique régionale garantie par les traités pour réduire les disparités, et sacrifier la méthode de Berlin et la catégorisation des régions serait tout à fait inconséquent.

Renationaliser, sacrifier le FEDER et le FSE pour un mégafonds adossé sur de nouveaux objectifs, c'est tourner le dos à des millions de citoyens qui, dans les zones rurales, ultrapériphériques et désindustrialisées, comptent sur l'Europe pour ne pas être abandonnés par leur État. Il vous reste quelques jours pour ne pas persévérer dans une proposition qui soulève l'opposition des régions d'Europe, d'un très grand nombre de pays et de notre Parlement européen.

Milan Mazurek (ESN). – Vážená pani predsedajúca, v Európskej komisii sa nevyhnutne potrebujete vrátiť nohami pevne na zem a netárať tu o vzdušných zámkoch a rozprávkach, ktorými kŕmite ľudí. To jediné, čo od vás daňoví poplatníci očakávajú, je, aby ste ich tvrdo zarobené finančné prostriedky investovali do zlepšenia kvality ich života, do infraštruktúry, do poľnohospodárstva, nie do nezmyselných dúhových propagandistických projektov, do rozvoja politických mimovládok, do integrácie a prijímania nelegálnych imigrantov alebo do úplného zeleného šialenstva a podvodu, kedy nútite štáty, aby stavali veterné elektrárne a podobné nezmysly, ktoré sa dávno ukázali ako neefektívne, nestabilné a hlúpe riešenia prinášajúce problémy a krach nášho priemyslu.

Ľudia od vás chcú naspäť návrat do reality a nepomôže im, keď im tu budete ako teraz pán eurokomisár klamať, že ak budeme dávať 5 % HDP na zbrojné výdavky, že sa to nedotkne výdavkov na sociálne zabezpečenie alebo na investície do iných politík v rámci štátov. Samozrejme, že sa to dotkne. Samozrejme, že to schudobní ľudí, a ja nevyhnutne dúfam, že vo štvrtok bude táto komisia odvolaná.

Thomas Geisel (NI). – Frau Präsidentin, Frau Ministerin, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Nach der Vorstellung der Kommission und den Erwartungen zumindest einer Mehrheit dieses Hauses werden wohl auch nach 2027 erhebliche Mittel in die Ukraine fließen – für Waffen und für den Wiederaufbau des Landes nach einem schrecklichen Krieg. Wir sollten aber aufpassen, dass Europa dabei nicht zum Zahlmeister wird, während andere Geschäfte machen. Mit dem Vertrag, den die Ukraine Ende April mit den USA geschlossen hat, möchte Präsident Trump angeblich rund 350 Milliarden Dollar mit Rohstoffdeals und Infrastrukturaufträgen verdienen. Das wäre mehr als das Doppelte dessen, was sein Land bislang an die Ukraine geleistet hat. Es ist an der Zeit, Präsident Selenskyj klar zu machen, dass auch die Hilfe Europas nicht bedingungslos geleistet wird, sondern in der Erwartung einer fairen Partnerschaft. Statt von unerschütterlicher Unterstützung zu schwadronieren, sollte Frau von der Leyen endlich auch die Interessen der Europäischen Union im Blick behalten. Denn auch hier ist das Geld knapp.

Herbert Dorfmann (PPE). – Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Die Europäische Union und damit auch dieses Parlament ist über Jahrzehnte durch ein Prinzip gewachsen: Die Mitgliedstaaten haben uns Kompetenzen übertragen, die wir ausüben, wo wir Gesetze, Regeln schaffen, und die wir dann auch finanzieren. Das gilt für die Landwirtschaft, das gilt für die Kohäsion, für die grenzüberschreitende Zusammenarbeit, für die Forschung und vieles mehr. Wenn ich nun den Anzeichen trauen kann, dann plant die Kommission, diese zentralen Kompetenzen in einen Topf zu werfen, teilweise an die Mitgliedstaaten zurückzugeben und gleichzeitig die Finanzierung zu kürzen. Gleichzeitig sollen wir aber andere Dinge, wo dieses Parlament keine Kompetenz hat, zukünftig finanzieren. Wenn wir aber die Kompetenzen aushungern, dann hungern wir die Europäische Union aus, und vor allem hungern wir dieses Parlament aus. Wollen wir das?

Ein Wort zur Landwirtschaft. Der sichere Zugang zu Lebensmitteln wird eine zentrale Herausforderung für die Gesellschaft von morgen werden. Wenn wir nicht mehr bereit sind, in diesen Sektor zu investieren, junge Menschen in die Landwirtschaft zu bringen, dann riskieren wir unsere Ernährungssouveränität. Wir brauchen einen eigenständigen Haushalt für die Europäische Union, und wir brauchen vor allem eine eigenständige Gesetzgebung für die Europäische Union. Ich erwarte mir, dass die Kommission nächste Woche dafür kämpft.

Victor Negrescu (S&D). – Doamnă președintă, domnule comisar, dragi colegi, vorbim în fiecare an despre autonomie strategică, competitivitate globală sau solidaritate europeană, dar acum se propune tăierea instrumentelor care le fac posibile, sabotându-ne singuri viitorul. În loc să consolidăm capacitatea UE, o lăsăm să se erodeze în tăcere.

Următorul buget european pe termen lung trebuie să fie ambițios și trebuie să fie dotat cu resurse adecvate. De aceea, prioritățile, în opinia mea, sunt clare. Pe de o parte, politica de coeziune trebuie să rămână fundamentul solidarității europene, nu ținta preferată a tăierilor. Cel puțin 20% din bugetul european trebuie alocat pentru educație și formare a competențelor.

Trebuie să protejăm dezvoltarea rurală, să creștem sprijinul pentru fermieri și grupurile vulnerabile, pentru că oamenii nu supraviețuiesc doar cu declarații, iar Uniunea trebuie să aibă capacitatea de a reacționa rapid la crize, fie că vorbim de inundații, incendii sau amenințări geopolitice. Flexibilitatea bugetară este o necesitate.

Nu vorbim de cifre, nu vorbim de contabilitate, vorbim de ce fel de Europă ne dorim pe viitor, iar eu îmi doresc o Europă puternică, unită și pregătită pentru viitor.

Ruggero Razza (ECR). – Signora Presidente, signora Ministro, onorevoli colleghi, il Commissario Serafin ha parlato di ciò che unisce, io proverò a sintetizzare alcune cose importanti che forse oggi ci dividono e magari domani ci uniranno.

Ci sono delle divergenze in partenza e abbiamo il timore, per alcune scelte, che sappiamo già non essere condivise dalla maggioranza degli Stati membri e certamente dalla maggioranza del Parlamento.

Sulla coesione siamo contrari ad accorpare le risorse in fondi nazionali, privando delle risorse regioni e comuni, e siamo per mantenere l'attuale classificazione delle regioni sulla base del PIL.

Sull'agricoltura siamo contrari ad accorpare il fondo per le politiche agricole a quello di coesione e sui controlli dei confini pensiamo che si debba investire di più sulle politiche di vicinato – soprattutto di vicinato meridionale – magari creando un fondo destinato al Mediterraneo.

Sosteniamo, Commissario, l'iniziativa della creazione di un fondo per la competitività e vogliamo sperare che però questo fondo abbia delle risorse autonome e diverse.

Siamo pronti come delegazione a lavorare e faremo la nostra parte.

Ľubica Karvašová (Renew). – Madam President, colleagues, 'regions will remain at the centre of our work'. These are the words of President Ursula von der Leyen one year ago, when she stood here to ask for our support for her mandate.

Yet, we hear worrying signs from Brussels, from the European Commission – signs of budget centralisation leaving regions aside by single national plans. It comes not from Vice-President Fitto, not from Commissioner Serafin, but from President von der Leyen herself.

So let me be clear here: we will not accept this. Don't get me wrong, I'm not from the old school. I stand for progress, for efficiency, and also for delivery of our money to citizens. But without a strong role of the cohesion policy in shaping and delivering the money, we will not improve our competitiveness or complete the single market.

And what's even worse is that if we move decisions away from our citizens, it is trust in the European project that will be damaged…

(The President cut off the speaker)

Andrey Novakov (PPE). – Madam President, dear Commissioner, I'm sure that presenting the MFF proposal on the last working day of the Parliament is a coincidence, because it goes against the spirit of good cooperation and friendship between the European Parliament and the Commission. I do not know what is inside this draft report, but I just guess that if there is a single pot of money inside instead of a dedicated cohesion fund, we will be against.

I don't know what is inside, but I guess that if mayors, local authorities, farmers and rural areas are not on board in the decision-making process, we will be against. I'm not sure what is inside, but if it goes against the dedicated funds for agriculture and rural development, we will be against. We are in favour of many other things as well: of pushing forward investments in our economy, of protecting our borders, and of investing in the most vulnerable regions, because cohesion policy is part of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union.

Nicola Zingaretti (S&D). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il QFP disegna l'Europa minima possibile quando servirebbe l'opposto: quella massima necessaria.

Perché le sfide che abbiamo davanti non si affrontano chiudendosi nei confini nazionali, ma si affrontano insieme. Tutti applaudono Draghi, ma poi fanno l'opposto: niente investimenti strategici, fondo comune, tagli alla coesione sociale e alla PAC e niente debito comune.

Ma senza investimenti comuni non c'è futuro. Senza coesione non c'è competitività. Senza inclusione non c'è libertà.

Con un bilancio europeo fermo all'1 % del PIL non andiamo lontano e se non creiamo ora nuove risorse comuni sarà la fine del sogno europeo.

Altro che Unione: sarà un'Europa divisa, piccola e impaurita come piace al nazionalismo e come piace alla Russia, a Donald Trump e alla Cina, che ci schiacceranno e altro, quindi, che sovranità.

Ma noi non ci rassegniamo. Non ci rassegniamo come nel 1957. Sappiamo che ci sono momenti in cui bisogna scegliere tra il coraggio difficile e il compromesso facile.

Noi scegliamo il coraggio e daremo battaglia per tutta un'altra Europa.

Jaak Madison (ECR). – Madam President, dear colleagues, first of all, we are talking about the long-term budget for the future. We are only talking about our own resources, but let's say it in a more simple way for the voters and the public: own resources means new taxes.

So, what very many of you want here is to have new taxes. So, it means to open the Treaties to more federalise the financial policy for the EU to get taxes directly from companies to the EU budget, not to Member States.

But what we are not talking about at all is that maybe we should absolutely cut our expenses. We can't increase all the time the budget to have more expenses for the Green Deal, for the very beautiful and nice things, when our economy is totally running out compared to China or the US.

So, we should cut our taxes, we should cut our expenses and we should absolutely, totally finish the green ideology, which is the absolutely craziest, most socialist and communist thing ever, because many of you are communists here.

When our Commissioner said that we did so well during the pandemic – really? The President of the Commission is still under investigation for the crime with Pfizergate. We did not do well. So, I will never trust our taxpayers' money in your hands.

Rasmus Andresen (Verts/ALE). – Frau Präsidentin! Die Welt fliegt auseinander, und deshalb ist es genau richtig, jetzt die EU zu stärken. Und ob hinter den vielen Sonntagsreden wirklich auch Taten stecken, das werden wir beim mehrjährigen Finanzrahmen in den nächsten Monaten erleben. Europa wird allerdings nur stärker, wenn wir für sozialen Frieden auf unserem Kontinent sorgen, und das bedeutet, dass wir eine starke Säule im EU-Haushalt brauchen.

Über 30 % der Menschen haben ein so knappes Einkommen, dass sie es sich nicht leisten können, größere unvorhergesehene Rechnungen zu zahlen. Und für diese Menschen müssen wir halt eben auch Politik machen. Deshalb irritiert es mich zu hören, dass es sein kann, dass der nächste EU-Haushalt ohne starke Säule ausgestattet sein wird. Wir Grüne setzen uns dafür ein, dass die Sozialpolitik, dass soziale Programme ins Zentrum des EU-Haushalts rücken.

Und zahlen? Ja, zahlen sollten das Ganze diejenigen, die am meisten leisten können. Und da denken wir unter anderem an die großen Tech-Konzerne oder aber auch an Finanzspekulateure.

Schlagen Sie nächste Woche nicht nur einen mutigen Haushalt vor, sondern inkludieren Sie auch eine EU-Digitalsteuer und beispielsweise auch eine Steuer auf Kryptowährungen. Wir brauchen sie dringend.

Christian Ehler (PPE). – Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Commissioners, I think the privilege of the EPP is that Siegfried Mureșan has been laying down the policies of a united EPP. We're not advocating our little things; we're looking for a balanced budget, indeed looking for the clarity of the budget.

We're granting, and we do think, that more of the same might not be the future. We have to grant flexibility, but we will ask the Commission to resist – while having that flexibility – that a common debt fund is refurbishing the old dreams of top-down steering, the 'super-bazooka', the top-down industry policy. This is not the way to go – neither in industry policy nor on the other funds.

What we need is flexibility, but we need also the courage of the Commission that innovation needs to be designed by stakeholders. We have to have that openness and not this kind of top-down centralised theory. 'Yes' to efficiency, but 'no' to this dream of centralised steering of the European economy.

Andreas Schieder (S&D). – Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar! Die Gerüchte um den MFF-Vorschlag der Europäischen Kommission sind, sagen wir es einmal gelinde, irritierend. Deswegen ist es zu betonen: Wir haben außenpolitische Herausforderungen, wir haben aber gleichzeitig auch die Herausforderung, diese Europäische Union nach innen zu stärken und zu einer Europäischen Union der Menschen zu machen. Deswegen ist es wichtig: Wer den EU-Haushalt klein hält, hält auch Europa klein. Wir wollen ein großes und starkes Europa, das mutig den sozialökologischen Umbau, den gesellschaftlichen Zusammenhalt und auch die gerechte Transformation finanziert.

Genau für diese Fragen sind aus meiner Sicht drei Dinge ganz zentral. Erstens: Wir brauchen einen europäischen Fonds fürs Wohnen. Das Thema Wohnen und Wohnungskosten sind zentrale Interessen der Bürgerinnen und Bürger. Zweitens: Wir brauchen Gelder für die Infrastruktur, für ein Schnellzugsystem in Europa – und das ganz dringend! Und drittens: Wir brauchen einen Europäischen Sozialfonds. Wenn wir uns fragen, wo das Geld herkommt? Die Digitalkonzerne mit einer Digitalsteuer wären eine Idee.

Isabel Benjumea Benjumea (PPE). – Señora presidenta, señor comisario, facilitar las cosas a las empresas, pymes y familias, así como lograr ser más competitivos en la economía global en la que vivimos, son objetivos fundamentales que podemos conseguir a través de la simplificación en la gestión de los programas europeos y con la eliminación de trabas administrativas y burocráticas, pero la respuesta a esta necesidad no puede ser la fusión de programas en torno a planes nacionales, ni tampoco la subida de impuestos o la centralización en detrimento de las regiones.

En primer lugar, porque la experiencia que hemos tenido con los fondos NextGenerationEU de vincular transferencias a fondos, a planes nacionales o a reformas no ha sido exitosa y no parece razonable insistir en lo que no funciona.

En segundo lugar, porque el presupuesto plurianual de la Unión no puede ser la suma de intereses nacionales, sino una visión estratégica y de conjunto. Va contra la propia esencia de la Unión hacerlo así. Ni la PAC, ni Erasmus, ni la política de cohesión ni la política de pesca se pueden…

(la presidenta retira la palabra a la oradora)

Jean-Marc Germain (S&D). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, le moment est important. Avec ce budget pluriannuel, il s'agit au fond de dire quelle Europe nous voulons construire dans les dix années à venir. Nous attendions un projet visionnaire, marquant des avancées décisives sur l'Europe de la défense, dessinant avec justice une société respectueuse de la planète et assurant la souveraineté numérique. Et que s'apprête-t-on à nous livrer? Un budget aussi vide de sens que de moyens, abandonnant des pans essentiels de l'Europe que nous aimons.

Soyons clairs: nous n'accepterons jamais la suppression du Fonds social européen. Je vous le dis: si l'Europe d'Ursula von der Leyen doit être celle qui défait l'Europe de Jacques Delors, alors ce sera sans nous. Nous n'accepterons jamais que l'effort nécessaire de défense et de compétitivité se fasse au détriment du social et de l'écologie. Nous n'accepterons jamais la règle absurde de l'argent contre les réformes. Ce budget va droit dans le mur. Tel quel, il n'a pas de majorité car nous, socialistes et démocrates, nous ne le voterons pas.

Tomasz Buczek (PfE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Komisarzu! Chciałbym dziś usłyszeć informację o planowanym programie oszczędności i cięć budżetowych, ale nie oszczędności kosztem rolników czy inwestycji rozwojowych. Czekamy na ogłoszenie oszczędności w ramach bizantyjskiego aparatu urzędniczego Unii Europejskiej. Jeśli tego nie usłyszymy, wasza wiarygodność przebije dno.

Czy my naprawdę musimy utrzymywać ponad 30 agencji wykonawczych? Czy musimy utrzymywać rzeszę urzędników zajmujących się klimatem lub promocją innych ideologicznych projektów? Z ponad 50 000 hojnie opłacanych urzędników Unii, co najmniej kilka tysięcy odpowiada za błędne i fatalne dla Europy polityki. Straciliśmy konkurencyjność, bo oni nie chcieli i nadal nie chcą nikogo słuchać.

Należy zatem zreformować samą Komisję Europejską. Wyrzucić euro biurokratów z ich gabinetów, a dopiero potem mówić o nowych ambicjach. Bo dziś wasze genialne pomysły są dla milionów obywateli koszmarem. W odróżnieniu od was, my naprawdę słuchamy ludzi. Oni oczekują, że obronimy ich przed waszym Zielonym Ładem i przed masową imigracją, nad którą nie potraficie lub celowo nie chcecie zapanować.

Bogdan Rzońca (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Pani Minister! Panie Komisarzu! Niestety będzie tylko gorzej i nie ma na co czekać. Będzie gorzej, bo Komisja Europejska już zaciągnęła Unię Europejską w przepaść długu i chce zaciągać kolejne długi. Wieloletnie ramy finansowe stracą na wartości, realnie stracą na wartości. Będzie mniej pieniędzy na wspólną politykę rolną. Nie pomylę się, jeśli powiem, że będzie to o 20% mniej niż jest. Regiony będą szantażowane. Bardzo źle to wróży w przyszłości. Regiony będą dostawać pieniądze, jeśli będą wprowadzać reformy. To jest fatalne rozwiązanie. Nie można tak postępować. Ludzie w regionach będą mniej ważni.

No i mamy oczywiście potem dług: 300 mld euro obciąży nowe, wieloletnie ramy finansowe i o tyle realnie mniejszy będzie ten nowy budżet. Tłuste lata życia na kredyt niestety przerodzą się w chude lata i te chude lata będą owocowały kolejnymi niepokojami, jeśli nie odwołamy Komisji Europejskiej, która po prostu działa bardzo źle i przeciw solidarnej Unii Europejskiej.

Anouk Van Brug (Renew). – Voorzitter, commissaris, minister, met de nieuwe meerjarenbegroting hebben we de kans om te bouwen aan een sterk Europa. Dan moeten we echter die kans wel grijpen. Dat doen we door fors te investeren in onze defensie, door samen wapens te produceren, onze infrastructuur te versterken en onze digitale veiligheid te vergroten. Ook door onze bedrijven en economie te laten groeien met meer ruimte voor innovatie, schone technologieën en een sterke maakindustrie. Door te bouwen aan technologische onafhankelijkheid van Amerika en China op het gebied van chips en AI, zodat Europa weer voorop loopt.

Willen we dit betaalbaar houden, moeten we keuzes maken binnen de huidige begroting. Niet kiezen voor wat we altijd gedaan hebben, maar kiezen voor een meerjarenbegroting die vooruitkijkt naar een veilig en welvarend Europa. De keuzes zijn helder. Nu is het aan ons om lef te tonen en te kiezen voor de toekomst.

Danuše Nerudová (PPE). – Madam President, Mr Commissioner, next week, our shared priorities will become reality. But without proper revenues, they will remain just empty promises.

That's why we need an own resources package that is politically viable, financially sufficient and stable. As Tom Cruise might say, it may look like mission impossible after so many years of blockage, but we must deliver – there is no other alternative.

If we are serious about introducing new revenue streams, we must also be serious about how we manage the budget. We need to avoid fragmentation and we must protect European added value. That means governance of the budget based on genuine partnership with all relevant actors around the table.

Sandra Gómez López (S&D). – Señora presidenta, he escuchado con atención a los oradores que me han precedido. Todos tienen sus propias prioridades: defensa, competitividad, agricultura… Hasta la ultraderecha se atreve a levantar la mano para sus fines excluyentes y migratorios.

Pero mi pregunta es: ¿cómo piensan pagarlo? Porque la Europa competitiva necesita más inversión, la Europa que se defiende necesita más presupuesto, y la Europa que garantiza la vivienda y nuestro clima necesitan más financiación. Por eso este marco financiero debe ir sí o sí acompañado de una propuesta ambiciosa de recursos propios, y no solo para pagar la deuda, sino para responder a estos retos.

Basta, Comisión: tenemos que romper la hipocresía de pedir más y aportar lo mismo. El Consejo debe entender que tiene que desbloquear y que necesitamos superar el 1 % autoimpuesto, avanzar en materia de deuda común y diseñar nuevos ingresos alineados con los valores de la Unión Europea.

Moritz Körner (Renew). – Frau Präsidentin, sehr geehrte Kollegen, Herr Kommissar! Das wird ein besonderer Haushalt. Wir haben riesige Herausforderungen: Verteidigung, Migration, Wettbewerbsfähigkeit. Wir müssen zum ersten Mal 30 Milliarden Euro im Jahr zurückzahlen an Corona-Schulden, und die Antwort für viele ist hier: Wir müssen einfach mehr Geld ausgeben. Ich glaube, das wird nicht funktionieren. Es wird nicht funktionieren. Wir haben in der letzten Finanzperiode doppelt so viel ausgegeben, wenn man die Corona-Schulden dazu nimmt, wie in der Finanzperiode davor.

Fragen wir uns ehrlich: Ist Europa doppelt so gut geworden? Und deswegen müssen wir jetzt bei diesen Herausforderungen auch Prioritäten setzen. Der Kommissar hat eben völlig zu Recht gesagt: Wir müssen bessere Ergebnisse für europäische Bürger auch mit weniger Geld erreichen. Wir müssen darüber nachdenken, wie wir smarter ausgeben können, wie wir es einfacher machen können, an europäisches Geld zu kommen, und wie wir insgesamt effektiver werden.

Aber wir müssen vor allem auch verhindern, dass Geld in korrupten Taschen versinkt, und deswegen brauchen wir einen starken Rechtsstaatsmechanismus. Es muss endlich klar sein, dass dieser Rechtsstaats-TÜV, den die Kommission gestern vorgestellt hat, auch eng mit dem Haushalt verbunden ist. Dafür müssen Sie kämpfen, Herr Kommissar, und dafür bitte ich auch den Rat zu kämpfen. Denn es darf nicht sein, dass die Mitgliedstaaten, die sich nicht an unsere Regeln halten, auch unsere Steuergelder weiter bekommen.

Janusz Lewandowski (PPE). – Madam President, Minister, Commissioner, in one week only, we are to see the vision of Europe post-2027. Equipped with budgetary figures that is not telling, but simple political declarations. But a week before we know practically nothing. And this is not good. We know what our priorities are across the European Union and what is the most exciting thing I am to ask is how to reconcile the mission letter of Commissioner Serafin with the common request for decentralised regional cohesion policy, which is not dependent upon the wishes or discretion of national parliaments?

Equally important is the repayment of the new generation EU debt in the context of no progress on own resources and also in the context of a new, possibly necessary common borrowing. What is equally important is clearly outlined agricultural policy and not the melting pots of other programmes.

President. – Dear colleagues, we have now come to the catch-the-eye procedure. As always, I have many more speakers than I have speaking time left. I've tried to find some criteria, and I have said that if you spoke in the last debate, you will not be given catch-the-eye time. If you have not been here in the room during the whole debate, I will not give you time. It's just because I have to find some criteria, and I try to spread it over the groups.

I do apologise to those of you who will not be able to speak. I know this is a very important topic for all of us.

Catch-the-eye procedure

Γεώργιος Αυτιάς (PPE). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε, αγαπητέ κύριε Mureșan. Σας άκουσα με ιδιαίτερη προσοχή για το πολυετές οικονομικό πρόγραμμα. Ναι, να στηρίξουμε κοινωνίες, να στηρίξουμε τους ανθρώπους μας, να στηρίξουμε την υγεία, την παιδεία και όλα αυτά τα οποία βοηθούν τους πολίτες.

Όμως, κύριε Επίτροπε, θέλω να με κοιτάξετε στα μάτια και να μου απαντήσετε ευθέως. Ετοιμάζεται η Επιτροπή να βάλει από την πίσω πόρτα μέσω του πολυετούς την Τουρκία, η οποία απειλεί ευθέως την πατρίδα μου; Να μπει δηλαδή στις αμυντικές παροχές; Αν αυτό συμβεί, κύριε Επίτροπε, θα είναι εγκληματικό για την ίδια την Ευρώπη, διότι με λεφτά των Ευρωπαίων φορολογουμένων, μία τρίτη χώρα, η οποία τη μια μέρα θέλει το μισό Αιγαίο, την άλλη ώρα τα μισά νησιά του Αιγαίου και από την άλλη κατέχει το βόρειο τμήμα της Κύπρου, είναι άδικο, πολύ άδικο να συμβεί αυτό. Προσέξτε το, γιατί θα κωπηλατούμε με δεμένη βάρκα.

Thomas Bajada (S&D). – Sur Kummissarju, waqt li kont qed inżur raħal ġewwa Malta, persuna qaltli xi ħaġa li baqgħet miegħi. Ħdimna ħajjitna kollha, ħallasna t-taxxi, bnejna familja u llum la għandi serħan il-moħħ għalija u lanqas għal uliedi. Fejn sejrin ma nafx. Meta nħares lejn dak li qed jingħad fil-kurituri ġewwa Brussell dwar il-proposti għall-baġit Ewropew, nifhem aktar lil din il-persuna. Il-prijoritajiet qed jinbidlu minn investiment fl-edukazzjoni, fis-saħħa, fil-kultura u fl-ambjent lejn enfasi kbira fuq l-industrija militari, bħallikieku dik biss hija bżonnjuża għall-ekonomija u għall-kwalità tal-ħajja. Imma r-reżiljenza ekonomika ma tinbeniex bl-armi tal-qtil. Tinbena bil-familji li jgħixu bis-saqaf seren fuq rashom, biż-żgħażagħ li jistgħu jilħqu l-aspirazzjonijiet tagħhom, bl-anzjani li jibqgħu s-sinsla tas-soċjetà, u meta ninsew lill-familji, lill-ħaddiema, lis-soċjetà, m'aħniex se nkomplu nibnu l-Ewropa, imma se nkunu aħna stess li nħalluha titkisser minn ġewwa. L-ewwel investiment, l-ewwel prijorità għandha tkun in-nies.

Arkadiusz Mularczyk (ECR). – Panie Komisarzu! Wysoka Izbo! Oczekujemy, że nowy budżet Unii Europejskiej po 2027 roku będzie oparty na zasadach uczciwości, przejrzystości i równego traktowania. Tymczasem w ostatnich latach widzieliśmy niepokojące zjawisko upolityczniania mechanizmów finansowania w Unii Europejskiej.

Mój kraj, Polska, przez ponad dwa lata nie otrzymywał środków unijnych z uwagi na rzekome łamanie praworządności. Nie kto inny jak obecna tu Ursula von der Leyen nakładała kamienie milowe na rząd polski, które miały być realizowane, aby odblokować środki unijne. I też, Drodzy Państwo, po wyborach parlamentarnych, które wygrał Donald Tusk, jego nominat, obecny tu komisarz Serafin, Komisarz ds. Budżetu, otrzymał te środki mimo niespełnienia żadnych warunków zrealizowanych w kamieniach milowych. Praworządność nie została przywrócona, a mimo to środki zostały do Polski skierowane. Panie Komisarzu, czy fundusze unijne są…

(Przewodnicząca odebrała mówcy głos)

Petras Gražulis (ESN). – Nesuprantu, kas čia vyksta. Biudžeto projektas pasirodys tiktais nu už savaitės, o mes jau jį aptarinėjame. Absurdas, kurio nematęs esu. Ne veltui Amerikos prezidentas Trumpas Europos Sąjungą pavadino pasaulio biurokratijos institucija, kur nėra su kuo kalbėt ir nėra atsakingų. Pažiūrėkit, mažinkime biurokratiją. Kam pirmininkaujanti yra šalis, kur išvaistomi milijonai? Kam? Ar neužtektų institucijos – Europos Parlamento, Europos Komisijos? Viskas, racionaliai dirbkime. Darbuotojui reikia priimti pusę metų. Aš, nugyvenęs gyvenimą, susidūriau tik tapęs europarlamentaru. Atleisti pasitikėjimą praradusį patarėją – taip pat pusės metų procedūra. Nematęs, į galvą netelpa šita procedūra. Pažiūrėkite, kas yra, dirbam Briuselyje ir Strasbūre. Kas mėnesį važiuoja gal kokie 10 tūkstančių pareigūnų. Traukiniai maži…

(posėdžio pirmininkė iš kalbėtojo atima žodį)

Branislav Ondruš (NI). – Vážená pani predsedajúca, čerpanie európskych financií musíme podmieniť dvoma princípmi. V prvom rade žiadne peniaze na zbrojenie, žiadne peniaze zbrojárskym korporáciám, žiadne financovanie budúcej vojny, medzinárodného napätia a konfliktov. Prednosť musia dostať investície do modernizácie hospodárstva, zvýšenia kvality vzdelania, dostupnejšieho zdravotníctva a dostupnejšieho bývania pre pracujúcich a odkázaných, najmä pre mladé rodiny. Financujme integráciu zdravotne znevýhodnených a sociálne vylúčených ľudí a ich rodín a tiež férovú podporu poľnohospodárov a potravinárov, rovnako tých na východe, ako aj tých na západe.

V druhom rade musíme každé euro dotácie, každé euro verejnej zákazky z európskeho rozpočtu povinne podmieniť férovým platmi pracujúcich, kvalitnými pracovnými podmienkami, ochranou životného prostredia, zákazom využívania nútených živnostníkov a každá firma musí mať podpísanú kolektívnu zmluvu, ktorá ľuďom garantuje ich práva a benefity. Iba takto európske financie prispejú k spravodlivému rozvoju Európy.

Dariusz Joński (PPE). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Panie Komisarzu! Mówimy dzisiaj o nowej perspektywie finansowej, którą usłyszymy już za tydzień, więc nie sposób nie rozmawiać jednocześnie o ETS2. Z jednej strony widzimy wszyscy, jak się zmienia klimat: w jednych miejscach Europy mamy temperatury grubo ponad 40 stopni, w innych miejscach mamy powodzie. W moim kraju ulewne deszcze trwają od kilku dni. Klimat się zmienia i tu w ogóle nie ma dyskusji. Ale z drugiej strony chcemy wspólnie zadbać o konkurencyjność firm i o to, żeby zwykli obywatele nie odczuwali tego poprzez wyższe podatki i opłaty.

Chcę powiedzieć jasno – nasza delegacja Koalicji Obywatelskiej tu, w Parlamencie Europejskim, nie pozwoli na to, żeby te obciążenia dotykały zwykłych obywateli. Chciałbym zapytać Pana Komisarza, jak inaczej chce Komisja Europejska rozwiązać ten problem tak, aby z jednej strony zadbać o klimat, ale z drugiej, żeby nie obciążać obywateli tymi zmianami i zadbać o konkurencyjność gospodarki?

Hélder Sousa Silva (PPE). – Senhora Presidente, Senhor Comissário, caros colegas, os múltiplos desafios que a União Europeia enfrenta estabelecem claramente o contexto das negociações do próximo quadro financeiro plurianual. Para dar resposta às aspirações dos nossos concidadãos, temos de dotar a União Europeia de recursos adequados.

O próximo quadro financeiro plurianual deve ser suficientemente ambicioso, garantindo tanto a estabilidade e a autonomia das atuais políticas, nomeadamente a política de coesão e a política agrícola comum, como dando resposta aos novos desafios: a defesa, a segurança, a competitividade e a proteção civil.

Na negociação do próximo quadro financeiro, é fundamental adotar uma abordagem global, sendo imperioso encontrar novos recursos próprios, sem que isso signifique sobrecarregar os nossos concidadãos de mais impostos.

Por último, não é possível responder eficazmente aos desafios que enfrentamos apenas com o investimento público, pelo que é fundamental alavancar o investimento privado.

Nina Carberry (PPE). – Madam President, Commissioner, just two months ago, this Chamber voted to outline our priorities for a modern, robust EU budget. As we look to the Commission's proposal on 16 July, we expect this Parliament's position to be reflected in that proposal.

Among our key priorities is the need to maintain the CAP as a strong standalone policy, with Pillars 1 and 2 kept separate from other programmes. For Europe to remain competitive, we must prioritise the strength of our farming and agrifood sectors.

Just as important is our commitment to research and innovation, and therefore continued funding for Horizon Europe and Erasmus+.

Additionally, recent global events have reminded us of the vital importance of unity and solidarity. Continued support for development and humanitarian aid remains essential, especially in times of conflict and natural disaster.

Looking ahead, I trust the Commission will remain open to constructive discussions with the Parliament to ensure the delivery of a budget that meets our shared ambitions and the expectations of our citizens.

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

Piotr Serafin, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, many thanks for that debate. Yes, on 16 July, a lot of the questions that have been asked in this debate will be answered. And I believe and I hope that you will find that debate and your input also in those answers. On 16 July, we will not only present the communication on the future MFF – we also would like to share with you, but also with the Council and the Member States, the package of legislative proposals that will clarify the intentions behind the national and regional partnership plans, competitiveness funds, Global Europe funds, but also an ambitious own resources package.

And I hope you will find in that package ambition. Ambition when it comes to the need to address new challenges of which we are all fully aware. Ambition when it comes to the own resources that can, on the one hand, strengthen the financial capacity of what we have here at European level, but on the other hand, will be also politically and socially acceptable for the Member States, but also for the citizens of Europe.

But I also believe that you will find the ambition of the Commission to preserve and remain loyal to the regions of Europe, to the rural areas and the farmers. And I hope that you will also recognise in the ambitions part our commitment to the European social model.

But of course, this package also has to demonstrate realism. I really liked the comparison by honourable Member Yar of the size of the EU budget to the budget of the Kingdom of Denmark. This is the reality on the ground, which means that not all European problems can be solved by the European budget, which means also that we need to concentrate our resources on those areas where we can really make a difference.

And I am also deeply convinced that there are many areas – and it will be reflected in the EU budget – where when we invest together, we are actually getting more for the same or even less money. I mentioned defence – I have no doubt about that, that investing together in defence we can get more security.

I would say even more. There are projects that can only be organised and implemented at European level. If we want, for example, to have a European alternative for Starlink, we have to do it together as Europeans, and the EU budget should support it. If we want to be effective when it comes to migration policy, yes, we have to protect external borders together rather than introducing controls on our internal borders. If we want to be more effective in research, we need to do it together. And sometimes we need to invest in the research infrastructure, which implies massive costs. And if we want to go ahead with the digital and green transition, yes, we need to also help citizens and companies in Europe to adapt.

But with all of those we should keep in mind the need to be realistic. We will not manage to solve all those problems, but we can try and help Member States, regions, communities to address them.

And finally, let me say that for the last seven months I really appreciated cooperation with all of you. We have spent many, many hours together debating both with your co-rapporteurs, with Ms Tavares and Mr Mureșan, but also with the representatives of all political groups in the European Parliament. I will take the conclusions from those exchanges, and I will do my best to represent you faithfully also within the college.

Marie Bjerre, President-in-Office of the Council. – Madam President, honourable Members, Commissioner, this exchange is timely. It also shows the complex and important task before us and therefore invites us all to enter this process with commitment and responsibility.

I have heard the priorities of this House, as well as the different sensibilities across your political groups, and maybe also within political groups. As Mr Van Overtveldt from ECR said, Europe is faced with huge challenges, which is evident by the Draghi Report. We need reforms. We need innovation. We need investment. Faced with the geopolitical and economic challenges of today, status quo is not an option.

Many other priorities were mentioned by you, honourable Members. My belief is that many of the priorities you have outlined are of critical importance and indeed widely spread. I am confident that there is a path towards a strong long-term budget for the European Union. So let's give us the means that match our ambitions, with financial responsibility and determination.

President. – Thank you so much for this. It was a very important debate and I thank you for your discipline.

The debate is closed.

Written Statements (Rule 178)

Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. – Mūsų, socialistų ir demokratų, prioritetai naujoje ES finansinėje perspektyvoje yra aiškūs ir neatidėliotini.

Mūsų svarbiausias prioritetas – socialinis teisingumas. Norime biudžeto, kurio centre būtų žmonės – daugiau investicijų į sveikatos apsaugą, švietimą, įperkamą būstą ir deramą darbą.

Kova su skurdu ir nelygybe, ypač tarp vaikų ir jaunimo, turi būti remiama realiu ir pakankamu finansavimu. Raginame labiau remti SF+, vaiko garantiją ir kitas priemones, kuriomis kovojama su visų formų atskirtimi.

Reikalaujame stiprios socialinės Europos, kurioje sanglaudos fondo lėšomis būtų mažinama nelygybė ir skatinamas augimas ir kokybiškos darbo vietos visose valstybėse narėse.

Ir galiausiai, sekančioje finansinėje perspektyvoje norime teisingo apmokestinimo ir tvaraus finansavimo.

Mums reikia realių nuosavų išteklių, skaitmeninių milžinų ir finansinių sandorių mokesčių, kad ES biudžetas būtų savarankiškesnis ir atspindėtų realius poreikius.

Kita finansinė programa turi būti priemonė, padedanti kurti lygesnę, teisingesnę ir vieningesnę Europą. Tai ateitis, už kurią mes, socialistai ir demokratai, ir toliau kovosime.

José Cepeda (S&D), por escrito. – Ante la inminente adopción de la propuesta para el próximo marco financiero plurianual para el período 2028-2034, el Parlamento Europeo ha celebrado un debate para que, en esta recta final, la Comisión incluya en el texto la opinión de esta Cámara.

Desde el Grupo S&D hemos resaltado, una vez más, la necesidad de una política de cohesión sólida y eficiente para afrontar los retos actuales y cumplir las nuevas prioridades en Europa, sin ir en detrimento de sus objetivos fundamentales de promover la convergencia social, territorial y económica; o que la PAC no pueda diluirse en los planes nacionales ni someterse a la condicionalidad de las reformas. También necesitamos un Fondo Social Europeo Plus independiente, autónomo y fuerte, con financiación específica para las prioridades sociales clave como condición para la verdadera implementación del pilar europeo de derechos sociales.

Para todo ello, instamos a que el próximo presupuesto plurianual de la Unión sea mucho mayor y mejor, que supere el nivel actual del 1 % del PIB de la UE-27 para financiar nuevas prioridades sin recortar ni desviar recursos de los programas básicos de la Unión. Para ello, necesitamos un sistema genuino de nuevos recursos propios de la Unión junto con nuevos préstamos conjuntos.

Alicia Homs Ginel (S&D), por escrito. – Ante la inminente adopción de la propuesta para el próximo marco financiero plurianual para el período 2028-2034, el Parlamento Europeo ha celebrado un debate para que, en esta recta final, la Comisión incluya en el texto la opinión de esta Cámara.

Javi López (S&D), por escrito. – Ante la inminente adopción de la propuesta para el próximo marco financiero plurianual para el período 2028-2034, el Parlamento Europeo ha celebrado un debate para que, en esta recta final, la Comisión incluya en el texto la opinión de esta Cámara.

Cristina Maestre (S&D), por escrito. – Ante la inminente adopción de la propuesta para el próximo marco financiero plurianual para el período 2028-2034, el Parlamento Europeo ha celebrado un debate para que, en esta recta final, la Comisión incluya en el texto la opinión de esta Cámara.

Idoia Mendia (S&D), por escrito. – Ante la inminente adopción de la propuesta para el próximo marco financiero plurianual para el período 2028-2034, el Parlamento Europeo ha celebrado un debate para que, en esta recta final, la Comisión incluya en el texto la opinión de esta Cámara.

Dan-Ștefan Motreanu (PPE), în scris. – Viitorul buget pe termen lung al Uniunii trebuie să fie solid, realist și solidar. Mă opun ferm oricărei propuneri care subminează Politica Agricolă Comună și dezvoltarea regională în favoarea altor priorități. Aceste politici sunt fundamentale pentru dezvoltarea economică și socială a majorității statelor membre, inclusiv a României.

Noile priorități – competitivitate, apărare, autonomia strategică – sunt, bineînțeles, necesare, însă acestea au nevoie de surse noi și dedicate de finanțare. Nu putem face mai mult cu mai puțin. Susțin o creștere moderată a bugetului UE și introducerea unor resurse proprii care să nu afecteze negativ comunitățile, cetățenii sau mediul de afaceri.

Refuz o abordare centralizată care ignoră autoritățile locale și regionale. Aceste autorități, alături de mediul privat, academic și societatea civilă, trebuie implicate activ în întregul proces decizional al politicii de coeziune, de la identificarea nevoilor și definirea priorităților, la programare, implementare, monitorizare, evaluare și revizuire, pentru ca fondurile europene să răspundă cu adevărat realităților din teren.

Parlamentul European trebuie să rămână un garant al echilibrului în acest proces, deoarece nu este vorba doar despre cifre, ci despre capacitatea Uniunii de a răspunde așteptărilor cetățenilor săi din toate regiunile, în special din cele mai puțin dezvoltate și în curs de dezvoltare.

Marcos Ros Sempere (S&D), por escrito. – Ante la inminente adopción de la propuesta para el próximo marco financiero plurianual para el período 2028-2034, el Parlamento Europeo ha celebrado un debate para que, en esta recta final, la Comisión incluya en el texto la opinión de esta Cámara.

Nacho Sánchez Amor (S&D), por escrito. – Ante la inminente adopción de la propuesta para el próximo marco financiero plurianual para el período 2028-2034, el Parlamento Europeo ha celebrado un debate para que, en esta recta final, la Comisión incluya en el texto la opinión de esta Cámara.

Rosa Serrano Sierra (S&D), por escrito. – Ante la inminente adopción de la propuesta para el próximo marco financiero plurianual para el período 2028-2034, el Parlamento Europeo ha celebrado un debate para que, en esta recta final, la Comisión incluya en el texto la opinión de esta Cámara.

(The sitting was suspended at 11:56)

IN THE CHAIR: ROBERTA METSOLA

President

5. Pokračování denního zasedání

(The sitting resumed at 12:00)

President. – I would like to inform the House that I have received a request for a point of order.

I first start by giving the floor to Terry Reintke.

Terry Reintke (Verts/ALE). – Dear colleagues, last week, 300 000 people took to the streets in Budapest for Budapest Pride – amongst them, 70 MEPs of this House. The message, colleagues, was clear: a peaceful Pride march is not illegal, but banning it is. It was a beautiful display of the power of love, of freedom, of democracy and rule of law.

And colleagues, there is one man who was essential to making this possible: the Mayor of Budapest, Gergely Karácsony. He's here with us today in the tribune. I want him to take this message back to Budapest. The European Parliament stands at the side of all people in Hungary who are fighting for democracy and freedom. Thanks for coming, Gergely.

(Sustained applause)

6. Žádosti o zbavení imunity

President. – I have received a request from the competent authorities in Austria for the parliamentary immunity of Harald Vilimsky to be waived. This request is referred to the Committee on Legal Affairs.

7. Hlasování

President. – The next item is the vote.

7.1. Evropský právní rámec pro klima (hlasování)

President. – The next item is the vote on the requests by three groups, the Renew Group, the S&D Group and the Greens, for an urgent decision concerning the European Climate Law (see minutes, item 7.1).

I will first give the floor to Gerben-Jan Gerbrandy to speak in favour of the urgent decision.

Gerben-Jan Gerbrandy, author. – Madam President, dear colleagues, it is almost 10 years since the most successful diplomatic achievement against climate change: the Paris climate agreement. Finally, the world was going to jointly tackle the greatest threat to mankind: climate change. And the European Union played a crucial and decisive role in this success through diplomacy, by contributing to global climate funds but, above all, by leading by example.

The ambitious targets the EU set for itself gave us the credibility to steer the world towards global climate action. This year's COP30 in Belém is a very crucial one for keeping up the hope of halting climate change. And the circumstances are difficult, with the exit of the United States. Therefore, it is as important as ever that the EU can play a leading role.

To do so, we need the 2040 target in time, in time to again lead by example. The proposal to amend the European Climate Law was only tabled last week, which is very, very late, and to make the deadline, a swift adoption is necessary. At the same time, we need a proper democratic debate, and the only way to achieve that is by using the urgent procedure, according to Rule 170(5). This allows for debate, amendments and opinions, and votes at committee and plenary level, which I would call a proper democratic procedure.

So I urge you to support this request. Your vote is incredibly important. And if you push the button, do not think of internal Parliament or even internal group politics. Think about the future victims of floods, droughts, forest fires and heatwaves. The world desperately needs a strong leading European Union in the fight against climate change. You, dear colleagues, can achieve that by voting in favour of this request.

Lena Schilling, author. – Madam President, dear colleagues, we need this urgency for the people that are already suffering under the heatwaves in Europe, for the people that lost their lives, their beloved ones and their homes to the floods – we have seen the pictures and had the discussions in this House – and for the farmers you pretend to defend while their livelihood is on the line.

Yesterday, you let the far right take the driver's seat on the EU 2040 climate target. Today we are offering you – us collectively, Renew, S&D and the Greens – the chance to redeem yourselves and make sure our future and the future of your children does not remain in the hands of climate deniers. What you will do today will have consequences for you, for the European citizens, but also for all of us and your children and the future generations. Everyone who votes against this urgency betrays the promise we gave European citizens to really care.

So please, dear colleagues, I'm asking you as a young woman, act up here and now.

Tiemo Wölken, Verfasser. – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Diese Debatte dauert jetzt länger als die Abstimmung. Ich möchte aber daran erinnern, dass dieses Haus die Dringlichkeitsabstimmung schon an vielen Stellen benutzt hat. Wir haben es gemacht, um der Automobilindustrie zu helfen, wir haben es gemacht, um bei der Deforestation Regulation zu helfen, wir haben es gemacht, um beim Abschuss des Wolfes die Regeln zu erleichtern – also immer dann, wenn es gegen Umwelt und Klimapolitik ging. Ich glaube, es ist an der Zeit anzuerkennen, dass eine zentrale Krise der Menschheit eben die Klimakrise ist. Deswegen sollten wir jetzt dringend über diesen Antrag abstimmen und ihm auch zustimmen. Deswegen werde ich meine Minute auch nicht zu Ende nutzen, sondern hoffe, dass wir hier jetzt heute abstimmen können und dann als demokratische Mitte dieses Hauses gemeinsam an der Menschheitsaufgabe Kampf gegen den Klimawandel, Kampf gegen die Klimakrise arbeiten können. Ich würde mich sehr freuen, wenn wir das mit einer breiten demokratischen Mehrheit hinbekommen in einem geordneten Verfahren, das zügig ist, damit wir bis Belém fertig sind.

President. – Thank you. I give the floor now to Jeroen Lenaers to speak against the urgent decision. You have three minutes.

Jeroen Lenaers (PPE). – Three minutes? Okay.

President. – Imagine that. You don't have to take them all.

Jeroen Lenaers (PPE). – No, I will use a little bit less, Madam President. The EPP Group will not support this urgent procedure. I would also say – listening to some of the colleagues – let's also keep it a little bit realistic. We're not voting today on the climate law. We're voting on which procedure we are going to use.

I think it's interesting to hear from colleague Wölken about, indeed, the use of urgent procedures, because it was the S&D Group that was complaining about this, describing it as bypassing the normal democratic processes of this House, and we can only do it when we have proper justification. For us, this justification is not here today.

The Commission proposal by Commissioner Hoekstra from the EPP has been on the table for one week. We will work on it, we will assess it, we will try to improve it. The Council is working on it at the same time and we want to work alongside the Council in a parallel process. We don't want undue delays, we don't want blockages; we just want to work on this proposal with the normal proceedings of this House.

7.2. Námitka podle čl. 114 odst. 3 jednacího řádu: změna nařízení Komise v přenesené pravomoci (EU) 2016/1675 za účelem doplnění několika zemí na seznam vysoce rizikových třetích zemí a odstranění několika zemí z uvedeného seznamu (B10-0311/2025, B10-0315/2025, B10-0316/2025, B10-0318/2025) (hlasování)

President. – The next vote is on the objection pursuant to Rule 114(3): amending Delegated Regulation (EU) 2016/1675 to add certain countries to the list of high-risk third countries, and to remove other countries from that list (see minutes, item 7.2).

– Before the vote:

Maria Luís Albuquerque, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, since the beginning of this mandate, the Commission has extensively engaged with the European Parliament to listen to and address the concerns raised against the list of high-risk third countries laid down in Commission Delegated Regulation (EU) 2016/1675. On 10 June, the Commission adopted a delegated act with a new list of high-risk third countries. Four resolutions put to vote today ask the rejection of this delegated act.

The Commission has extensively engaged in the context of the Financial Action Task Force and with the concerned third countries to obtain assurances that all third countries uphold the highest standards of money laundering prevention – an objective shared by both the Commission and this Chamber. The Commission has shared with the European Parliament the commitments of specific third countries, and has the necessary instruments and powers to continue monitoring the implementation of those commitments.

To further assure Parliament, the Commission has put forward a specific commitment to assess as a priority, and before year end, the evidence gathered to evaluate whether, in order to preserve the integrity of the EU's financial system, third countries whose membership of FATF has been suspended, need to be included in a future delegated act, updating the list of high-risk third countries.

To that end, and recognising the political imperative, the Commission has adopted yesterday a proposal for a further delegated act amending the delegated act adopted on 10 June. Furthermore, to accommodate an explicit request by the Parliament, the Commission will submit this delegated act to co-legislators with a slight delay to allow co-legislators sufficient time to scrutinise it.

The methodology for the assessment is evidence and fact-based and will, in the future, benefit from the involvement of the new anti-money laundering authority once the framework allowing its involvement is fully in place.

7.3. Námitka podle čl. 115 odst. 2 a 3 jednacího řádu: nařízení proti odlesňování – seznam zemí, které jsou zařazeny do kategorií „nízké riziko“ nebo „vysoké riziko“ (B10-0321/2025) (hlasování)

President. – The next vote is on the objection pursuant to Rule 115(2) and (3): Deforestation Regulation – list of countries presenting a low or high risk (see minutes, item 7.3).

7.4. Změna nařízení (EU) č. 1026/2012 o některých opatřeních za účelem zachování populací ryb ve vztahu k zemím, které umožňují neudržitelný rybolov (A10-0070/2025 – Thomas Bajada) (hlasování)

President. – The next vote is on the amending Regulation (EU) No 1026/2012 on certain measures for the purpose of the conservation of fish stocks in relation to countries allowing non-sustainable fishing (see minutes, item 7.4).

– Before the vote:

Thomas Bajada, rapporteur. – Dear colleagues, today we are not just voting on yet another regulation; we are voting on a principle of social justice, responsibility and solidarity at sea. As rapporteur, I approached this file with two aims in mind: to safeguard marine ecosystems, but also to stand with fishers, who have been forgotten for so long.

And today this House will deliver. Together we are making a Union that is stronger – not just in legal terms, but also in meaning. During negotiations with the Council, we made this regulation to protect all European fisheries – from the North Sea to the Mediterranean.

U f'isem il-gżejjer li trabbejt fihom, f'isem dawk li ma jinstemgħux, illum qed inwasslu leħinhom hawnhekk għax ir-realtajiet tal-Mediterran ma jistgħux jibqgħu jiġu injorati. U fl-aħħar wasalna. Qed niktbuhom hawnhekk illum fil-liġi Ewropea. Din il-liġi se tagħti s-saħħa lill-Ewropa biex taġixxi u biex tqum fuq tagħha u tgħid lill-pajjiżi terzi huma fejn huma: „Jekk int ma tistadx b'rispett lejn il-ġar tiegħek u lejn is-sostenibilità ambjentali, int se taffaċċja l-konsegwenzi“. U se nużaw l-aqwa għodda li għandna, is-suq Ewropew. U l-Ewropa ma tistax tibqa' ddawwar wiċċha minn fuq is-sajjied iż-żgħir li joħroġ qabel sbieħ il-jum mingħajr garanzija ta' qabda u b'riskji kbar fuq il-baħar.

Therefore, I thank all shadows and their teams who believed that this could be done in swift time and with cross-party support. This is not only a win for Europe; this is a win for every fisher who feels abandoned and violated, and for every coastal child – just like I was – who deserves to inherit a living sea. Dear colleagues, I trust in your support.

7.5. Návrh opravného rozpočtu č. 1/2025: zapsání přebytku z rozpočtového roku 2024 (A10-0116/2025 – Victor Negrescu) (hlasování)

President. – The next vote is on the draft amending budget No 1/2025: entering the surplus of the financial year 2024 (see minutes, item 7.5).

– Before the vote:

Victor Negrescu, rapporteur. – Madam President, dear colleagues, the text before us may seem technical, but it carries a political message and a strategic concern.

Once again – because this is clearly defined in the financial regulation – we are indirectly returning a surplus to the Member States. This time we speak about EUR 1.3 billion at a moment when the Union's financing needs are higher than ever and the budgetary flexibility is already stretched to its limits.

To put it into perspective: since 2021, almost EUR 10 billion in surpluses have been used to reduce the contribution of Member States to the EU. That's the equivalent of the entire Digital Europe programme, twice the Health4EU budget or almost one third of the Erasmus+ budget. This situation highlights a paradox: we have urgent priorities, we face new challenges, and yet we give back resources that could be used for the common good.

That is why I also want to use this occasion to underline the need to keep in mind our long-term priorities and not forget the key role the EU budget plays in maintaining our cohesion at EU level. The next multiannual financial framework must include the sustainable revenue system, more flexibility and the capacity to respond to crises without undermining existing programmes.

Let us not repeat the same mistakes: surplus revenues, particularly from fines and interest, should strengthen the Union's capacity, not weaken it. We have a duty to deliver a Union that is resilient, responsive and forward-looking. This report enables us to flag these concerns and call upon the other EU institutions to find a better way in dealing with the surpluses and the carry-overs. I kindly invite you to support this report.

I thank the shadow rapporteurs, and of course I hope that you will vote in favour of the draft amending budget No 1/2025.

7.6. Uvolnění prostředků z Fondu solidarity Evropské unie: pomoc Rakousku, Polsku, Česku, Slovensku a Moldavsku v souvislosti s povodněmi, k nimž došlo v září2024, a Bosně a Hercegovině v souvislosti s povodněmi, k nimž došlo v říjnu2024 (A10-0114/2025 – Andrzej Halicki) (hlasování)

President. – The next vote is on mobilisation of the European Union Solidarity Fund: assistance to Austria, Poland, Czechia, Slovakia and Moldova relating to floods that occurred in September 2024 and Bosnia and Herzegovina relating to floods that occurred in October 2024 (see minutes, item 7.6).

7.7. Uvolnění prostředků z Evropského fondu pro přizpůsobení se globalizaci: žádost EGF/2025/000 TA 2025 – Technická pomoc z podnětu Komise (A10-0115/2025 – Jean-Marc Germain) (hlasování)

President. – The next vote is on mobilisation of the European Globalisation Adjustment Fund: Application EGF/2025/000 TA 2025 - technical assistance at the initiative of the Commission (see minutes, item 7.7).

– Before the vote:

Jean-Marc Germain, rapporteur. – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, l'Europe se grandit lorsqu'elle répond „présente“ quand ses concitoyens ont besoin d'elle. C'est ce qu'elle fait depuis 2006 avec le Fonds européen d'ajustement à la mondialisation. Ce fonds est un symbole fort de la solidarité européenne. Il apporte un soutien concret à nos concitoyens confrontés à la dureté des licenciements que provoque la mondialisation. À ces travailleurs qui perdent tout du jour au lendemain il offre l'espoir d'un rebond par un accompagnement, pour apprendre un autre métier, pour retrouver un emploi. Depuis sa création il y a bientôt deux décennies, le FEM a soutenu 172 000 salariés dans 20 États membres. C'est une politique essentielle. C'est pourquoi je vous appelle à voter en faveur des dispositions d'application qui vous sont soumises aujourd'hui.

Mais c'est précisément parce qu'il est essentiel, parce qu'il est l'un des jalons d'une Europe sociale encore embryonnaire, qu'il nous faut défendre ce fonds bien au-delà du vote d'aujourd'hui. Car, je vous le dis, il est menacé de disparition dans le prochain cadre financier pluriannuel, tout comme le Fonds social européen, le Fonds pour une transition juste et le Fonds social pour le climat.

Comme le disait Jacques Delors, l'Europe n'est pas que la réalisation d'un espace sans frontières, c'est aussi une communauté de cohésion et de solidarité qui ouvre des perspectives aux hommes et aux femmes qui la composent. Et il ajoutait: „On ne peut pas tomber amoureux d'un grand marché“ pour signifier que les peuples se détourneraient de l'Europe si elle n'était pas capable d'être bien plus qu'un grand marché.

Avec ce vote, chers collègues, et les combats que nous mènerons ensemble pour préserver l'âme sociale de l'Europe, nous réaffirmerons les valeurs de solidarité, de justice et de progrès, qui ont toujours impulsé la construction européenne.

7.8. Bezpečnost výrobků a dodržování právních předpisů v elektronickém obchodu a při dovozu ze zemí mimo EU (A10-0133/2025 – Salvatore De Meo) (hlasování)

President. – The next vote is on product safety and regulatory compliance in e-commerce and non-EU imports (see minutes, item 7.8).

7.9. Zprávy o Albánii za roky 2023 a 2024 (A10-0106/2025 – Andreas Schieder) (hlasování)

President. – The next vote is on the 2023 and 2024 reports on Albania (see minutes, item 7.9).

7.10. Zprávy o Bosně a Hercegovině za roky 2023 a 2024 (A10-0108/2025 – Ondřej Kolář) (hlasování)

President. – The next vote is on the 2023 and 2024 reports on Bosnia and Herzegovina (see minutes, item 7.10).

7.11. Zprávy o Severní Makedonii za roky 2023 a 2024 (A10-0118/2025 – Thomas Waitz) (hlasování)

President. – The next vote is on the 2023 and 2024 reports on North Macedonia (see minutes, item 7.11).

7.12. Zprávy o Gruzii za roky 2023 a 2024 (A10-0110/2025 – Rasa Juknevičienė) (hlasování)

President. – The next vote is on the 2023 and 2024 reports on Georgia (see minutes, item 7.12).

– Before the vote on Amendment 9:

Rasa Juknevičienė, rapporteur. – Madam President, dear colleagues: in agreement with the S&D, ECR, Renew and Greens groups, I would like to move an oral amendment to EPP amendment 9 on paragraph 4, changing the last sentence of the paragraph to read as follows: 'Calls, in the light of the blatant breach of the principles under Article 2, for the application of Article 422 of the EU-Georgia Association Agreement related to non-fulfilment of obligations.'

(Parliament agreed to put the oral amendment to the vote)

– Before the vote on paragraph 16:

Urmas Paet (Renew). – Madam President, dear colleagues, I will move the following oral amendment to paragraph 16, so that the last sentence of the paragraph will be: 'Reiterates its call for the immediate and unconditional release of Mzia Amaglobeli and the withdrawal of all charges against her, which are politically motivated, expressing deep concern over her critical eyesight deterioration in detention and urging urgent access to trusted medical care.'

(Parliament agreed to put the oral amendment to the vote)

7.13. Provádění a plnění cílů udržitelného rozvoje s ohledem na politické fórum na vysoké úrovni v roce 2025 (A10-0125/2025 – Robert Biedroń, Nikolas Farantouris) (hlasování)

President. – The next vote is on the implementation and delivery of the Sustainable Development Goals in view of the 2025 High-Level Political Forum (see minutes, item 7.13).

– Before the vote:

Robert Biedroń, rapporteur. – Madam President, dear colleagues, the Sustainable Development Goals is the only plan for the future of humanity, the future of our planet. It's the biggest project humanity has ever undertaken. Agreed by 193 countries, there is No Plan B.

The European Union has to show its leadership on the global stage, and openly and vocally recommit to the SDGs. I would therefore urge all of you to vote in favour of this report. The European Parliament cannot afford to attend a second UN conference in a row without a political mandate. The credibility of this House is at stake, and the world will be watching whether the EU can still be considered a reliable partner.

It's a great compromise. I want to thank all the shadow rapporteurs and, of course, my excellent co-rapporteur, Nikolas. Thank you very much.

Nikolas Farantouris, rapporteur. – Madam President, colleagues and friends, I wish to thank you all and, in particular, my fellow co-rapporteur Robert from S&D and shadow rapporteurs from different groups for your constructive cooperation throughout this process.

We ended up to a balanced but also ambitious report, and I think this is a unique opportunity for our House and for our Union to show people out there that we can lead negotiations and global efforts towards a more sustainable society, a more sustainable economy. And at the end of the day, a more sustainable planet for next generations. Let's all vote for it!

7.14. Dopady války vedené Ruskem proti Ukrajině na lidské životy a naléhavá potřeba ukončit ruskou agresi: situace nelegálně zadržovaných civilistů a válečných zajatců a pokračující bombardování civilistů (RC-B10-0304/2025, B10-0303/2025, B10-0304/2025, B10-0305/2025, B10-0306/2025, B10-0307/2025, B10-0308/2025) (hlasování)

President. – The next vote is on the human cost of Russia's war against Ukraine and the urgent need to end Russian aggression: the situation of illegally detained civilians and prisoners of war, and the continued bombing of civilians (see minutes, item 7.14).

(The vote closed)

(The sitting was suspended at 13:01)

VORSITZ: SABINE VERHEYEN

Vizepräsidentin

8. Pokračování denního zasedání

(Die Sitzung wird um 13.05 Uhr wieder aufgenommen.)

9. Schválení zápisu z předchozího denního zasedání

Die Präsidentin. – Das Protokoll der gestrigen Sitzung und die angenommenen Texte sind verfügbar.

Gibt es Einwände? Das ist nicht der Fall.

Das Protokoll ist somit genehmigt.

10. Ponaučení z budapešťského pochodu hrdosti: naléhavá potřeba zavést antidiskriminační předpisy v celé EU a chránit základní práva před útoky pravicových extremistů (tematická rozprava)

Die Präsidentin. – Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgt die Aussprache über ein aktuelles Thema – Lehren aus der Budapest Pride Parade, die dringende Notwendigkeit eines EU-weiten Antidiskriminierungsgesetzes sowie die Verteidigung der Grundrechte gegen rechtsextreme Bedrohungen.

Ich weise die Mitglieder darauf hin, dass bei der Aussprache weder spontane Wortmeldungen noch „blaue Karten“ akzeptiert werden.

Ana Catarina Mendes, Autora. – Senhora Presidente, Senhor Comissário, Senhoras e Senhores Deputados, queridos cidadãos europeus, hoje, mais do que nunca, é nosso dever recordar com firmeza e com esperança que a União Europeia nasceu das cinzas da intolerância e da divisão. Nasceu do compromisso coletivo de garantir que nunca mais as gerações futuras viveriam sob o peso do ódio, da exclusão ou do medo.

É por isso que, neste momento, não podemos ficar em silêncio. No dia 28 de junho, milhares de pessoas saíram às ruas de Budapeste, não apenas para celebrar quem são, mas para reivindicar algo básico e algo essencial: o direito de existir com dignidade, de amar em liberdade, de viver sem medo. Marcharam com coragem, com orgulho, com alegria e com a convicção de que a Europa também lhes pertence.

A coragem do presidente da Câmara de Budapeste é um símbolo da luta pela liberdade e pela democracia. A marcha de Budapeste é mais do que um desfile de cores. É um grito por igualdade. É um apelo à solidariedade europeia. É um lembrete de que, mesmo dentro das nossas fronteiras, a discriminação ainda não foi erradicada. Foi também a denúncia de um governo que, sob o pretexto de proteger as crianças, tem censurado vozes dissidentes, atacado a liberdade de imprensa, enfraquecido a justiça e transformado as pessoas LGBTQI+ num alvo político.

Senhoras e senhores, não é aceitável, em pleno século XXI, que cidadãos europeus vejam os seus direitos restringidos com base na sua identidade. Não é aceitável que leis sejam aprovadas para silenciar as vozes LGBTQI+. Não é aceitável que discursos de ódio ainda encontrem abrigo em parlamentos nacionais.

E, por isso, reafirmamos aqui o nosso compromisso, o compromisso do S&D com a Diretiva Europeia para a Igualdade de Tratamento, também conhecida como Diretiva Antidiscriminação. Esta diretiva é uma peça-chave do nosso edifício jurídico e político. Mas, mais do que um documento legal, ela é uma declaração moral de que não haverá cidadãos de segunda categoria na Europa, de que todos têm o direito a acesso igual ao emprego, à educação, à saúde, à participação cívica; que nenhuma criança, em nenhuma escola da União, deve ser ensinada a ter vergonha de quem é. E é por ser uma obrigação moral que a Comissão, Senhor Comissário, não pode, não deve retirar a proposta de diretiva contra a discriminação. Se o fizer, estará a ser cúmplice de um ataque ao mais elementar dos valores europeus.

A construção de uma Europa livre e justa exige vigilância constante. Não podemos permitir que retrocessos democráticos, muitas vezes disfarçados de valores tradicionais, corroam os pilares da União Europeia. A liberdade não é negociável. A dignidade não é relativa. Os direitos humanos não estão sujeitos à vontade da maioria, porque eles são universais.

E, caros colegas, não nos esqueçamos de que a diversidade é a alma da Europa. Das línguas que falamos às formas de amar, das culturas que celebramos às vidas que escolhemos viver. Somos muitos e é exatamente isso que nos torna mais fortes.

A todos os cidadãos, de todos os cantos da Europa, onde ainda enfrentam discriminações institucionais, dizemos: não estão sós. A vossa luta é a nossa luta. A vossa liberdade é a medida da nossa democracia.

E concluo com uma promessa: continuaremos a trabalhar para que nenhum europeu ou europeia tenha que marchar para provar que merece os mesmos direitos. Mas, enquanto for necessário marchar, estaremos ao vosso lado, passo a passo, rua a rua, país por país. Porque a liberdade na Europa não é um privilégio de alguns; é, sim, o direito de todos.

Marie Bjerre, President-in-Office of the Council. – Madam President, honourable Members, Commissioner, thank you for inviting the Council to take part in this important debate today. Let me start by stating clearly that the Council is fully committed to upholding the rule of law and to the protection of fundamental rights, including those of minority groups.

Any discrimination, including that based on sexual orientation, has no place in our Union. Equality and non-discrimination are fundamental values of the EU and are non-negotiable. It is our collective duty to uphold them and to make sure that they remain a reality for all Union citizens.

Much progress has been achieved on this matter. However, we know that more needs to be done and this presidency is committed in moving things forward. The Danish Presidency plans to organise a policy debate with equality ministers on LGBTQ+ equality in light of the upcoming strategy.

In this context, allow me a reference to the horizontal equal treatment proposal and the Commission's announcement to withdraw it. The Council has discussed the Commission proposal since 2008, including most recently at the Social Affairs Council in June. Despite the efforts over the years, it has not been possible to reach unanimity in the Council. Nevertheless, the Council remains determined to carry forward work on making tolerance and non-discrimination a reality for every citizen of our Union.

The Danish Presidency looks forward to organising a debate on the future EU policy on discrimination. We know we can count on Parliament's support on this crucial matter.

Regarding the ongoing Article 7 procedure, let me tell you that the Council discussed the latest developments in Hungary at its eighth hearing, which took place on 27 May. The next hearing of Hungary will be held in the October General Affairs Council and you can rest assured that the Danish Presidency will continue to dedicate the utmost attention to this crucial matter, including in what concerns the protection of minorities and people from the LGBTQ+ minority.

Michael McGrath, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, thank you, honourable Members and Minister Bjerre, who is representing the Presidency. Let me be completely clear at the outset: the European Commission stands firmly and proudly with the LGBTIQ community in Hungary and in all Member States of the European Union, and always will.

I praise many of you who joined the Budapest Pride march: it sent a strong message of support not only for the LGBTIQ community but also for our European values of liberties, tolerance and democracy. The fundamental right to peaceful assembly and the freedom to love whomever we love and to be whoever we want to be, are core tenets of our democracies and pillars of our Union of equality.

The Commission is analysing the new Hungarian law related to the freedom of assembly and allowing the use of facial recognition. This law gives rise to questions with respect to EU data protection legislation, among others. The Commission has requested clarifications from the Hungarian authorities and is awaiting their response. I also had the occasion only yesterday to exchange with the Mayor of Budapest, Gergely Karácsony, about the Pride and its organisation, and it was a pleasure to meet with him.

The Commission already brought in 2022 an infringement case against Hungary on the so-called Child Protection Act. The case is currently pending before the Court of Justice, and a hearing in this case took place on 19 November. Sixteen Member States and the European Parliament intervened in support of the Commission's position.

The opinion of the Advocate General in this case, as you know, was issued on 5 June. The Advocate General agrees with the Commission that the Hungarian law breaches the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, and considers that Hungary has infringed the values that are common to the EU. The Advocate General also supports all the Commission's pleas related to the internal market, notably violations of the Audiovisual Media Services Directive, the E-commerce Directive, the Services Directive, as well as the GDPR and the free movement of services under the TFEU, and we are now awaiting the judgment of the Court of Justice expected later this year.

Let me be clear: as set out in its political guidelines, the Commission is fully committed to continuing to build a Union of equality based on equal treatment and non-discrimination. The EU is taking strong action to support LGBTIQ people. We are preparing a renewed LGBTIQ equality strategy that will be adopted later this year. This strategy builds on the first-ever LGBTIQ strategy for the period 2020-2025 and will focus on tackling violence and hate-motivated harassment both online and offline and banning conversion practices. The insight shared with us during the consultations carried out since April will help to shape this work. Among those consulted was this House's LGBTIQ+ Intergroup, with the Intergroup's secretariat contributing valuable input to the upcoming strategy.

In addition to preparation of the new LGBTIQ equality strategy, the Commission presented on 7 March the roadmap for women's rights, a long-term vision for progress towards gender equality in our Union. Building on progress made under the gender equality strategy, this roadmap paves the way towards freedom from gender-based violence, the highest standards of health, equal pay and employment opportunities, work-life balance, political participation and equal representation.

Later this year, we will also put forward a first comprehensive strategy to combat racism in all its forms and manifestations at Union, national, regional and local levels. The public consultation concluded only yesterday and we will now spend time analysing all of the contributions.

Next year the Commission will present a new gender equality strategy to continue addressing stereotypes and inequalities between women and men, and we will ensure full implementation of the EU Roma strategic framework for equality, inclusion and participation and the strategy for the rights of persons with disabilities, and we will continue to support Member States in the implementation of the recently adopted Equality Legislation.

Thank you for your attention and I look forward to all of your contributions.

Sven Simon, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Frau Präsidentin! Die Budapester Pride Parade hat in diesem Jahr so viele Menschen angezogen wie nie zuvor. Das Verbot hat also genau das Gegenteil von dem bewirkt, was Viktor Orbán erreichen wollte. Kolleginnen und Kollegen, wir können ja über viele Dinge diskutieren, auch ob die Form des Protests immer hilfreich ist. Wir müssen auch darüber reden, wenn sich Teile der Gesellschaft und auch europäische Institutionen von liberalen Prinzipien entfernen und Symbole eines identitären Gesellschaftsmodells verwenden, das kollektive Zugehörigkeit über individuelle Freiheit stellt. Aber eines muss in Europa für immer klar sein: Das Demonstrationsrecht gilt!

Die Versammlungsfreiheit ist ein fundamentaler Pfeiler der europäischen Rechtsordnung, und das Verbot der Veranstaltung in Budapest ebenso wie das ungarische Gesetz, welches die Versammlungsfreiheit unter dem lächerlichen Vorwand des Kinderschutzes rechtswidrig einschränkt, stellt einen klaren Verstoß gegen dieses Grundrecht dar. Das ist auch keine Frage, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, der Auslegung, der Interpretation oder der rechtskulturellen Unterschiede. Sie wissen, ich trete – auch bei Ungarn – immer für eine differenzierte Betrachtungsweise ein, aber hier, Herr Kommissar, liegt der Fall sehr klar, und deshalb muss auch juristisch das Ganze aufgearbeitet werden. Warten Sie nicht! Ein Vertragsverletzungsverfahren an dieser Stelle punktuell ist angezeigt, denn die Grundrechte, die individuell einklagbaren Grundrechte, das ist doch das Besondere an Europa. Das ist das, was uns ausmacht. Sie sind aber kein Geschenk, auch nicht für immer gegeben. Deshalb müssen wir jeden Tag aufs Neue den Mut aufbringen, sie zu verteidigen – klar, laut und kompromisslos.

Klára Dobrev, a S&D képviselőcsoport nevében. – Tisztelt Elnök Asszony! Hát június 28-án elkezdődött az Orbán-rendszer utolsó nyara. Semmi nem lesz többet úgy, mint ahogy volt előtte, hiszen Budapest utcáit soha nem látott méretű tömeg lepte el, hogy megmutassák, Orbán nem egyenlő Magyarországgal, és hogy ez a kifacsart jobboldali ideológia nem fertőzte meg még végletesen a magyar emberek lelkét. Pedig nagyon sokan sok mindent elkövettek annak érdekében, hogy ez ne így legyen. A kormányzó jobboldal betiltotta a Pride-ot. Itt ülnek a képviselői az Európai Parlamentben. Hát sok százezer ember nevetett az arcunkba azon a napon boldogan, felszabadultan, és nem kértek a tiltásból.

De az ellenzéki jobboldal is megpróbálta elsunnyogni, és nem mozgósított a Pride-ra. És tényleg megdöbbenve látom, hogy másodszorra vitázunk az Európai Parlamentben a magyar LMBTQ-emberek jogairól, és másodszor is hiányoznak a Tisza párt képviselői erről az ülésről. Ez így nem fog menni. A magyar emberek megmutatták Budapesten, hogy nem lehet elsunnyogni. Sok százezren megmutatták, hogy az emberi jogok, a szabadság, a szabad szerelem, az nem gumicsont, és igenis egy demokratának ki kell állni ezek mellett a jogok mellett.

Hölgyeim és Uraim! Az Orbán rendszer utolsó nyara elkezdődött szombaton, és azt tudom ígérni Önöknek, hogy bár forró volt a nyár és még forró is lesz, az ősz és a tél is hasonlóan forró lesz politikailag.

Jorge Buxadé Villalba, en nombre del Grupo PfE. – Señora presidente, quiero dar la enhorabuena a Irene Montero por su buen gusto al elegir destino vacacional. Acudió —junto a otros setenta eurodiputados, desde populares hasta comunistas— a darse un paseo por Hungría a gastos pagados por el contribuyente, y todo para organizar una manifestación izquierdista contra Orbán. Pero me alegro: pudieron pasar por Bruselas y comprobar en persona la seguridad de sus calles y que allí un homosexual o una mujer caminan mucho más seguros que en muchas ciudades de España, ya sea Alcalá de Henares, Terrassa o El Ejido. Allí no sufren las consecuencias de la invasión migratoria ni la liberación de cientos de violadores con su ley de „solo sí es sí“. La cruzada woke contra Hungría por el Orgullo de Budapest es algo muy serio, otro ataque brutal para doblegar a una nación soberana. A ustedes no les preocupan las personas, solo imponer su agenda. Mientras callan ante la ola de violencia contra las mujeres que azota Europa, critican a Orbán por proteger el decoro público.

La izquierda española, la semana pasada, tras denunciar una agresión homófoba en Alicante y culpar a la supuesta extrema derecha, de repente se calla cuando los medios publican que el detenido es un marroquí. ¡Anda, ya no nos importa la mujer violada!

Lo que es inaceptable es ver a Von der Leyen —a quien nadie ha votado— dar órdenes a una nación soberana. Mañana votaremos a favor de la moción de censura. Esto no va de derechos, y ustedes lo saben: va de entrometerse en las decisiones del pueblo húngaro. Frente a los ataques de Bruselas, Hungría resiste, y, con ella, todos los que creemos en un futuro de libertad para Europa.

Alessandro Ciriani, a nome del gruppo ECR. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, ogni cittadino ha diritto di manifestare e di esprimere la propria visione del mondo.

Assolutamente, ma questo diritto vale per tutti, non solo per chi è allineato alla visione dominante o, meglio, a quella più mainstream. Perché, sapete, il vero problema è quando si pretende di trasformare una visione politica in dogma, usando le istituzioni europee per colpire chi ha sensibilità e valori diversi, che per qualcuno non sono altrettanto legittimi.

Si parla di difesa dei diritti fondamentali contro gli attacchi della destra, ma in realtà si punta il dito contro interi governi democraticamente eletti, contro popoli che hanno semplicemente scelto un'altra strada.

Si cita il Pride di Budapest come simbolo di resistenza, ma a sfilare non c'erano gli ultimi, gli indifesi e i dimenticati, come si è sentito dire in questi giorni: c'erano tutte le élite politiche, culturali e progressiste, attivisti finanziati dai soliti noti e influencer di ogni sorta. Un fantastico quadretto che, dall'alto di festosi carri brandizzati da multinazionali, pontifica su ciò che è giusto per ogni popolo.

La realtà, signori, è molto più semplice di quanto ci si aspetti: se volete che le vostre idee diventino legge, convincete i cittadini e vincete le elezioni. Altrimenti, accettate che ci siano politiche diverse e avverse ai vostri convincimenti. È così che funziona o dovrebbe funzionare la democrazia.

Fabienne Keller, au nom du groupe Renew. – Madame la Présidente – chère Sabine Verheyen –, Madame la Ministre des affaires européennes – chère Marie Bjerre –, Monsieur le Commissaire McGrath, chers collègues, il y a quelques mois, j'intervenais dans cet hémicycle pour vous appeler à nous rejoindre à la Marche des fiertés de Budapest. Le maire a eu le courage d'en prendre la responsabilité, malgré les menaces. Je voudrais saluer le peuple hongrois, venu en nombre – et on peut l'applaudir – pour défendre les droits des personnes LGBTQIA+, pour défendre aussi la liberté d'expression. Un peuple s'est levé contre l'autoritarisme et le régime de la peur de Viktor Orbán. Ce fut un honneur (que je partage, s'ils me le permettent, avec mes collègues des groupes socialiste, des Verts et de La Gauche, ainsi qu'avec Maria Walsh) d'être présents aux côtés des Hongrois.

Nous avons besoin, Monsieur le Commissaire, plus que jamais, d'une loi européenne contre les discriminations, et je vous demande d'abandonner toute idée de retrait du texte contre les discriminations. Ensemble, défendons les valeurs européennes!

Alice Kuhnke, för Verts/ALE gruppen. – Fru talman! Hopp är den mäktigaste känslan som finns, och hopp är vad jag fylldes med när jag tillsammans med hundratusentals ungrare gick genom Budapest. Den ungerska hbtq-communityn, de vandrade stolta, rakryggade, övertygade om att de har rätten att vara den de är och älska den de vill.

De gick inte ensamma. Tusentals och åter tusentals andra ungrare gick vid deras sida. Många av dem hade aldrig tidigare gått i en Prideparad. Men de gick man ur huse för att i handling visa vad solidaritet och vad mod är. Många var säkert rädda, men de gjorde det ändå.

Det här är en tid för mod. Det är en tid för att stärka arbetet mot all sorts diskriminering. Vi behöver en horisontell antidiskrimineringslagstiftning och vi behöver den nu. Vi har ingen tid att förlora.

Manon Aubry, au nom du groupe The Left. – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, Viktor Orbán a tenté d'interdire la Marche des fiertés en Hongrie; nous en avons fait la plus grande que Budapest ait jamais connue! Malgré les menaces d'amendes et de prison, malgré les manifestations de l'extrême droite, qui ont, elles, été autorisées, malgré les dispositifs de reconnaissance faciale tout au long du parcours, malgré les arguments fallacieux qui qualifient l'homosexualité de „contre-nature“, plus de 200 000 personnes défilaient avec fierté, avec joie, pour revendiquer leur appartenance ou leur soutien à la communauté LGBT. Parmi eux, de nombreux membres de mon groupe, qui ont fait preuve de solidarité, quand Mme von der Leyen – et je le déplore – se réveillait à peine deux jours avant la pride pour regretter son interdiction, sans jamais avoir actionné les leviers contre l'autoritarisme d'Orbán.

Viktor Orbán n'en est pourtant pas à son coup d'essai contre l'état de droit. J'entends certains, en France, dire que l'extrême droite, „on n'a jamais essayé“. Alors, voyez le résultat dans la Hongrie d'Orbán, que Bardella et Le Pen prennent pour exemple: corruption pour servir ses amis, ONG et associations menacées de fermeture, liberté de la presse portée disparue, droits des travailleurs saccagés, personnes LGBTQIA+ persécutées. Voilà la réalité du règne de l'extrême droite; on ne pourra pas dire qu'on ne savait pas!

Aussi longtemps qu'il le faudra, je dirai ici, à cette tribune, qu'être queer n'a jamais été un danger pour personne. L'autoritarisme et la violence de l'extrême droite, si. Aussi longtemps qu'il le faudra, je porterai ce drapeau avec fierté: celui de la communauté LGBT. Avec fierté, nous le porterons ici, dans le Parlement et partout en Europe!

President. – (Reacting to the speaker waving a flag)

Please take it away. It's not allowed. Sorry, I have to remind you that showing flags in this room is not allowed. You can do everything outside, but not in the room.

Ich habe das zu unterbinden bei jedem, also auch bitte bei Ihnen. Und ich finde es disrespectful und nicht im Interesse der Sache. Entschuldigung, so geht es nicht. Ich glaube, dass wir hier alle korrekt agieren müssen, damit man auch entsprechend agieren kann, wenn andere Beleidigungen oder andere Ordnungswidrigkeiten geschehen. Und ich denke, das sollte sich auch die Linke merken. Entschuldigung.

(Beifall)

Zsuzsanna Borvendég, a ESN képviselőcsoport nevében. – Tisztelt Elnök Asszony! Demográfiai és energiaválság, romló közbiztonság, bevándoroltatás, versenyképesség, környezeti katasztrófák, korrupciós botrányok, csak néhány példa a problémáinkból. Ehelyett Önök újra Magyarországot állítják pellengérre. Nem unják még? A genderlobbi és a globalista erők által támogatott, antifával erősített Budapest Pride-vonulás törvényellenes volt, de a magyar hatóságok mégsem akadályozták meg, sőt, a résztvevők bírságot sem kapnak. Ezzel szemben – sajnálatos módon – családvédő hazafiak, például a Mi Hazánk Mozgalom tagjai törvényes gyülekezési jogát korlátozták. Ha most az ő jogaik megsértése miatt emelnék fel a hangjukat, azt megérteném. De Önök megint kettős mércét használnak, és állítólagos jobboldali támadásokról fantáziálnak. Ez ellen antidiszkriminációs törvényt követelnek. Ez arcpirító! A szélsőséges támadásokat ma Európában a baloldal által védett bevándorlók vagy az antifa tagjai követik el.

Az is felháborító, hogy EP-képviselők érkeztek hazánkba azért, hogy provokatív módon részt vegyenek egy rendezvényen, amelyet a törvényeink tiltanak. Ez súlyos beavatkozás volt Magyarország belügyeibe. Ráadásul Ilaria Salis baloldali képviselő is jelezte részvételi szándékát, de végül nem jött el. Jól is tette, hiszen a vádak és a bizonyítékok szerint antifa társaival ártatlan magyar embereket vertek meg az utcán pusztán azért, mert feltételezték, hogy világnézetük különbözik az övéktől, és mentelmi jogát még mindig nem függesztették fel a bírósági eljárás ellenére. Nem kérünk az intolerancia bajnokainak és az emberi méltóság, gyermeki jogok sárba tipróinak kioktatásából!…

(Az elnök megvonja a szót a felszólalótól)

Maria Walsh (PPE). – Madam President, colleagues, on 28 June, the streets of Budapest were alive with defiance. Budapest Pride was a protest, but it was not only the LGBTQ+ community that took a stand. Thousands of individuals came together with unwavering support to oppose the relentless erosion of the rule of law in Hungary.

The message that rang loud from Budapest is that our leaders, this Parliament and our Commission need to step up. The time to monitor, to review is well and truly over, and we are three years on since the Commission referred Hungary to the Court of Justice. And nothing has changed. Nothing. The protection of rule of law cannot be put on hold while the judicial system and the process takes its course. It's simply too slow.

The protests led by the Hungarian people was a clear signal that any form of rollbacks on the rule of law cannot and will not happen in the EU. Yesterday, with the release of the 2025 Rule of Law Report, the Commission said that protecting the rule of law remains a top priority for the current College of Commissioners. At the same time, Commissioner McGrath openly acknowledged that the dialogue with Hungary is failing.

In light of this, I strongly urge the Commission to move beyond the words and take decisive action based on the evidence already in hand. It's like this: it's absolutely not acceptable for any pro-EU political group or individual in this Parliament to sit back while these principles are undermined. Rule of law, equality and the freedom of expression are absolutely non-negotiable.

Marc Angel (S&D). – Madam President, dear colleagues, what did I see on the streets of Budapest? Young and old people carrying Hungarian, EU and rainbow flags, demanding equality, human dignity, freedom and democracy. And none of Orbán's threats could silence them. Quite the contrary!

And while the peaceful Pride was banned and vilified, several far-right protests and manifestations were allowed by the Hungarian authorities. But the desire for freedom and equality was much louder than the insignificant number of extremists and ideologists. Hungarians understood very well that, throughout history, whenever a government wanted to take away the rights of minorities, the majority also suffered.

Hungarians want an inclusive society. This is what they called for when they voted to join the European Union – a society that empowers them and uses their potential. The only way to deliver this is through strong EU-wide anti-discrimination legislation.

Dear Commissioner, the European Union was built on the promise of human dignity, freedom and equality. But this is not the reality for millions of Europeans. In Budapest, the people, the mayor, the organisers and political parties showed their courage. They stood up for equality, even at the risk of retaliation.

Now it's the Commission's turn, as it promised to act. Put the horizontal anti-discrimination directive back on the table and show that, in the European Union, people's fundamental freedoms and the right to assemble cannot be attacked without consequences. As the guardian of the Treaties, guard and defend our values! Long live the Union of equality!

Tom Vandendriessche (PfE). – Voorzitter, collega's, waar zouden homoseksuelen eigenlijk het veiligst over straat kunnen lopen? Is dat in Molenbeek of is dat in Boedapest? Toch zien we helemaal geen Europese parlementsleden in Molenbeek rondparaderen. Waar we hen ook nooit zien deugdpronken is in Riyad, Teheran of Islamabad. Deze hypocrisie bewijst dat het helemaal niet over gelijke rechten voor homoseksuelen gaat, maar wel over het propageren van een genderideologie. Dat lijkt wel de staatsreligie van deze Europese Unie geworden, met dogma's waar men niet aan mag twijfelen. Met rituelen, vlaggen, zoals we daarnet zagen, en pastoors om de kudde in de pas te laten lopen. Met rechtbanken om elke tegenspraak te criminaliseren. Dit is een liberale sharia die een totalitair eenheidsdenken wil opleggen en de lidstaten het recht wil ontnemen om eigen keuzes te maken.

Laat iedereen toch leven zoals hij of zij dat wil. Stop met het opdringen van die genderideologie die de natuurlijke realiteit ontkent dat er enkel mannen en vrouwen zijn en helemaal geen 116 verschillende zogenaamde genders. Terwijl dit parlement over ideologische absurditeiten debatteert, worden we overspoeld door illegale migratie, desindustrialiseert Europa en staat de wereld in brand.

De Europese Unie zou zich beter bezighouden met hetgeen voor onze burgers wel belangrijk is: veiligheid, vrede en welvaart.

Paolo Inselvini (ECR). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, sono pienamente d'accordo, la manifestazione di Budapest ci ha insegnato una grande lezione: la libertà di qualcuno è in pericolo, le idee di qualcuno sono discriminate, alcune persone sono etichettate negativamente da chi vuole imporre la propria ideologia. È proprio vero.

A Budapest si sono riuniti da tutta Europa rappresentanti politici che chiedono di chiudere la bocca a chi non la pensa come loro. Hanno partecipato liberamente – senza essere arrestati dal cattivone Orbán – cercando di intromettersi in affari interni, a una manifestazione in cui sono stati esposti simboli blasfemi, messaggi di odio e discriminazione verso i cristiani e contro la decenza pubblica.

Qualcuno vuole una legge che limiti la libertà di parola e di espressione a chi semplicemente vuole testimoniare la propria fede e la legge naturale, e promuovere la famiglia fondata sull'unione fra un uomo e una donna.

Avete ragione, avete proprio ragione: l'Europa deve imparare la lezione. Come al solito, come i vostri avi comunisti che avete difeso ieri, chi vuole eliminare la libertà sta a sinistra.

Sophie Wilmès (Renew). – Madame la Présidente, les 200 000 personnes qui ont marché à Budapest ont aussi rappelé notre idéal européen: une Europe des libertés, une Europe des valeurs. La Commission vient justement de publier son rapport annuel sur l'état de droit, dans lequel on voit bien – et vous le confirmez – que le gouvernement hongrois continue d'affaiblir, chaque fois qu'il le peut, nos principes démocratiques.

Alors, les constats, c'est bien, mais ce qui m'intéresse, moi, surtout, c'est l'action. Et nous, ici, au Conseil, à la Commission et au Parlement, nous avançons encore en ordre trop dispersé. C'est pourquoi, Monsieur le Commissaire, je vous propose une réforme claire: l'instauration d'un semestre européen de l'état de droit, comme ce qui existe pour la gouvernance économique et budgétaire, parce que c'est également – et tout aussi – important. Un cycle qui va au-delà de l'analyse, avec, entre autres, des recommandations sous forme d'étapes (à l'instar du plan de relance), un calendrier précis, mais surtout des sanctions effectives pour ceux qui enfreignent sciemment nos règles communes – quand j'entends certains de mes collègues, je pense que c'est vraiment nécessaire.

Je connais votre engagement sur la question. Portons ensemble ce projet audacieux pour notre démocratie – enfin!

Tineke Strik (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, Commissioner, Pride is a protest and what a protest it was! 300 000 people came together in Budapest. They took to the streets to stand up for the LGBTIQ community and for the right to protest. The threat of sanctions did not keep them the way – on the country. They said, enough! Enough with repression, enough with corruption, enough with Orbán. Many of us walked by their side.

But this protest was in no way thanks to the Commission, which refused to use its tools. I remind the Commissioner that the restrictive assembly law still exists. Pride organisers and the major of Budapest can be prosecuted. Orbán can still ban any future protest and use illegal facial recognition again. So Orbán must be taken to court.

And with any new repressive act Orbán imposes, and he will, please show that the EU stands up for its people and act immediately. And as a major said today in this House, de EU is not from the governments, but from the nations, from the citizens.

Commission and Council, protect our values, protect our citizens.

Irene Montero (The Left). – Señora presidenta, Orbán prohibió el Orgullo en Hungría diciendo que las vidas LGTBIQ+ son un peligro público. Y esto es legalizar el odio, es violencia institucional.

Por eso, la respuesta de la calle en Budapest ha sido clara: el odio se frena con orgullo, con más visibilidad y con más derechos. Y, miren, el Orgullo es necesario hasta que todas las personas puedan ser quienes son sin miedo. Piénsenlo. ¿De cuánta gente se han reído, a cuánta gente han despedido o la ha rechazado su familia por ser hetero o por ser cis? ¿A cuánta gente le han lanzado un botellazo por no tener pluma? ¿Alguna vez han asesinado a alguien al grito de „heterosexual de mierda“? Porque al grito de „maricón“, sí.

Señorías de la ultraderecha, si realmente les preocupa la infancia, miren a la Iglesia católica, que es quien tiene bajo sus sotanas a miles de niños y niñas víctimas de agresiones sexuales.

Por cierto, violan los hombres, señorías. A ustedes solo les molestan los agresores machistas si son no blancos y si los agresores son blancos, hablan de denuncias falsas y niegan la violencia machista, y con su racismo y con su machismo fascista nos ponen en peligro a todas las mujeres.

Señorías, maricas, bolleras, bis, trans, no binaries, asex, intersex y queers van a seguir saliendo a las calles cada Orgullo a defender vidas libres. Porque como nos enseñaron Marsha P. Johnson y Sylvia Rivera un 28 de junio, las calles son de todes…

(la presidenta retira la palabra a la oradora)

Irmhild Boßdorf (ESN). – Frau Präsidentin! Willst du Ungarn zu einem Ort machen, an den du gern wieder zurückkehren möchtest? Das fragen Exil-Ungarn der sogenannten Freien Universität Budapest, die sich ein links-wokes Land herbeiwünschen und deshalb in das völlig heruntergekommene Berlin geflohen sind. Gemeinsam mit Linken von „Aktivistenbus“ fuhren sie aus Deutschland zur diesjährigen Pride Parade in Ungarns Hauptstadt. Sogar die engagierte EU-Kommissarin für Klima und Geschlechtergerechtigkeit, Frau Hadja Lahbib, soll dort gesichtet worden sein, gemeinsam mit 70 linken und grünen Europaabgeordneten.

Ob das gut war? Es war jedenfalls eine Einmischung in innerungarische Angelegenheiten. Die Teilnahme an der Pride Parade wird von Orbán nicht geahndet. Orbán hatte aber zuvor erklärt, dass der Schutz von Kindern höher stehe als der Schutz vermeintlicher sexueller Minderheiten.

Eine Sache sollten wir uns aber immer vor Augen führen: Wer Dragqueens und Tabledance für Kinder gut findet, fühlt sich in Deutschland wohl. Viele Deutsche tun das nicht mehr. Sie fliehen daher nach Ungarn und kehren ihrer Heimat für immer den Rücken.

President. – (Protests)

Sorry. I really ask for respect. Every opinion is allowed as long as it respects the others. I want that you pay respect to every speaker here. Please.

Michał Wawrykiewicz (PPE). – Madam President, dear Commissioner, colleagues, this debate is not only about the attempt of the Hungarian Government to ban Budapest Pride. It is a much broader issue because this is yet another example of the Orbán regime trampling the freedoms of its people. This time it's about the freedom of assembly. This regime led democracy to a total and complete collapse.

Yesterday, the Commission published its sixth Rule of Law Report and look at this: no progress on making court case allocation transparent. No progress on reforming the judiciary in line with European standards. No progress on stopping the revolving door corruption and shady lobbying. No progress in tracking down and punishing high-level corruption. No progress on protecting public media from government control. No progress on removing legal obstacles for civil society. No progress on restoring the right to speak, to organise and to dissent.

So, let me say it very clearly: those 200 000 people who march in Budapest, they are just the beginning because the Hungarian society is awake again and ready to end this authoritarian order. So, to Mr Orbán and his representatives, I say this: you can ban pride, you can ban every assembly, you can buy the media, you can bend the cords, but you cannot stop the people. Your regime will fall.

And if you want to hear more, please start the blue-card procedure.

Raphaël Glucksmann (S&D). – Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, partout où ils s'en prendront aux droits et aux libertés, nous devrons être là, et nous serons là. Aussi, quand Viktor Orbán a décidé d'interdire la Marche des fiertés de Budapest, nous avons décidé, nous, d'y aller. Ce 28 juin, nous avons vu plus de 200 000 Hongrois défier son interdiction, marcher avec détermination et avec joie, et faire à nouveau battre le cœur de l'Europe en Hongrie.

Le régime d'Orbán bannit les prides, stigmatise les LGBTQIA+, tapisse son pays d'affiches anti-ukrainiennes et anti-européennes, piétine les universités, instrumentalise les juges, bâillonne les journalistes et agit comme le cheval de Troie de Poutine – (en s'adressant à l'extrême droite de l'hémicycle) comme vous, dans nos institutions. Et ces institutions, que font-elles? Elles défendent mollement l'idéal européen.

Il est temps de montrer infiniment plus de fermeté et d'envoyer un message à la fois à ces députés d'extrême droite et au régime d'Orbán, pour leur dire que le poutinisme n'a pas sa place en Europe et qu'il ne l'aura jamais!

András László (PfE). – Tisztelt Elnök Asszony! A budapesti Pride-on mindent láttunk, ami megerősíti, hogy a Pride egy külföldről vezényelt politikai provokáció volt. Eljött 71 EP képviselő, akiknek köszönhetően már a sokadik Pride-vitát tartjuk itt a házban. Eljött egy európai biztos személyesen Budapestre, hogy a baloldali polgármester társaságában bejelentsen egy másfél milliárd eurós NGO-finanszírozási csomagot. Nem mintha az EU egyébként nem tömné ki milliókkal az LMBTQ-lobbit. és a Pride előtti este, miközben nemzetközi csúcstalálkozók követték egymást, Ursula von der Leyen mégis talált időt, hogy egy személyre szabott videoüzenetet küldjön egy olyan ügyben, amiben nincs hatásköre.

Bezzeg, amikor illegális bevándorlók követnek el támadást, akkor az áldozatoknak és családtagoknak nem szokott videoüzenetet küldeni. Ezek után elhiszi-e bárki, hogy nem egy politikai cirkuszról volt szó? A receptet ismerjük, a baloldali aktivisták mindig ugyanabból az Alinsky-féle kézikönyvből dolgoznak. A baloldali provokációknak mindig ugyanaz a céljuk: az erőszak, és persze a baloldali média lelkesen a nyomukban van, hogy pont elkapják a pillanatot és világgá kürtöljék, hogy elnyomás történt. Erre készültek Budapesten is, de nem jött be. Mi, magyarok az ideológiai gyarmatosításból nem kérünk. Népszavazáson 3,7 millió magyar ember szavazott a gyermekvédelmi intézkedéseink mellett. Mi az ő oldalukon állunk.

Georgiana Teodorescu (ECR). – Doamnă președintă, discriminarea pozitivă este tot discriminare, dar împotriva majorității pentru apărarea minorității.

De ce trebuie ca minorii să vadă oameni semidezbrăcați pe stradă, îmbrăcați în costume de câini, cu botniță și lesă sau în tot felul de vestimentații provocatoare, pentru ca minoritatea LGBTQIA+ să se simtă respectată? De ce trebuie să expunem minorii la o paradă care deseori exprimă un comportament sexual explicit? De ce trebuie să ne intereseze și să vedem chestiuni care ar trebui să țină exclusiv de intimitatea fiecărui individ și a casei lui?

La Pride Parade în București au luat parte numeroși copii minori care au venit la această manifestație nu pentru că ar face parte din comunitate, ci din curiozitate, pentru că era ceva inedit, ceva cool, ceva diferit. Să vii la Pride Parade poate fi și o formă de rebeliune adolescentină, un mod de a face ceva interzis de părinți, profesori sau de a exprima că ești unic. Dar indiferent de motivul pentru care un copil participă, ceea ce vede îi creează un impact emoțional. Iar noi toți avem datoria să ne protejăm copiii de absolut orice îi poate afecta emoțional.

Suveranitatea unei țări presupune și faptul că nu poate fi obligată de nimeni să organizeze spectacole de tip Pride Parade, iar suveranitatea nu este negociabilă, după cum nici interesul superior al copiilor noștri nu este.

Veronika Cifrová Ostrihoňová (Renew). – Madam President, dear colleagues, I had the honour of being at the Budapest Pride this year and the atmosphere was joyful. It was peaceful, very crowded. It was full of people who want to live and love freely. There were families, young and old.

The contrast between the conduct of the Orbán government and the atmosphere at Pride cannot be more striking. The Orbán government – the ruling party – fuels division, fear and hate. That is so harmful in today's Europe, and it is so rooted in the past.

However, Hungary, in this attitude, is sadly not alone. For example, five EU countries – my home country, Slovakia included – offer no partnership or protection for same-sex couples. Only 20 out of 27 give any legal status at all. How is this fair? How is this a Union of equality? Tell me, dear colleagues, how is this fair?

This is 2025, and the European Union cannot afford to backtrack. That is why I very much resent the withdrawal of the anti-discrimination directive, because equality cannot be treated like a bargaining chip. The European Union must lead not just by defending rights, but by taking action. And the time, dear colleagues, is now.

Nicolae Ștefănuță (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, this is what the extreme right does. They push you down the stairs and then they ask you, 'where are you hurting?' They play the victims. This is ridiculous.

This is bullying behaviour and in front of bullies there is only one answer: you need to stand proud. You need to stand proud. This is what I saw in Budapest. I saw proud people. Free people. Büszkék voltak, mert szabadok voltak. They were proud because they were free.

There were 300 000, you know, and I'm looking at you. They are your kids, your neighbours, your friends. This is the people that were there. Is it so hard to love your own? Is it so hard to love your own people? It is incredible. It is incredible.

I saw people who had no protection, but they had their hearts with them. They had their kindness with them. They had a voice which was forbidden. And no, Mr Orbán, nothing was shameful. Nothing was disgraceful. On the contrary, it was something to love. It was something to watch and your heart was filling up.

So be proud, people of Hungary. Be proud, Mr Karácsony. Be proud because you showed Europe that you love freedom.

Büszkék voltak, mert szabadok voltak.

Özlem Demirel (The Left). – Frau Präsidentin! Auch ich war in Budapest mit 200 000 mutigen Menschen, die sich nicht einschüchtern ließen durch Orbán, sondern für Gleichberechtigung und gegen Diskriminierung demonstriert haben. Ich sage es klar: Wer sich gestört fühlt von den Farben des Regenbogens, fühlt sich gestört von der Demokratie, und das gilt offensichtlich für Viktor Orbán. Aber befremdlich ist auch, dass die deutsche Bundestagspräsidentin sich weigert, die Regenbogenfahne bei der Pride in Berlin zu hissen. Kritisieren muss man auch Frau von der Leyen, die lange Zeit sich wegduckte, statt sich gegen Orbáns Ankündigungen zu positionieren. Herr Orbán führt nicht nur einen Kulturkampf, um von seinen sozial ungerechten Politiken abzulenken, sondern er ist auch klar und deutlich ein Gegner der Rechtsstaatlichkeit, und das sehen wir im Fall der deutschen Staatsbürgerin Maja T. Maja T. sitzt in Isolationshaft, und Maja T. ist in Hungerstreik, weil sie unhaltbare, menschenunwürdige Bedingungen vorfindet. Sie ist jetzt im Krankenhaus, und die Kommission und Bundesregierung müssen etwas dafür tun, sie zurückzuholen. Holt Maja nach Hause!

Ewa Zajączkowska-Hernik (ESN). – Szanowni Państwo, ja mówię to jako matka. W moim domu to ja razem z moim mężem uczę dzieci, czym jest dobro, miłość i odpowiedzialność, nie żadna Komisja Europejska. I Węgrzy mają prawo wychowywać swoje dzieci zgodnie z własnymi wartościami. W 2022 r. miliony z nich jasno wyraziły swoje zdanie w referendum. Nie dla seksualizacji nieletnich, nie dla ideologii gender, nie dla propagandy zmiany płci w szkołach. A wy w odpowiedzi wysyłacie do Budapesztu parady pseudorówności, drag queen i broszury o hormonach, każąc nazywać to tolerancją.

Szacunek dla różnorodności nie oznacza narzucania jednej tęczowej wizji świata. Unia Europejska nie jest zbiorem kolonii, które mają podporządkować się brukselskiej metropolii. Jest wspólnotą wolnych i suwerennych narodów. Węgrzy, chcą chronić swoje dzieci i każdy rodzic w Europie, niezależnie od poglądów, powinien dziś stanąć po stronie ich prawa do bycia dziećmi. Nie krzywdzić ich chorą ideologią, lecz pielęgnować w nich niewinność i poczucie bezpieczeństwa. Dość terroru tęczowej mniejszości.

Sirpa Pietikäinen (PPE). – Arvoisa puhemies, Unkarin Pride-marssijat nousivat puolustamaan oikeusvaltiota, lakia ja järjestystä sekä ihmisoikeuksia. He eivät puolustaneet vain seksuaalivähemmistöjen, vaan kaikkien vähemmistöjen oikeuksia, naisten oikeuksia ja ihmisoikeuksia. Tämä on tärkeä muistaa aikana, jolloin nämä arvot ovat historiallisen uhattuina.

Meidän kaikkien on noustava pystyyn ja vaadittava näiden perusperiaatteiden toteuttamista. Toivottavasti myös komissio yhdessä jäsenvaltioiden kanssa pitää huolen, että oikeusvaltioperiaate ja totaalinen syrjintäkielto syrjinnän vastaisen direktiivin muodossa vihdoin ja viimein saadaan voimaan.

Evin Incir (S&D). – Madam President, the first Pride was a protest, and indeed, so was Budapest Pride. To the brave people of Hungary: you embody strength, you embody bravery! To all colleagues that joined and showed solidarity with the brave people of Hungary: thank you!

I don't expect the ignorant far-right leaders to have joined Pride in Budapest. However, there was one pro-democratic group leader who was missing: Manfred Weber from the EPP. Where were you? Such a shame! But I'm not surprised. Across Europe, far-right movements threaten human rights and still, during these times, the EPP chooses to ally itself with the far right.

To be silent on hate speech and to cooperate with those who seek to strip people of their rights is to be complicit in the violation of human rights. This was confirmed when I, together with up to 200 others, defied Orbán, and marched proudly for freedom and human rights in the biggest Budapest Pride ever.

And to the far right, I also just want to say that there is no such a thing as gender ideology. It's called anti-discrimination – something that is missing from your vocabulary. Learn!

Petra Steger (PfE). – Frau Präsidentin, sehr geehrte Damen und Herren! Mein täglich Ungarn-Bashing gib mir heute. Es ist wirklich erstaunlich: Seitdem ich EU-Abgeordnete bin, habe ich noch keine einzige Sitzung hier herinnen erlebt, wo Sie nicht aufs Übelste auf Ungarn losgegangen sind – mit Diffamierungen, Fake News und Beschimpfungen. Warum? Weil Sie es offenbar nicht aushalten, dass es in Europa eine patriotische Regierung gibt, die nicht nach der Pfeife Brüssels tanzt und die Interessen der eigenen Bevölkerung vertritt. Ist das Ihre Form von Demokratie? Sieht so Ihr Respekt vor dem Volk und der Souveränität Ungarns aus? Haben Sie keine anderen Probleme?

Überall fahren Sie Europa gegen die Wand: Bei der Sicherheit, bei der Wirtschaft, Wohlstand, Freiheit, Frieden – überall geht es bergab, doch Sie fahren lieber auf Steuerzahlerkosten auf Urlaub nach Budapest. Und dann kann ich es nur als absoluten Witz bezeichnen, wenn Sie dann so tun, als würden Sie für die Rechte der Homosexuellen kämpfen, indem Sie Ungarn kritisieren wegen der Pride Parade, und gerade Sie diejenigen sind, die die größte Gefahr darstellen, weil Sie mit dieser unkontrollierten Massenzuwanderung die wahre Gefahr für Frauenrechte, Homosexuelle und auch Juden in Europa hineinlassen.

Sie ebnen dem radikalen Islam den Weg in Europa, und damit gefährden Sie in Wahrheit jene Freiheiten, die Sie scheinheilig vorgeben zu schützen. Ihre Doppelmoral und Heuchelei, die schreit zum Himmel. Schämen Sie sich!

Maciej Wąsik (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Kiedy gospodarka europejska dławi się coraz to nowymi regulacjami przeprowadzanymi przez Komisję Europejską, proponujecie debatę na temat zastępczy, debatę o demonstracji w Budapeszcie. Każdy z krajów członkowskich ma własne prawo i organy, które podejmują niezależne decyzje, dokonują własnych wyborów, i władze Unii muszą je uszanować.

Prawdziwe problemy, które dziś dotykają obywateli państw członkowskich, wynikają z błędnych decyzji władz Unii, za które odpowiedzialna jest Ursula von der Leyen. Szaleńcze przepisy Zielonego Ładu uderzające w rolników i przedsiębiorców, kolejne absurdy dotyczące celów klimatycznych, niekontrolowany napływ imigrantów wywołujący potężny wzrost przestępczości, pakt migracyjny, który nie rozwiązuje żadnego problemu, a tylko je potęguje, upadek europejskiego przemysłu i wysokie ceny energii. To jest dorobek Ursuli von der Leyen. Najwyższy czas z tym skończyć. Unia kroczy drogą ku przepaści. Odpowiedzialna za to jest polityka Ursuli von der Leyen. Dlatego apeluję do was o poparcie wniosku o odwołanie Komisji Europejskiej.

Na koniec pozdrawiam wszystkich członków Ruchu Obrony Granic, którzy codziennie strzegą granicy polsko-niemieckiej przed nielegalną migracją.

Moritz Körner (Renew). – Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Jetzt haben wir es ja eben gehört, diese Debatte hier, also irgendwelche Europaabgeordneten seien über Budapest hergefallen – 70 Europaabgeordnete – und hätten ihre kommunistische Weltsicht über die Ungarn gebracht. Also ich habe als FDPler schon viel gehört, aber Kommunist hat mich noch keiner genannt. Das ist wirklich neu. Sie werden wirklich völlig kreativ.

Aber jetzt schauen wir uns doch mal an, was hat Viktor Orbán denn eigentlich erreicht? Was hat Viktor Orbán mit diesem Ban erreicht? Wir diskutieren hier lange darüber. Er hat die größte Parade aller Zeiten in Budapest organisiert. Vielen Dank, Viktor Orbán! Vielen Dank! Es ist viel größer, viel eindrucksvoller gewesen als überhaupt jemals zuvor. Ich dachte immer wieder, Fidesz wäre law and order, aber er tut es ja auch offenbar jetzt am Ende nicht durchziehen. Was war denn die ganze Nummer? Was sollte das denn? Es war vielleicht nur ein einziger Kampagnenstunt, der dafür geplant war, um in seinem Wahlkampf zu agieren. Es geht gar nicht um die Sache. Es geht ihm auch nicht um die Minderheiten. Es geht ihm nicht um Kinderrechte. Es geht ihm darum, darauf herumzutrampeln und das zu benutzen.

Weil Herr Froelich das gerade gesagt hat: „Nicht meine Kinder“. Ich kann wirklich nur hoffen, Herr Froelich von der AfD, dass Ihre Kinder nicht homosexuell sind. Denn ganz ehrlich, genau das sind Eltern, genau diese Intoleranz ist das, was viele Kinder dazu bringt, dass am Ende höhere Selbstmordraten ….

Kim Van Sparrentak (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, dear colleagues, Commissioner, Budapest Pride was a historic moment. Not only for the opposition movement against Orbán, it was a victory for those Hungarians in the LGBTIQ community who, after years, finally felt at home in their country and even felt hope that one day, maybe they have a beautiful future there.

But despite the goosebumps and tears of joy during the Pride, the reality is that the illegal Pride ban is still in place and the organisers are still at risk. This Pride was safe because 300 000 showed up. But what about a demonstration somewhere else in Hungary, without such a great mayor, with a few hundred participants? Nobody knows what will happen.

We shouldn't depend on a brave mayor and hundreds of thousands showing up. We should be able to depend on the European Commission. Please do your job. Protect the rule of law. Protect people who want to protest for their rights, request an interim measure and suspend this man. 3 % of the Hungarian people showed up for democracy. Will you?

Carolina Morace (The Left). – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, io orgogliosamente c'ero, e semplicemente per l'amore che ho verso mia moglie.

Io c'ero quando centinaia di migliaia di cittadini, ungheresi e non, scendevano in piazza per manifestare che l'amore è amore e non conosce distinzioni di sesso, razza o età.

Solo Orbán e i suoi amici di destra pensano che, impedendo le manifestazioni come il Pride, i cittadini smettano di amare chi vogliono.

Io c'ero a Budapest, ma non c'era l'Europa quando sono state approvate le leggi che discriminano, censurano e colpiscono le famiglie arcobaleno. Non c'era l'Europa con sanzioni, con una legge contro l'odio, con una risposta degna dei suoi valori.

E allora ve lo chiedo oggi in questa sede: proteggete i bambini – palestinesi, israeliani, ucraini, russi e iraniani – dalle guerre, non dai Pride.

Markus Buchheit (ESN). – Frau Präsidentin! Ja, meine sehr verehrten Damen und Herren, wir reden heute von Pride, wir reden von Stolz. Wo ist denn der Stolz, auf den Sie hier so abfahren heute? Ich war vor Kurzem, vor guten vier Wochen, in Budapest, und ich habe mich darüber gefreut, wie kinderfreundlich eine Stadt sein kann: Dass vom Straßenfeger bis zu den Parlamentsmitarbeitern wirklich auf meine Tochter geschaut wurde, dass man stolz war auf die Familien dort und dass man sich gefreut hat an dem, was man aufgebaut hat.

Und Sie scheinen stolz auf etwas zu sein, was Sie Demokratie nennen, was Sie Liebe nennen, was aber dann am Schluss Dragqueen-Lesungen sind und irgendwelche dubiosen Poledance-Vorstellungen in Kindergärten. Das ist Liebe, die sich am Schluss dann zeigt, wenn Sie mit Hammerbanden sich konsolidieren und hier Terroristen quasi unterstützen im Parlamentssaal – das ist das, was Sie unter Demokratie bezeichnen. Das ist aber gerade keine Demokratie, meine Damen und Herren.

Ich glaube, die Ungarn, und ich glaube, auch wir, können stolz darauf sein, dass es noch ein Land gibt, das es noch eine Regierung gibt, die sich um ihre Familien, um ihre Kinder sorgt und für die Familie und Kinder an höchster Stelle stehen. Deswegen seien Sie stolz auf das, was Sie in Ungarn geschaffen haben. Und meine Damen und Herren, Ihre Zeit ist vorbei in der Linken Ecke. Hören Sie auf, Terrorbanden zu unterstützen, hören Sie auf, den falschen Propheten hinterherzulaufen. Europa ist in der Wende und Ungarn macht es vor.

Adrián Vázquez Lázara (PPE). – Señora presidenta, como representantes de la ciudadanía europea tenemos una responsabilidad fundamental, que no es otra que defender los valores que han hecho grande a nuestra Unión.

La libertad y la dignidad del individuo son algunos de los pilares de esa grandeza. Por eso, de nuevo el Gobierno de Orbán al prohibir esa libre asociación, esa marcha LGTBI, en Budapest el pasado fin de semana lo único que hace es demostrar un gesto de debilidad, lo único que hace es demostrar miedo. Miedo a que cada persona, cada ciudadano, viva y ame a quien quiera, como le dé la gana.

A quienes dicen querer hacer Europa grande otra vez les digo que Europa ya lo es, Europa ya es grande. ¿Por qué? Porque permite a todos y a todas vivir como desean.

Y otra muestra de ese miedo es impedir que los ciudadanos se expresen con libertad en las calles. Lo único que ustedes están consiguiendo es cavar más hondo en el agujero en el que están metidos. Y sí, Europa es tan grande que incluso ustedes tienen cabida en ella.

Pero también —y aquí le doy un mensaje al señor comisario— el movimiento se demuestra andando, señor comisario: cuando el Estado de Derecho está bajo ataque dejemos de monitorear, dejemos de hacer informes y actuemos porque, si no, será demasiado tarde.

Birgit Sippel (S&D). – Frau Präsidentin! Mit immer neuen Maßnahmen diskriminiert oder unterdrückt Orbán Menschen in Ungarn. Zugleich nehmen EU-weit Diskriminierung, Hassrede und Gewalt aufgrund von Geschlecht, sexueller Orientierung, Hautfarbe, Religion, Behinderung, Alter, Armut in erschreckender Weise zu. Dass Frau von der Leyen gerade jetzt die Gleichbehandlungsrichtlinie zurückziehen will, ist ein Angriff auf die Grundrechte aller Menschen. Jetzt sagt sie, sie benötige ein „klares Signal“ von Rat oder Parlament, um diese Rücknahme zu überdenken, und hoffte wohl, es bleibt aus. Doch mit dem Mehrheitsbeschluss der beiden zuständigen Ausschüsse gibt es dieses Signal. Ebenso mit dem Brief der Konferenz der Ausschussvorsitzenden. Und auch im Rat – Widerspruch durch eine Mehrheit der Mitgliedstaaten.

Wenn die Kommission also behauptet, sie hätte kein Signal bekommen, stellt sie sich bewusst taub und fällt denen in den Rücken, die diese Richtlinie dringend brauchen. Damit schadet die Kommission unserer Demokratie und den Grundrechten in Europa.

Jaroslava Pokorná Jermanová (PfE). – Paní předsedající, vážení kolegové, musím reagovat na skandální a aktivistický zásah předsedkyně Evropské komise Ursuly von der Leyenové a ostatních představitelů EU do suverénního rozhodování úřadů jedné z členských zemí EU – Maďarska. Maďarské úřady zakázaly oslavy Budapest Pride. Šlo o suverénní rozhodnutí k tomu oprávněných institucí, které tak učinily na základě platných zákonů přijatých národním parlamentem. To, že se paní Ursule von der Leyenové a dalším nelíbí složení tohoto demokraticky zvoleného parlamentu a mají problémy s premiérem vzešlým ze svobodných voleb, to je nám jasné. Nedává to ale nikomu z Bruselu právo vyzývat k porušování zákonů platných v suverénní členské zemi. Opět se potvrzuje, že paní předsedkyně nechápe, nebo spíše nechce chápat, svou pozici a své hranice. A to je nepřijatelné. Čelní představitelé EU musí respektovat národní specifika i názory členských zemí. Tyto státy by měly mít právo se rozhodovat svobodně, aniž by byly představiteli EU peskovány.

Marlena Maląg (ECR). – Pani Przewodnicząca! Czy dziecko zabijane przez zastrzyk w serce w dziewiątym miesiącu życia nie ma prawa do życia? Czy usuwanie krzyży z przestrzeni publicznej, jak to miało miejsce w Warszawie z inicjatywy wiceprzewodniczącego Platformy Obywatelskiej, nie narusza wolności religijnej gwarantowanej przez art. 10 Karty Praw Podstawowych? Prawa człowieka, z których jesteśmy słusznie dumni, nie mogą być selektywne. Dlatego apeluję, byśmy nie wykorzystywali pojęcia antydyskryminacji do ideologicznego nacisku. Rodzice, zgodnie z art. 14 ust. 4 Karty Praw Podstawowych, mają prawo wychowywać swoje dzieci zgodnie z własnymi przekonaniami i chronić przed szkodliwymi treściami, co miewa miejsce na paradach pychy. Ani państwo, ani Unia nie może rodzicom tego prawa odebrać. Ochrona praw podstawowych musi obejmować wszystkich, dzieci wierzących, także tych, którzy chcą powrotu do tradycyjnych wartości.

Hilde Vautmans (Renew). – Voorzitter, commissaris, collega's, ja, ik ben een van die 200 000 mensen die hebben meegelopen in de Pride in Boedapest. De Pride die Orbán met man en macht heeft proberen te verbieden door ons angst in te boezemen met boetes, gezichtsherkenning en arrestaties. Eigenlijk zijn dit toch praktijken die we niet mogen aanvaarden in een vrij Europa anno 2025.

Gelukkig kreeg Orbán echter het omgekeerde van wat hij wou. Hij kreeg de grootste Pride aller tijden. Ik heb oma's en opa's mee zien marcheren met de hele, dappere lhbtqi-gemeenschap uit Hongarije. Samen hebben we – sorry, voor het woordgebruik – heel duidelijk gezegd: „Fuck off, Orbán“. Dat hebben wij daar gezegd in de straten van Boedapest. Samen droegen we de regenboogvlaggen met trots.

Wat ik echter niet gezien heb, collega McGrath, is een moedige reactie van de Commissie. Commissaris Lahbib was daar. Ik heb u daar gemist. Ik had u daar gehoopt te zien, samen met Ursula, samen met vele anderen. Ik had echt gehoopt dat jullie een krachtig signaal zouden geven. We weten wat we moeten doen. We moeten Orbán zijn stemrecht ontnemen in de Raad. We moeten stoppen met hem te financieren en we moeten doen wat collega Wilmès heeft gezegd: een semester voor de rechtsstaat installeren voor alle landen.

President. – Stick to the time, please. And I beg you: words like 'fuck off' are not part of this Parliament.

Daniel Freund (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, dear colleagues, 250 000 people in the streets of Budapest – it was a historic moment. I'm glad that I was there. You could smell the wind of change in the air. I think the end of Viktor Orbán is coming. This was good. But despite all this, we cannot forget that the freedom of assembly is still restricted in Hungary.

Commissioner, when in March, the Hungarian Government put this legislation in place, you said you stand ready, but you didn't do anything. Then the first Pride requests were filed with the police, and you said you stood ready, but nothing happened. The Hungarian police prohibited it. The highest court that is stuffed with Orbán's allies ruled that this is illegal. You said you stand ready, but you didn't do anything.

It was down to the Green Mayor of Budapest that this could take place. But how about these other cities in Hungary? How about the civil society being able to organise protests? We need to act and not just stand ready when the fundamental freedoms are curtailed like this in the middle of the European Union. Please act.

Li Andersson (The Left). – Madam President, dear colleagues, Viktor Orbán is at risk of losing political power, and I think he is showing his desperation and his weakness by attacking the Pride and by trying to push through legislation that would shut down many NGOs and many independent media outlets in Hungary.

But at the Pride in Budapest in June, the people really showed their strength and power. And I have to say to the extreme right that, yes, many of us were there, but that is not the story. The real story is the fact that hundreds of thousands of Hungarians were there at the Pride, many of them participating and marching in a Pride for the first time ever to oppose this ban and to show that they protest against Viktor Orbán.

Our job here now is to make sure that this does not go to waste and I think the Commission really needs to step up and use all of the tools it has. Interim measures must be requested by the Court and new legal proceedings initiated regarding the Pride ban and the 'starve and strangle' laws that have been proposed, and Hungary must be stripped of its voting rights in the Council.

Milan Uhrík (ESN). – Vážená pani predsedajúca, zobuďte sa. Kedy už konečne pochopíte, že polonahí chlapi pochodujúci v psích maskách sú naozaj ohrozením morálneho vývoja pre deti. Ja absolútne podporujem rozhodnutie maďarskej vlády a nezmení na tom nič ani to, že tuto progresívna kolegyňa Ostrihoňová tam bola so svojimi kamarátkami Yar, Jourovou alebo aj Grétkou Thunbergovou a mávali tam dúhovými vlajkami, aby to vyzeralo, že to, že ten pochod v Budapešti vôbec niekto podporuje. Nezmení na nesprávnosti tej dúhovej ideológie nič ani to, keď sa eurokomisárka Lahbib rozhodne natlačiť doslova 1,5 miliardy do LGBT mimovládok a projektov, aby vyvolali zdanie verejnej podpory pre túto dúhovú ideológiu. My rozhodnutie Maďarska, ale aj Bulharska ochraňovať deti na školách pred dúhovou agendou podporujeme a jediné, čo ma mrzí, je, že na Slovensku ešte taký zákon doposiaľ nemáme.

Rosa Estaràs Ferragut (PPE). – Señora presidenta, señor comisario, nuestra Unión es una Unión por la libertad, la igualdad, la dignidad y la no discriminación. Jamás puede haber justicia sin la protección de los más vulnerables. El derecho a la no discriminación no es jamás opcional. No podemos ser neutrales ante el odio. Prohibir y limitar las expresiones de diversidad es un ataque directo a los derechos fundamentales, que no son concesiones de ningún Estado, son garantías constitucionales que nadie nunca puede suprimir.

Quiero dejar clarísimo nuestro compromiso inquebrantable con la protección de los derechos de las personas LGTBI de todo el mundo arcoíris en todo el mundo. Si se restringen los derechos de ellos, se viola el Estado de Derecho, se destroza la democracia, se hunde la libertad de expresión, se ataca a la dignidad humana y se estigmatiza todavía más al colectivo arcoíris, exponiéndolo a mayor discriminación.

Es un ataque a todos nosotros, porque se dirige a nuestros valores fundamentales. Es un ataque a toda la humanidad. Por eso, señor comisario, hay la necesidad urgente de presentar esta norma europea contra la discriminación. Confiamos en usted.

Krzysztof Śmiszek (S&D). – Madam President, just days ago, over 250 000 people marched proudly through the streets of beautiful Budapest. I was one of them, and I'm very proud of it. People did their job. They stood up for dignity, equality and our shared European values. People showed us where our values are. That is what citizens expect from us. Acting and protecting all citizens against discrimination, all kinds of discrimination.

And yet, instead of stepping up, the Commission has recently announced its withdrawal of the Equal Treatment Directive proposal. The final missing piece in the EU anti-discrimination legal puzzle that would prohibit unequal treatment based on age, disability, religion and sexual orientation. The withdrawal was shocking, but we do not lose our hope that the Commission will change its mind.

The Belgian, Polish and Danish presidencies have declared this file as their priority. That means that people of Europe demand more protection. Today we are sending a strong signal from the European Parliament. We want continuation of the works on the Equal Treatment Directive proposal.

On Monday, Ursula von der Leyen was urging that the extremists would love to see European Union falling. Weakening of the protection against discrimination is a sign that we agree with the extremists.

Julien Sanchez (PfE). – Madame la Présidente, encore une fois, vous mettez ici à l'ordre du jour un débat s'en prenant à un État membre, toujours le même, la Hongrie. Comme c'est bizarre! Que voulez-vous? Voulez-vous exclure la Hongrie de l'Union européenne, ou voulez-vous juste gouverner la Hongrie à la place du gouvernement démocratiquement élu? Je vous pose la question pour savoir combien de cours de rattrapage de démocratie nous allons devoir vous donner.

Depuis des mois, nous entendons dire ici qu'il faut lutter contre les ingérences étrangères. C'est bien. D'autant que les groupes qui sont les plus bruyants sur ce sujet sont sans doute les groupes les plus corrompus par les États étrangers. Certains de leurs élus ont été achetés par le Qatar ou par d'autres pays. Je ne ferai pas ici la longue liste des scandales, dont le „Qatargate“, nous en aurions jusqu'à demain.

Vous donnez des leçons sur l'ingérence étrangère en permanence, mais c'est précisément ce que vous faites. En effet, de nombreux députés, qui ne sont pas hongrois, au lieu de s'occuper des désordres qui existent dans leur propre pays, sont allés à Budapest faire du tourisme d'ingérence étrangère. Il serait d'ailleurs intéressant de savoir si leurs billets d'avion ont été payés par le Parlement pour financer cette ingérence étrangère ou s'ils ont aggravé leur bilan carbone à leurs frais. Peut-on avoir une réponse? Combien a coûté ce petit cinéma aux contribuables? La question de la défense des droits des homosexuels et des droits de l'homme est une question importante. Les homosexuels ont heureusement des droits en Hongrie, depuis longtemps. En revanche, les homosexuels n'en ont pas chez vos amis du Qatar, par exemple.

Aux députés français qui étaient présents à Budapest je demande s'ils seraient capables d'organiser des prides dans les quartiers d'immigration massive en France ou chez leurs amis du Qatar, du Nigeria ou d'Algérie. Pensez-vous que vous en reviendriez en bonne santé et sains et saufs, comme vous êtes revenus en très bonne santé de votre petit week-end ensoleillé à Budapest?

Enfin, à Mme Keller, élue du groupe Renew, je demanderai si elle n'a pas honte d'aller donner des leçons à M. Orbán, elle qui, alors qu'elle était maire de Strasbourg, où nous nous trouvons aujourd'hui, s'est, comme la presse l'a rappelé, opposée à une Marche des fiertés dans sa propre ville, en janvier 2002.

Claudiu-Richard Târziu (ECR). – Doamnă președintă, stimați colegi, în acest plen auzim la nesfârșit un concept sacrosanct: statul de drept. Suntem certați, judecați și sancționați în numele lui. Dar se pare că acest principiu are o geometrie variabilă, în funcție de simpatiile ideologice de la Bruxelles.

Să luăm un caz concret: Ungaria. Acolo, un Parlament ales democratic a adoptat o lege, o lege care interzice o anumită manifestare publică, pe care o consideră ofensatoare și dăunătoare pentru societate. Indiferent dacă ne place sau nu această lege, ea este expresia voinței suverane a unui stat membru și parte a ordinii sale legale. Am văzut oficiali europeni, diplomați și chiar europarlamentari aplaudând și participând la o acțiune care a sfidat programatic, în mod deliberat, legea țării gazdă.

Așadar, vă întreb: statul de drept înseamnă respectarea legilor doar atunci când acestea ne convin? Sau înseamnă că anumite ideologii au un permis special de a se plasa deasupra legii? Prin această atitudine duală, nu apărăm drepturile, ci încurajăm dezordinea și subminăm încrederea între statele europene.

Cynthia Ní Mhurchú (Renew). – A Chathaoirligh, a Choimisinéir, a bhuíochas leatsa. An mhí seo caite, mháirseáil mé go bródúil le mo chomhghleacaithe LGBTQI+ i bparáid Bród Bhúdaipeist. Mháirseáil mé leis na céadta gnáthdhaoine ó gach cearn den Eoraip agus den Ungáir. Seandaoine, páistí le tuismitheoirí agus déagóirí. Chuile dhuine gealgháireach, aerach agus aontaithe. Aontaithe i gcoinne Orbán. Chuireamar teachtaireachtaí láidre chuig Orbán nach seasfadh an Eoraip ar son a cheannaireachta homafóbaí atá ag iarraidh conarthaí an Aontais Eorpaigh a shárú agus cearta daonna daonlathacha a shéanadh chomh maith. Tá daoine san Ungáir tar éis diúltú don mhéid a sheasann Orbán dó. Tá Orbán ag sleamhnú sna pobalbhreitheanna. Tá ag teip ar a chuid polasaithe atá dírithe ar shaoirsí pearsanta a theorannú. An cheacht is mó ó bród Bhúdaipeist. Ní sheasfaidh muintir na hEorpa agus Ballstáit na hEorpa, ar nós Éire, mo thír féin, ar leataobh ag ligean don Ungáir agus do cheannairí homafóbacha ár saoirse san Eoraip a bhaint dínn. Seasaimid an fód. Seasaimid suas sa bhearna bhaoil le chéile agus ag comhoibriú leatsa a Choimisinéir. Go raibh míle maith agaibh.

Mélissa Camara (Verts/ALE). – Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, lors du dernier débat sur la pride de Budapest, j'ai été insultée dans cet hémicycle par un collègue d'extrême droite, qui me demandait si je comptais venir dans ce Parlement en muselière et en laisse. Puisque cette remarque n'a semblé choquer que peu de monde, disons-le clairement: ses propos étaient LGBT-phobes, racistes, sexistes et indignes de cette assemblée. Nous ne pouvons pas et ne devons pas les banaliser.

Parlons de dignité, justement. Il y a dix jours, à Budapest, 200 000 personnes ont défilé. Elles se sont levées, par fierté, par courage, par refus de se taire, contre un régime qui ne gouverne que par la haine. Pendant ce temps, à Istanbul, des manifestants ont été frappés et arrêtés simplement pour avoir voulu marcher. Pourtant, comme chaque année depuis 2015, ces militants retournent dans la rue, portés par leur dignité et par leur soif de liberté. À elles et à eux je veux dire: „Vous êtes notre courage, une lumière que rien ne pourra éteindre.“

L'Europe ne peut plus rester spectatrice pendant que ses valeurs sont piétinées. Elle doit défendre nos droits par des actes, pas par des renoncements. Car l'extrême droite, elle, ne recule pas. Elle rêve d'un monde de silence et de soumission. Mais nous sommes des millions. Nous sommes fiers. Nous lutterons toujours pour notre dignité.

Mary Khan (ESN). – Frau Präsidentin! Massenmigration führt zu Antisemitismus, Homophobie und Frauenfeindlichkeit. Dieses Zitat stammt von Viktor Orbán, und er hat es Ihnen genau hier an diesem Pult gesagt. Und er hat auch Recht damit, denn ein Homosexueller kann sicherer durch Budapest laufen als durch Berlin oder Brüssel. Genau das ist Ihr tolerantes Europa. Sie sprechen hier die ganze Zeit von Rechtsstaatlichkeit, aber warum akzeptieren Sie nicht nationale Gesetze wie das ungarische Kinderschutzgesetz? Über 90 % der Wähler sprachen sich für das Kinderschutzgesetz aus. Sie kämpfen also nicht gegen Viktor Orbán, Sie kämpfen gegen das ungarische Volk. Auch in Deutschland gibt es eigentlich das Jugendschutzgesetz, und trotzdem tanzen Dragqueens halbnackt vor kleinen Kindern. Die EU misst mit zweierlei Maß. Ungarn schützt seine Kinder und soll sanktioniert werden. Deutschland bricht Schutzgesetze und wird als tolerant gefeiert. Respektieren Sie endlich demokratische Entscheidungen souveräner Staaten und hören Sie auf, Kindern Ihre Ideologie aufzudrängen.

Alessandro Zan (S&D). – Signora Presidente, signor Commissario, onorevoli colleghi, a Budapest è accaduto qualcosa di straordinario. Centinaia di migliaia di cittadine e cittadini europei hanno sfidato l'oppressione del regime di Orbán marciando per il Budapest Pride, reso illegale contro le nostre leggi e i principi fondanti dell'Europa.

Sono orgoglioso di essere stato lì, presente tra quella marea di persone comuni che spontaneamente e coraggiosamente hanno detto no al bullismo e all'odio istituzionale di Orbán, persone che hanno rischiato la propria incolumità e pesanti sanzioni in un paese dell'Unione europea.

Quello stesso coraggio non lo abbiamo visto qui però a Bruxelles, da parte di quelle istituzioni che dovrebbero essere garanti dei trattati che Orbán calpesta quotidianamente.

I cittadini europei hanno avuto coraggio, la Commissione europea no. Anzi, la Commissione è stata pavida e tardiva, senza prendere alcuna decisione ferma contro il divieto di Orbán e per questo serve attivare subito l'articolo 7 dei trattati contro l'Ungheria.

Ora, Ursula von der Leyen, devi dimostrare con i fatti di meritarti la fiducia di questo Parlamento.

President. – (in response to comments from Hilde Vautmans off mic)

Ms Vautmans, we do not have a blue card, but is it a point of order? It is not, so I cannot allow it. Sorry.

You cannot repeat it, because we don't have …

(in response to comments from Hilde Vautmans off mic)

That is not allowed under the Rules of Procedure. So please, you have to accept that.

Juan Carlos Girauta Vidal (PfE). – Señora presidenta, veo que esta es una ocasión perfecta para que algunos de ustedes se sientan héroes: héroes de sillón, héroes de soldados de hojalata. Porque todo aquello de lo que están acusando —en este caso a Hungría— es radicalmente falso. ¿Dónde está la discriminación de personas por su orientación sexual? Aquí hay una decisión de un Estado soberano sobre ciertas cuestiones de orden público a la hora de organizar manifestaciones; leyes que, por cierto, existen en muchos países respecto a lo que consideran cuestiones de orden público.

Vamos a hablar del tema de la supuesta discriminación. Son ustedes los que discriminan y los que objetualizan a los homosexuales, a las personas por su orientación sexual o por su identidad sexual, uniéndolas en un colectivo que, se supone, les impone una cierta ideología. Es decir, ¿pongamos que un 10 % de la población es homosexual? Algunos estudios afirman que esa sería más o menos la cuota. ¿Qué pasa? ¿Que ese 10 % tiene la misma ideología? ¿Son wokes como ustedes? ¿Creen que la defensa de los derechos individuales pasa por organizar una carroza del Orgullo o unas demostraciones del Orgullo? No, señores, pasa por algo que ya se había obtenido, que es el respeto, la tolerancia y los derechos de los homosexuales…

(la presidenta retira la palabra al orador)

Cristian Terheș (ECR). – Madam President, dear colleagues, humanity is composed of just two existential beings: men and women. That's it. There's nothing else and nothing in between. This is not a matter of political compromise, but of biological and genetical fact. Politicians can debate many things, but no political compromise can change human nature.

A man who wears a dress or lipstick is still a man, not a woman, no matter how he feels or presents. Such behaviour does not reflect womanhood, but often perversion. Decades after that, human bones will still reveal if that person was a male or a female, regardless of how they might have identified or presented themselves.

The greatest threat to women's rights today is the acceptance that there is no difference between men and women. Therefore, men who pretend to be women are legally acknowledged as women. This erases women's rights under the pretext of tolerance. I call my colleagues from the left side – actually 'the wrong side' on this issue – not to undermine women's rights, but to protect them.

Being a woman is not a matter of feeling but a distinct human reality, different than a man, with dignity and rights worth defending.

Lukas Sieper (NI). – Madam President, once again, in this debate about LGBTQ+ rights, it's because of Rule 10(4) of Rules of Procedure of the European Parliament prohibiting hate speech.

Saying that a man who wears lip gloss on his face is a perversion is hate speech, dear colleagues. It's not allowed. You can, of course, have another opinion about if you think it's pretty or not, but it's not perverse. Let people be who they are. This is what is enshrined in our Rules of Procedure.

Madam President, as so often before, I ask the Bureau to take care of this. We have seen this in all debates since I entered this Parliament – in all debates when it came to LGBTQ+ issues, we have seen hate speech like this. I'm sick of this. I know a big part of the plenary is sick of this and it needs to stop now.

Die Präsidentin. – Vielen Dank, Herr Sieper, für den Hinweis. Auch das hatten wir hier aufgenommen und bereits notiert. Wir werden sowieso mehrere der Reden des heutigen Tages im Nachhinein noch überprüfen ob ihrer Korrektheit. Und insofern werden wir hier schon sehr darauf achten, dass die Würde des Hauses und der Respekt vor den gegenseitigen unterschiedlichen Positionen, die sicherlich jeder haben kann, gewahrt werden, aber dass mit dem notwendigen Respekt und mit der Achtung und der gebührenden Sprache auch entsprechend hier debattiert wird.

Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señora presidenta, señor comisario McGrath, otra vez el Gobierno de Viktor Orbán en Hungría en el pleno del Parlamento Europeo a propósito de una doble infamia: la primera, pretender que la orientación sexual es ideología gay y que la identidad de género es propaganda LGTB patrocinada por Bruselas; y la segunda, pretender que prohibir la educación sexual en el sistema educativo es proteger a los niños. Hay que decir con toda claridad que los niños no necesitan ser protegidos de su orientación sexual ni de la transmisión de la educación sexual en el sistema educativo. Los niños necesitan ser protegidos del odio y de la transmisión del odio.

Por tanto, hay que subrayar una vez más —hay que decir aquí con toda claridad una vez más— que la orientación sexual no es contagiosa; el odio sí lo es. Por ello, las leyes represivas de 2018 y 2021, dictadas por el Gobierno de Orbán, están en contradicción con el artículo 21 de la Carta de los Derechos Fundamentales de la Unión Europea.

Le pedimos a la Comisión, en primer lugar, que retome la Directiva sobre la igualdad de trato largamente bloqueada en el Consejo, que retome el artículo 7 contra Hungría, el procedimiento de sanción extraordinario, y, por supuesto, también que incoe ante el Tribunal de Justicia medidas cautelares de suspensión de esas leyes represivas inaceptables por estar en rebeldía contra el Derecho europeo como lo está el Gobierno de Orbán.

Michael McGrath, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, thank you to all of the honourable Members for their contributions over the course of the debate this afternoon. Today, anti-LGBTQ actions are fuelling division and discrimination, creating fear and exclusion. We cannot accept this in our Union founded on common values, in our Union of equality.

Fundamental rights, including the right to peaceful assembly and of association, are enshrined in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union and must be respected and always protected. As President von der Leyen has said many times, as recently as the 26 June, you have the right to love who you want to love and be exactly who you are. She said marching for your rights is a fundamental right.

You will have noted that the Commission has also reported on the Budapest Pride in its Rule of Law Report, in the context of deteriorating environment for civil society organisations in Hungary. These developments in Hungary are raising serious concerns and I can assure you that we will remain focused on these matters and that we are ready to act to prevent further obstruction of the civic space.

As I said in my introductory remarks, the Commission has sent a series of questions to the Hungarian authorities on the new Hungarian law related to freedom of assembly and the use of facial recognition. We are now waiting for their response. We will not hesitate to take the necessary measures as appropriate.

We are also waiting for the judgement of the European Court of Justice on the compatibility of EU law and the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights of the so-called child protection act. We expect this to happen in the coming months and provide clarifications on the situation. Honourable Members, the Commission will consider all tools at its disposal to ensure the full respect of EU values in the Union.

Finally, I would like to again pay tribute to all those who courageously joined the Budapest Pride March. It sent a strong message of support not only for the LGBTQ+ community, but also for our European values of liberties, tolerance and democracy. The sight of thousands and thousands of ordinary people, from Hungary and throughout the EU, on the streets of Budapest for the Pride parade was a powerful demonstration that these values are held dearly in our Union of equality and that these values are not a threat to anyone. I will, as Commissioner, stand resolutely with you in the defence of our shared European values.

PRÉSIDENCE: YOUNOUS OMARJEE

Vice-Président

Marie Bjerre, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, honourable Members, Commissioner, thank you for a lively debate, for your comments and for your remarks.

The situation in Hungary is something we in the Council follow very closely. The Council remains determined to carry forward work on making tolerance and non-discrimination a reality for every citizen of our Union. We remain committed to promoting an inclusive culture and respect across the EU and to defending fundamental rights against attacks.

We all – EU institutions and Member States alike – share a common responsibility to protect fundamental rights and ensure equal treatment and equality for all.

Le Président. – Le débat est clos.

11. Obchodní jednání mezi EU a USA (rozprava)

Le Président. – L'ordre du jour appelle à présent le débat sur la déclaration du Conseil et de la Commission sur les négociations commerciales Union européenne — États-Unis (2025/2804(RSP)).

Marie Bjerre, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, honourable Members, Commissioner, thank you for inviting me to contribute to this timely and important debate, which comes at a critical time in EU-US relations.

As mentioned during our previous exchange in May, the European Union and the United States are bound by the world's most integrated economic relationship. Goods, services and investment flows make the transatlantic partnership the largest and most valuable in the world. It is a long-standing engine of prosperity and job creation on both sides of the Atlantic.

Beyond trade and investment, the United States is also our closest partner in foreign and security policy. This deep strategic relationship gives us a shared interest in protecting and strengthening our cooperation in the face of global challenges. Millions of jobs, as well as our collective geopolitical and economic resilience, depend on this relationship.

In such a context, we strongly regret the recent increase of US tariffs imposed on a wide range of EU goods. We consider these measures to be unjustified and arbitrary. Such tariffs are not only damaging to transatlantic prosperity but also undermine global economic stability. We understand that the US seeks to strengthen the resilience of its domestic industrial base and to enhance its economic security. So do we in Europe. But unilateral and arbitrary tariffs is not the way to achieve these goals. Instead, dialogue and cooperation offer a far better path forward.

This is why we remain fully committed to working with our US counterparts on a negotiated outcome, one that delivers tariff relief and brings back stability and predictability to transatlantic trade. We are engaging with the US in good faith and with a sense of responsibility. That is why we choose to temporarily suspend our initial package of countermeasures in response to the unjustified tariffs imposed on our steel and aluminium exports. We do not want to further worsen an already fragile and uncertain global economy.

That being said, our patience is not limitless. If no agreement is reached by the stated deadline, the EU is prepared to activate targeted and proportionate countermeasures in defence of its legitimate interest. We are carefully assessing not only the effects of new US tariffs on EU exports, but also monitoring any negative indirect effects, as we simply cannot absorb global overcapacity nor accept dumping on our markets.

In these challenging times, we remain firmly committed to the rules-based international order, as we continue to believe in an open and predictable global trading system that benefits all partners. In the Council, there is a broad agreement on the importance of deepening our existing partnerships around the world, as well as reaching new deals with other countries. We will invest in trade diversification because we want to ensure our businesses can grow and thrive globally, while of course paying due attention to possible sectoral sensitivities.

Last but certainly not least, it is evident that the single market is more than ever our anchor of stability and resilience. In that sense, the current crisis is a strong reminder of the need to deliver the European competitiveness deal, removing remaining obstacles, boosting productivity and unleashing the full potential of our integrated market.

Maroš Šefčovič, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, Madam Minister, Honourable Members, it is a pleasure to be here today as we navigate a critical juncture of our relationship with the United States. And thank you for giving me the opportunity to discuss the current state of play of the EU-US negotiations once again in the plenary where I appreciate our constant engagement on this issue.

From the outset, the Commission has been clear in alignment with his House and our Member States that our priority is a negotiated solution with the United States, one that brings back stability and confidence in our trade and investment relationship.

The United States is and remains our most important trading partner, with impressive trade flows in goods and services amounting to 1.6 trillion per year and a massive investment relationship of more than EUR 5 trillion.

Following the end of May announcement by President von der Leyen and US President Trump to fast-track the negotiations, the negotiations have indeed intensified considerably. We have been in relentless contact with our counterparts across the Atlantic, ensuring that our progress is continuous and substantive. Last week we had four days of intense negotiations, at technical and political level, and I have been in constant contact with my US counterparts. Negotiations continue remotely every single day.

The discussions are constructive. We have engaged on key elements such as tariffs, non-tariff barriers, economic security, strategic purchases, mutual investment, etc. We have made good progress on the text of the joint statement or agreement in principle, and I hope we can soon finalise our work.

Crucially, while other nations faced increased tariffs from the United States as a result of the letters that President Trump sent out on Monday, our negotiations have spared the EU from facing higher tariffs. An extension until 1 August of the status quo has been announced, giving us additional space to reach a satisfactory conclusion. While this time will allow us to continue refining our work, as I said, I hope to reach satisfactory results, potentially even in the coming days.

The agreement in principle we are striving to finalise is not the end, but rather the start of the new beginning. It would provide a framework upon which we can continue to build, defining the exact parameters of the later agreements. In other words, I see it as a foundational framework that paves the way for future fully-fledged EU-US trade agreement. We have approached this task with a laser focus, balancing the demands of the US with our own priorities and ensuring that our regulatory autonomy remains intact. But let me be clear, while we remain committed to achieving a satisfactory deal, we need to acknowledge a certain degree of rebalancing will remain. These come from different perspectives and starting points.

The US sees the trading relationship with the EU as unbalanced due to the US deficit on goods. Surely our perceptions and viewpoints differ, but we remain committed to our goal, which is to restore predictability, providing businesses, workers and consumers the relief they seek and deserve against unwanted and damaging escalation. In protecting the integrity of our regulatory framework, we have drawn our red lines firmly. Our legislation and regulatory framework remains non-negotiable, and the Commission will continue to protect the EU's regulatory autonomy.

I can assure you, honourable Members, that nothing in our potential joint statements affects the autonomy I was just referring to. At the same time, we continue preparing for any eventuality. Yet our objective and priority remains, as I said, to secure a negotiated solution, reset the relationship with the US on a positive and more predictable path, and move ahead both with the US and our other trading partners.

Therefore, our diversification agenda remains an unchanged priority. We need to conclude the agreements with Mercosur and Mexico, ideally this year, and move ahead with Indonesia, where the finishing line is in sight, as well as with India, United Arab Emirates, the Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia and others around the globe. And last but not least, the Commission is also working to protect the EU from the trade diversion from third countries and risk of surges of imports. The Commission has set up a dedicated import surveillance task force for this purpose. The Commission stands ready, if necessary, to use all the available tools in our Trade Defence Instrument Toolbox in a rapid manner to protect the EU single market, EU producers and EU consumers.

In this whole process, the EU unity remains absolutely crucial and therefore we count on your support to ensure this, and the Commission is fully committed to keeping the European Parliament informed.

Jörgen Warborn, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, Madam Minister, Commissioner Šefčovič, first of all, thank you for your tireless work of trying to find a negotiated solution. We certainly need it because we need to de-escalate the situation with the US.

It is a very, very important market for the European Union. It creates a lot of jobs, both here in Europe, but also, of course, in the US. Approximately 20 % of our market goes to the United States. And that also means that 80 % of our trade goes elsewhere, creating probably even more jobs.

I'd like to speak particularly on the WTO rules and the compatibility with the potential deals on the WTO rules, because the rest of the world – 80 % of the market – relies on the WTO rules. I'm not sure, but I'd like to make sure that the Commission is certified that, if we make a deal with the United States, it doesn't break the any rules in the WTO, because then we might solve one problem, but we create others. I think that is the most important part right now, because the world, when it comes to trade, is not really predictable at the moment. I think that even if we do a deal with the US, it will probably not be predictable for quite some time. Therefore, the world trading system – the multilateral rules-based trading system – is the predictability we have and we, as Europeans, have to defend it.

But I also agree, of course, in the meantime, since there is a lot of unpredictability, we also have to diversify. So ratifying the Mercosur agreement, the Mexico agreement, negotiating India and Indonesia is also important. Once again, thank you to the Commission for your hard work. Let us hope that we can find a negotiated solution for the benefit of businesses and citizens across Europe.

Kathleen Van Brempt, on behalf of the S&D Group. – Mr President, dear Minister, dear Commissioner, we are facing a moment of truth in our trade relations with the US. Yes, we've shown patience and we have engaged, negotiated in good faith, as you mentioned. But here we are: deadline day, no deal, no relief, with Trump now even threatening 50 % tariffs on copper and a staggering 200 % on pharmaceuticals. Colleagues, that is not a relationship. That is abuse.

And Commissioner, I said it before – I admire your calmness and your determination. And yes, we support your work and we hope you find a deal, but not at any cost, because we don't care about the deal with Trump. We do care about our workers, their jobs, their livelihoods, and about our businesses.

So, Commissioner, our group has three messages for you today. One – it's time to set a clear deadline, and with retaliation, if necessary, not only on goods, but also on services.

Two – it's more domestic and not always in your competence, but protect workers and business in Europe. Thousands of jobs are at risk, so now take immediate action to protect them.

And three – don't let Trump play 'divide and conquer', not with Europe, not with the world. And so it's time to team up with countries like Canada, UK, Japan, Australia and establish a real trade coalition of the willing. It is time for Europe to strengthen up, to lead. Please, Commissioner, don't let the bully win. Push back.

Enikő Győri, a PfE képviselőcsoport nevében. – Tisztelt Elnök Úr! Ez a Parlament megint az időzítés bajnoka. Szalad előre, miközben a tárgyalóasztalnál nincs szerepe. Itt többen farkast kiáltanak, amivel tovább ronthatják az Unió amúgy is igen gyenge tárgyalási pozícióját. Igen, ki kell mondani, tisztelt képviselőtársaim, gyengék vagyunk. A Bizottság mindenben gyengítette az EU-t a globális színtéren. Versenyképességben, tárgyalási pozícióban, kapcsolatrendszerben. Több az ellenségünk és a vetélytársunk, mint korábban bármikor. Ráadásul Brüsszel nehezen nyelte le, hogy szabad akaratukból kit választottak elnöknek a tengerentúlon. Súlyos stratégiai hiba volt letenni a voksot a demokrata jelölt mellett. Ennek a hatását máig szenvedjük.

Az USA pedig az erő pozíciójából tárgyal, hát így nem egyszerű a dolgunk. A bizottságtól elvárjuk, hogy védje meg az unió érdekeit, de legyen nyitott az innovatív megoldásokra. Üzletemberrel üzletember módjára kell tárgyalni. Tegye érdekeltté az USA-t a velünk való megállapodásban. A ház baloldala retorziót akar. Biztosak abban, hogy abból rengeteg munkahely fog születni. Az is elgondolkodtató, hogy Trump előbb kötött megállapodást jópár országgal, beleértve Kínát, az örök riválist, mint velünk, a történelmi szövetségessel. Ez is annak a jele, hogy valamit nagyon rosszul csinálunk. A belső házi feladat az új uniós gazdaságpolitika kidolgozása, nem a zöld megállapodás toldozása-foltozása. Csak így leszünk versenyképesek. A külső pedig, hogy a konnektivitás jegyében építsük újra a partnerségeket, és azt nézzük, hogy mi a jó az európai cégeknek.

Az pedig illúzió, hogy Ázsiával, Kína kihagyásával, egy alternatív WTO-t hozzunk létre. Ennek pont annyi haszna lenne, mint az Oroszország elleni szankcióknak. Se az USA-ról, se Kínáról nem mondhatunk le partnerként, egyikük sem pótolható. Álljunk két lábbal a földön. A piac végre kiszámíthatóságot akar. A Bizottság nőjön fel a feladatához.

Rihards Kols, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, dear colleagues, the ECR Group stands for strong transatlantic ties and maximum free trade with our closest ally, the United States.

Yet what do we see? Endless reports from the Commission, but too little real diplomacy. Apart from Commissioner Šefčovič, leadership has been passive. Where are the presidents of the Commission, of the Council or of this House? Some say the doors are closed: well, look for the windows. Words won't resolve the tariff war, presence will. So if you want results, go to Washington and stand firm with and support Šefčovič. Trade tensions are nothing new: we have weathered them before by negotiating hard and standing united when it matters the most.

Our standards and values are not for sale, but that does not shut down the doors for the talks. Our principles must be the starting point for the true zero-tariff zone that makes both sides wealthier and stronger. Anything less costs our workers and businesses dearly. We must stop sending the wrong signals: when talks get tough, turning to China, a systematic rival, is not an option. We stand with our democratic ally across the Atlantic.

Some here hide their push for division and protectionism behind strategic autonomy. In reality, barriers hurt our own workers and businesses first. This extension to 1 August must not be wasted. We need to match words with real political action and secure an agreement that protects Europe's jobs and competitiveness. The alternative is economic self-harm.

Karin Karlsbro, för Renew gruppen. – Herr talman! Kollegor! Med löften om höga tullar mot hela världen, som skulle föra USA in i en ekonomisk guldålder, vann Donald Trump kampen om Vita huset. Nå, hur har det gått? Inte så bra för Trump. Inte nog med att protektionism gör oss alla på båda sidor Atlanten fattigare, sedan januari har presidenten dessutom lyckats rasera USA:s rykte. Det förtroendekapital hos länder och marknader som tagit amerikanska administrationer decennier att jobba upp har på några månader gått upp i rök.

Är USA fortfarande en trovärdig partner? Ja, det är tyvärr frågan vi måste ställa oss här idag. Faktum är att USA fortsätter att vara så viktigt för oss i Europa, men kom ihåg att Europa är lika viktigt för USA. Jag vill därför rikta en uppmaning direkt till dig, kommissionär Šefčovič, och till rådet. Låt oss inte vika ner oss. Låt inte USA diktera villkoren i förhandlingarna om våra handelsrelationer.

Om USA väljer att resa olagliga tullmurar mot oss är vi redo att försvara oss, både oss själva och frihandeln som princip. Vi måste sätta hårt mot hårt när det gäller Trump och samtidigt visa både USA och världen att EU med sina fler än 70 handelsavtal är en trovärdig partner att handla med och förhandla med.

Anna Cavazzini, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, dear colleagues, first of all, I want to start by saying that I find it a little bit funny and contradictory that the far right here is lamenting this tariff war and also the effect on European businesses. But everyone knows that Trump is your best friend, and I think everyone should know that, if you vote for the far right, you get this really shitty economic policy!

But coming back to the debate right now, I think, and I know, it is not easy for the Commission to negotiate with a bully. And I have to say, I'm a little bit shocked that some Member States – including my own – are also now calling for a faster deal. whatever it takes. Sure, Trump's illegal tariffs are a huge burden for businesses. But if we agree on a bad deal now, the suffering will be much longer. If you give in to a blackmailer, he will continue blackmailing you.

I think we need a very strong and united European Union instead. So my questions to the Commission are: Where are your countermeasures for steel and aluminium and for cars? Why are they not yet in place? Why are we not activating the Anti-Coercion Instrument? Because this is coercion. Where are our measures that target the US digital economy, as the tech companies have huge access to Trump?

Dear colleagues, I am convinced we cannot win this fight by playing softball. We need to show Trump that he cannot just kick us around.

Martin Schirdewan, im Namen der Fraktion The Left. – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar! Vor unseren Augen wandeln sich die Vereinigten Staaten unter Donald Trump in eine autoritäre und korrupte Oligarchie. Trump nutzt die Handelspolitik und dort insbesondere Strafzölle zur Durchsetzung der US-amerikanischen Dominanz und der Interessen seiner Oligarchenkumpel. Das ist der pure Handelsimperialismus. Die Kommission hat sich im Trump'schen Handelskrieg bislang leider durch Passivität und Strategielosigkeit ausgezeichnet. Angst wird hier getarnt als strategische Geduld.

Lassen Sie die Schockstarre hinter sich, Herr Kommissar, und fangen Sie endlich an, strategisch zu handeln. Die Mittel dazu halten Sie alle in der Hand. Die Einführung einer europäischen Digitalsteuer, die vor allem Big-Tech-Unternehmen treffen würde, ist längst überfällig. Sie hingegen wiederholen alte Fehler und begeben sich in eine neue Energieabhängigkeit. Diesmal nicht von russischem, sondern von US-Frackinggas. Das ist nicht smart. Smart ist europäische Energieunabhängigkeit – divers und nachhaltig. Es ist verantwortungslos, das Geld europäischer Steuerzahler amerikanischen Rüstungsunternehmen in den Rachen zu werfen.

Wir brauchen eine internationale, regelbasierte Handelsordnung, die auf fairem Handel basiert und nicht auf Freihandelsabkommen, die nur den großen Konzernen dienen. Naivität in Bezug auf die demokratische Vernunft der Trumpregierung gefährdet unsere Arbeitsplätze. Kluge Politik heißt, eine europäische Industriepolitik aus einem Guss zu machen – mit massiven Investitionen in unsere Zukunft, die unsere Standorte und Jobs sichern.

Michał Szczerba (PPE). – Mr President, EU-US relations must stay strong and close despite the serious challenges we face. Mr Commissioner, as a standing rapporteur on the US, I know it's not an easy job, and it's also about managing unpredictability.

The NATO summit in The Hague showed our unity and commitment to collective defence. That was the first step. Now it's time to move forward and fix the trade negotiations. This is the final countdown.

Despite the short-term complication, the US remains our strategic partner in both security and trade. At the same time, the EU must be clear eyed and protect its own interests. I deeply regret the tariffs imposed by the US. They have a negative effect on the global economy. They raise prices, increase costs for businesses and disrupt supply chains.

But we must not forget transatlantic trade is a source of prosperity, stability and well-paying jobs on both sides of the Atlantic. That is why I fully support the Commission's strategy to reach a mutually beneficial agreement. We have to seek negotiated and constructive solutions. We must remain united and determined.

Additionally, the EU must be ready to act accordingly. We need a strong plan for countermeasures, and we must be prepared to take further steps if negotiation fails. All options must remain on the table.

Bernd Lange (S&D). – Herr Präsident, Frau Ministerin, Maroš! Die Zölle sind ungerechtfertigt – die Ministerin hat das noch einmal gesagt –, und deswegen müssen wir auch in aller Klarheit unsere Vorstellungen formulieren.

Und wenn, Maroš, da jetzt ein Deal in der Luft ist, dann müssen die Kriterien klar sein, welche wir auch als Parlament überhaupt akzeptieren können. Ich glaube, es ist klar: Mit einem Deal müssen sofort die Zölle deutlich herunter.

Zweitens: Es ist es völlig klar, dass wir eine Stand-Still-Klausel brauchen, dass nicht übermorgen Herr Trump mit neuen Zöllen oder anderen Maßnahmen um die Ecke kommen kann.

Drittens: Es ist auch völlig klar, dass europäisches Recht nicht gebeugt werden kann, nicht nur nicht geändert werden kann, sondern auch nicht gebeugt werden kann.

Und viertens: Wir brauchen ein internationales System, das gestärkt wird und nicht durch einen Deal geschwächt wird – gerade im Interesse der anderen Länder in der WTO.

Wenn diese vier Kriterien nicht eingehalten werden, dann müssen wir auch Gegenmaßnahmen einsetzen. Denn es ist völlig klar, die Rolling Stones haben es schon gesungen: „You can't always get what you want“.

Séverine Werbrouck (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, pour une Union étouffée par les taxes douanières chinoises et qui se trouve maintenant sous le coup des menaces américaines, le réveil est brutal – après trente ans d'une naïveté béate en matière commerciale, laquelle a rendu les États otages de votre dogme du libre-échange illimité.

Je prends un exemple: la filière du cognac. C'est un fleuron de l'excellence française, avec 80 000 emplois locaux et 3 milliards d'euros d'exportations – dont près de la moitié vers les États-Unis. Vous le savez – et M. Trump le sait aussi –, les spiritueux, et plus généralement les produits viticoles français, ont été ces dernières années l'objet des menaces de rétorsion américaines.

Je vous le dis, pour les négociations à venir: cette filière ne doit en aucun cas être la variable d'ajustement qui permette de sauver les exportations de l'industrie allemande. Quels engagements, quelles garanties pouvez-vous nous donner pour que cette filière d'exception – et, plus généralement, l'agriculture et l'économie françaises – ne soit pas votre monnaie d'échange dans ce bras de fer qui s'annonce très rude?

Monsieur le Commissaire, êtes-vous conscient que, si ces négociations étaient malmenées, l'agriculture et l'économie françaises en seraient les premières victimes? À chaque renoncement, à chaque fois que vous vous couchez dans les négociations, vous étranglez un peu plus la filière du cognac, qui est en première ligne de la guerre commerciale qui a déjà démarré, et dans laquelle l'Europe, malheureusement, reste terriblement passive.

Svenja Hahn (Renew). – Herr Präsident! Wir brauchen jetzt pragmatische Lösungen mit den USA und ein Rahmenabkommen, das den Fahrplan für weitere Verhandlungen öffnet. Dabei gilt: Kein Deal um jeden Preis! Wir müssen bereit sein, jederzeit Gegenzölle zu erlassen. Uns muss klar sein: Donald Trump setzt hemmungslos auf das Recht des Stärkeren. Er will Wildwest-Handelspolitik. Aber genauso gefährlich sind diejenigen, die aus Prinzip dagegen sind. Wir haben es doch gerade wieder gehört: Die Linken, die TTIP sabotiert haben und sich heute noch dafür feiern, als wäre weniger Handel mit den USA ein Sieg. Es war ein Geschenk an China. Aber genau das wollen sie doch. Abschottung statt Freiheit, Kommunismus statt Kapitalismus, obwohl es Kapitalismus war, der uns so stark gemacht hat. Wer Handelsabkommen verhindert, sorgt für teurere Produkte, weniger Jobs, weniger Wohlstand und mehr Einfluss für Autokraten. Europa muss wieder Gestalter sein, nicht Getriebener. Wer freien Handel blockiert, stärkt die Falschen – Trump, Xi und Populisten von links und rechts. Wir brauchen jetzt mehr Handel mit mehr Partnern für Freiheit, Wohlstand und ein starkes Europa.

Virginijus Sinkevičius (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, it is clear it's not just about the tariffs – it's about what kind of Europe we want to be.

Right now, President Trump is simply trying to bully Europe. He says, 'Take this deal or pay the price'. And if we don't agree, of course, our exports could face huge tariffs. Up to now, it sounds like 200 % on pharmaceuticals, and that of course means jobs at risk, economic slowdown.

But this is much bigger than just trade. When one leader uses threats and deadlines, it's not about partnership – it's pressure. Trump's approach is clear: tariffs first, negotiations second. And that's not how we build a future for Europe.

We cannot give in. We cannot trade away our values for a quick fix where we don't know if there is even a standstill clause on that. We need a deal that helps people and protects Europe's future. And that means clean industry and not dirty shortcuts, fair supply chains with strong rights for workers everywhere, and digital rules that protect freedom and privacy.

The message to Washington is simple: we seek cooperation and not capitulation. And Europe must show that it can be strong and fair at the same time. So let us show the world what we stand for, that we stand united as one Europe.

Lynn Boylan (The Left). – A Uachtaráin, the EU must not take reactionary measures to what is an extremely volatile presidency that's hell-bent on enriching the billionaires around him. So standing firm is just as important as any countermeasures. The EU needs to hold its nerve. Trump and the US cannot be allowed to dictate laws to the rest of the world.

His latest announcements on pharmaceuticals are deeply concerning for workers in Ireland, and they will only hurt families and workers. It is important not to bow to bullies, and I would call on Ireland to resist the pressure and the baseless accusations that are being levelled at it from the US Administration for upholding international law and enacting the Occupied Territories Bill to ban trade with illegal Israeli settlements.

The tariff war should instead be used to reset trade politics that delivers for people, communities, and social and environmental progress. And it also hasn't gone unnoticed that the Commission is trying to exploit the crisis to plough ahead with deals that have widespread public opposition – deals like Mercosur or those that contain corporate courts, like CETA, and have been found to be unconstitutional in Ireland.

Luis-Vicențiu Lazarus (NI). – Domnule președinte, stimați colegi, poate că avem o problemă greșită de abordare și poate că, știu eu, Comisia Europeană confundă negocierile cu Statele Unite și cu președintele Trump cu negocierile pe care le are de obicei cu vreo țară din Uniunea Europeană.

Și la ce mă refer? Președintele Trump a venit la conducerea Statelor Unite și a găsit Statele Unite cu o datorie de 37 de mii de miliarde și nu s-a gândit o secundă să pună biruri noi pe populația americană, în timp ce, de pildă, în România, țara de unde provin eu, deși președintele care a preluat conducerea României a promis că nu mărește, de pildă, TVA-ul, acum exact asta face.

Deci trebuie să fim puțin atenți la nuanțe. Dacă își imaginează Comisia Europeană că a negocia cu Trump și a spune despre represalii și despre pachete de contramăsuri o să-l facă pe Trump să fie mai maleabil, se înșeală amarnic. Nu acesta este tiparul de negociere. Conveniți asupra unor aspecte importante și încercați să ajungeți la un acord comun. Altfel, îmi pare rău.

Željana Zovko (PPE). – Mr President, dear Commissioner, we are here to talk about EU-US trade. The negotiations with the US are taking shape and the positive framework agreement by the deadline set by our transatlantic partners is expected from you, dear Commissioner.

Although we are diversifying our trade with our like-minded partners, we must not forget that the deal with the US would bring certainty for our businesses, which are losing employment and trade opportunities every day while caught in this vacuum. We were reproached by the US that while they were providing us security, we engaged in business.

Today's geopolitical uncertainty led us to commit difficult decisions and invest in our own security and strengthening the EU pillar of NATO. Of course, we must extend our hand to all democracies around the world, seeking closer ties with our single market and aiming to diversify and standing as an alternative to autocratic regimes that do not offer the same level playing field in trade as we do.

We support you, dear Commissioner, in your negotiations, and your efforts in preventing trade diplomacy to avoid any further tensions between us, because 60 million jobs on both sides of the Atlantic cannot afford to suffer any longer.

I will also await full conclusion and the approval process of this agreement of our Parliament. Let us make this deal be an outcome and the foundation, not only of beautiful trade, but also a long, beautiful friendship. We deeply need this in this geopolitical uncertainty.

Brando Benifei (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, i dazi illegali statunitensi, fuori da ogni regola dell'Organizzazione mondiale del commercio, stanno colpendo già il 70 % delle merci europee.

L'Unione sta negoziando in buona fede, anche grazie al Suo lavoro, Commissario Šefčovič, proprio come si fa tra alleati, ma oggi l'Europa viene trattata sempre più come un avversario, non come un partner. Questo non è accettabile, deve cambiare.

Nel momento in cui un accordo quadro, una prima tappa verrà concordata, questi dazi dovranno essere in larga parte rivisti, altrimenti l'Unione europea dovrà adottare subito contromisure serie sui beni, ma anche sui servizi.

Alcune contromisure sono già pronte e vanno attivate, altre andranno preparate, per disincentivare ulteriore volatilità e caos, inevitabili, se rimanessimo inermi.

Non possiamo più muoverci da un ultimatum all'altro: mettiamo noi delle scadenze chiare, a questo punto, per arrivare a un accordo definitivo che sia mutualmente vantaggioso.

L'unità dell'Europa è messa alla prova e noi dobbiamo rispondere da europei: con fermezza, con coerenza e con coraggio, dimostrando che alle parole seguono i fatti.

Jorge Martín Frías (PfE). – Señor presidente, la Comisión ha desperdiciado un tiempo precioso para alcanzar un acuerdo beneficioso para Europa, pero no solo eso: ha entorpecido activamente las negociaciones. En primer lugar, se malgastaron meses en una dramatización innecesaria promovida por la propia Comisión, movida más por prejuicios ideológicos y por la histeria anti-Trump que por el interés general. Se dedicó tiempo a alarmar a los europeos sobre unas tarifas negativas para todos, mientras se mantienen intactos los auténticos aranceles que empobrecen a los contribuyentes europeos, como el Pacto Verde, la Agenda 2030 y otras tantas imposiciones burocráticas.

En segundo lugar, no es inteligente insultar a alguien con quien se quiere alcanzar un acuerdo. En este sentido, es oportuno recordar las palabras de un vicepresidente de este Parlamento, del Partido Popular español, que se refirió al presidente Trump como el „ogro naranja“ y el „macho alfa de una manada“, o las recientes declaraciones de la presidenta de la Comisión IMCO, que se ha referido como „matón“ al presidente de una nación democrática. ¿De verdad creen que así se construye una relación sólida con nuestro principal socio estratégico?

Tampoco ayuda que el Parlamento, fruto de la coalición de populares y socialistas, se negara a condenar el intento de asesinato contra un candidato presidencial que hoy está ahí elegido democráticamente con una mayoría que muchos mandatarios europeos desearían para sí mismos.

¿Qué es lo que hay que hacer entonces? Negociar, negociar y negociar, y dejar atrás de una vez por todas el antitrumpismo visceral que ha contaminado la política exterior. Porque nadie quiere esos aranceles, pero, si finalmente llegan, serán ustedes quienes deban responder ante los europeos.

Dick Erixon (ECR). – Herr talman! Vi måste höja blicken och se sammanhanget som vi befinner oss i. Historikern Niall Ferguson talar om ett kalla kriget 2.0, alltså en stor global motsättning, framför allt mellan USA och Kina. Det handlar då om teknologi, om naturresurser och om territorier. I detta är också då handeln och tullarna ett bråk, som uppstått i detta. Vi är mer en åskådare när det gäller den delen, och jag tycker att vår uppgift är att se till att vi får så låga tullar som möjligt och åt båda hållen.

Europa har ju haft högre tullar mot USA på vissa områden än vad USA har haft mot Europa, så vi ska inte vara så överlägsna i att vi skulle vara för frihandel mer än USA. Det gäller att hitta den gemensamma nämnaren och välja om vi står på västvärldens sida eller om vi står på Kinas sida.

Dan Barna (Renew). – Mr President, as we face challenging trade talks with our American partners, we must not forget the vital importance of our transatlantic bond. For over 70 years, the partnership between Europe and the United States has been the foundation for global prosperity and security.

This is about more than just tariffs. It's about our shared democratic values and our joint responsibility to tackle global challenges, from climate change to cybersecurity.

Choosing protectionism now would be a huge error, undoing decades of shared progress. We must work towards a fair-trade relationship that strengthens both sides, guided by a spirit of cooperation.

Let's be inspired by President John F. Kennedy, who said, 'We must seek a world where peace is not a mere interlude between wars, but an incentive to the creative energies of humanity.' In that spirit, let's use our energy to build a stronger, safer future for both the European Union and the United States.

Sergey Lagodinsky (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, dear colleagues, let's be honest: this isn't just a trade dispute anymore. It's pressure. It's coercion. It's dealmaking of the worst sort. It's an attempt to put a price on what we are.

It's time to say it out loud, and it pains me to say this as someone who's been a committed transatlanticist all his life, the EU is not for sale. We are not for sale. Our values, our rules, our integrity are not for sale – not our digital regulation, not our standards.

Trump's approach is a challenge, no doubt, and the Commissioner knows it firsthand. But it's also an opening – an opening for Europe to lead and to be clear, not by escalating, but by standing firm and by considering countermeasures, by implementing countermeasures, by being firm on rules, on trust, on democratic principles.

Now it's time to build alliances: new alliances with US states, with cities, with civil societies, with people who walk on the street against Trump and with global partners as an alternative to the US.

Marina Mesure (The Left). – Monsieur le Président, l'ultimatum de Donald Trump devait arriver à échéance aujourd'hui. Nous avons gagné un léger sursis, mais les termes du chantage n'ont pas changé. Si nous ne cédons pas à ses demandes sur le numérique, la fiscalité et le commerce, il étouffera notre économie. Il nous menace car il sait qu'il peut le faire, puisqu'il y a une certaine servilité de nos dirigeants européens depuis des décennies envers le prétendu allié américain, une servilité qui nous conduit à une dépendance extrême à leur marché et à leurs produits. Cette dépendance tue dans l'œuf toute velléité de faire émerger des acteurs nationaux ou régionaux, essentiels à notre souveraineté. Nous sommes vulnérables, comme beaucoup d'autres pays qui ont vu leur économie déstabilisée par des sanctions américaines et par des changements de leur politique douanière. Trump ne négocie pas, il asservit; et nous ne sommes pas ses partenaires, mais ses vassaux.

Alors, dans ce contexte, il est temps pour nous de faire un choix crucial: celui d'un véritable protectionnisme solidaire, capable de réduire notre dépendance. Commençons par un „Buy European Act“ pour ne plus avoir besoin du marché américain pour créer des emplois. Taxons la rente sur la propriété intellectuelle: nous en avons les moyens, il ne manque que la volonté politique d'y parvenir. Il est donc temps de faire le choix d'être insoumis à Washington!

Kateřina Konečná (NI). – Pane předsedající, pane komisaři, dle dosavadních zpráv se zdá, že obchodní dohoda se Spojenými státy není na obzoru, i když si zrovna americký prezident pochvaloval, jak hezky se k němu Ursula von der Leyenová a lidé z Komise chovají. Pro mne není překvapením, že se Komise chová hezky k americkému prezidentovi. Pro mě je hlavní, aby se Evropská komise začala chovat hezky k evropským občanům. Přijmout desetiprocentní cla na všechny výrobky je pětiprocentní navýšení průměrných cel a náš průmysl i občané na to prostě doplatí. Chápu, že ne ve všem můžeme změnit názor americké administrativy a že dohoda, kterou budeme muset přijmout, nebude ideálním řešením, ale za vybírání obchodních partnerů zodpovědní jsme. Snažme se tedy o co nejlepší dohodu se Spojenými státy, ale zároveň hledejme partnery jinde po světě bez keců a vměšování se do jejich vnitřních záležitostí. Je totiž lepší mít několik skutečných partnerů než jednoho páníčka, pro kterého jsme fackovacím panákem a ke kterému se musíme chovat hezky.

Daniel Caspary (PPE). – Herr Präsident! Ich bin stolz darauf, wie die Europäische Kommission in den vergangenen Wochen mit diesem massiven Druck aus den Vereinigten Staaten umgegangen ist. Nämlich besonnen, ohne schnell zu reagieren, ohne in Aktionismus zu verfallen, ohne irgendwelche Gegenmaßnahmen zu ergreifen, die den Streit einfach weiter anheizen. Sondern die Kommission hat bisher die Angriffe ins Leere laufen lassen, und sie ist in Verhandlungen – und das ist gut so! Was mich aber schockiert, ist, wie die Vereinigten Staaten das doch maßgeblich von ihnen aufgebaute globale System gerade massiv zerstören. Es sind schon etliche Kollegen darauf eingegangen. Das heißt, die erste Aufgabe ist doch, dass wir bitte versuchen, Herr Kommissar, dass wir unsere Handelsabkommen mit anderen Ländern – mit Indien, mit Indonesien, mit dem Mercosur – endlich abschließen. Dass wir zeigen, wir haben ein Interesse daran, dass der Rest der Welt stabil bleibt. Dass wir eben nicht zulassen, dass sich Wild West à la Amerika durchsetzt, sondern dass wir der neue Stabilitätsanker in der globalen Handelswelt werden.

Und zum Zweiten: Ich wünsche mir, dass wir einfach stabil bleiben. Ich bin der festen Überzeugung, wenn wir uns eben nicht unter Wert verkaufen – und ich kann da nicht nachvollziehen, was einige Kollegen hier gesagt haben –, sondern wenn wir standfest bleiben: Wir sind doch wirtschaftlich mindestens genauso groß wie die Vereinigten Staaten. Mit der gerade beschriebenen Plattform sind wir gemeinsam mit den Partnern deutlich größer. Wenn wir also etwas Mut haben, nicht sofort nachgeben, dann werden wir in den nächsten Tagen eine gute Vereinbarung bekommen. Das muss unser Interesse sein, gemeinsam zusammenzustehen, sich nicht auseinandertreiben zu lassen. Dann werden wir am Ende diejenigen sein, die das freundliche Lächeln eines Siegers im Gesicht tragen.

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ zu antworten.)

Lukas Sieper (NI), blue-card question. – Thank you, Mr President. In accordance with the last sentence of Rule 178(10), I would also like to be able to react to the reply that the colleague gives me.

Vielen Dank, Herr Kollege, dass Sie die blaue Karte akzeptiert haben. Ich kann Ihnen in dem Bedürfnis nach Standfestigkeit nur zustimmen. Sie haben einen Punkt angesprochen – ich auch: Ebenfalls unterstützt war, dass wir jetzt unsere Handelsabkommen mit dem Rest der Welt verstärken.

Ich frage mich doch, und das ist meine Frage an Sie: Wie können wir denn sicherstellen, dass die anderen Staaten, die anderen Handelsblöcke auf der Welt, diese Situation, dass wir jetzt dringend neue Partner brauchen, weil die USA eben für uns unzuverlässig sind, nicht das ausnutzen und das in den Verhandlungen gegen uns verwenden? Was können wir da tun?

Daniel Caspary (PPE), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Sehr geehrter Herr Kollege Sieper, herzlichen Dank für Ihre Frage. Wir sehen ja, wenn wir uns an das Bild im Rosengarten erinnern, wo der amerikanische Präsident diese Riesentafel mit den ganzen Zöllen gezeigt hat, dass eben nicht nur wir betroffen sind, sondern er im Prinzip alle auf der Welt angreift und alles infrage stellt. Und deswegen erlebe ich in Gesprächen mit Vertretern anderer Staaten eine große Bereitschaft, gemeinsam mit uns voranzugehen, wenn wir eben standhaft bleiben.

Und das zweite ist doch dann, wir müssen dann doch aber die Sachen auch durchziehen. Und ich sage ganz offen: Wenn vorhin z. B. die Frau Kollegin Werbrouck darauf eingeht, auf die Auswirkungen auf Frankreich, ja, warum sagt sie denn nicht, dass z. B. die französische Landwirtschaft einen massiven Exportüberschuss hat? Also dass z. B. die französischen Landwirte, überhaupt die französische Wirtschaft, ohne die Exporte ganz andere und viel größere Probleme hätte?

Und deshalb ist es doch so wichtig, dass wir hier standhaft bleiben, uns nicht auseinanderdividieren lassen, nicht den nationalen Alleingang gehen, sondern der Europäischen Kommission vertrauen und wirklich Mut haben in dieser schwierigen Zeit und uns nicht selbst kleinmachen.

Lukas Sieper (NI), Reaktion nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Ich denke, Sie haben einen guten Punkt angesprochen mit der Tabelle. In der Tat sind wir nicht alleine davon betroffen. Wir müssen uns natürlich trotzdem die Frage stellen, inwieweit trifft das uns hart und inwieweit trifft das die anderen Staaten und Blöcke hart? Die absoluten Zahlen mögen unterschiedlich oder gleich sein. Der Effekt kann ja ein anderer sein. Ich denke, die Lösung besteht darin, dass wir in der EU uns wirklich an die Spitze eines neuen internationalen Handelsrechts stellen, dass wir versuchen, den Platz, den vorher die USA im internationalen Handelsgefüge hatten, einzunehmen und damit eben zur Nummer eins im Welthandel werden.

Alex Agius Saliba (S&D). – Viċi President tal-Kummissjoni, ma ngħirx għalik u għal dawk illi bħalissa qed imexxu n-negozjati mal-amministrazzjoni Amerikana. Huwa impossibbli li taħdem ma' persuna erratika u inaffidabbli bħal President Trump. Illum iħabbar it-tariffi u l-għada jipposponihom biex imbagħad l-għada jerġa' jibda jhedded bihom ukoll. Ir-relazzjonijiet kummerċjali definittivament ma jaħdmux hekk. Fl-aħħar mill-aħħar huma ċ-ċittadini tagħna li ser ikollhom iġorru l-piż permezz ta' żieda fil-prezzijiet li l-konsumaturi jkollhom iħallsu. Hemm żbilanċ. Hemm żbilanċ fil-kummerċ mal-Amerika, mhux biss fejn jidħlu prodotti imma anke fejn jidħlu s-servizzi u l-Ewropa sal-lum il-ġurnata għadha wisq dipendenti fuq Big Tech Amerikana. L-aħħar ħaġa li nixtiequ hija li ndgħajfu r-regolamenti diġitali tagħna, bħall-Att dwar is-Swieq Diġitali sabiex nogħġbu lill-Amerikani. M'għandniex nibqgħu naqgħu f'din in-nasba. Jekk iridu jagħmlu n-negozju fis-suq tagħna, suq ta' ħames mitt miljun konsumatur, iridu joqogħdu għar-regoli tagħna. Il-mixja tagħna lejn it- trasformazzjoni diġitali msejsa fuq il-valuri mhux għodda ta' skambju f'dawn in-negozjati. Jekk Apple, Google, Meta u X ma jirrispettawx il-liġi, għandhom jiġu mmultati. Nistennew li l-Kummissjoni ma żżommx lura milli tinforza r-regoli diġitali tagħna.

Gilles Pennelle (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, le logiciel de la Commission européenne est has been, ringard, dépassé. Accrochée au dogme du libre-échange et de l'ouverture des frontières, l'Union européenne ne voit pas que le monde a changé. Les grandes puissances, comme la Chine et les États-Unis, ont mis fin à la mondialisation libérale et protègent leur économie. Pendant ce temps-là, la Commission négocie des traités de libre-échange avec l'Ukraine et le Mercosur, qui vont tuer notre agriculture. Tout cela s'ajoutant bien évidemment aux traités de libre-échange avec le Maroc, la Nouvelle-Zélande, l'Afrique du Sud…

Vendre des voitures allemandes semble être le seul objectif de l'Union européenne, qui a sacrifié les vins et spiritueux français. Mme von der Leyen est disqualifiée pour mener le bras de fer avec les États-Unis et protéger notre économie. Il faut écrire une nouvelle page de l'histoire européenne, sans Mme von der Leyen.

Adrian-George Axinia (ECR). – Domnule președinte, salut intenția Comisiei Europene de a ajunge la un acord cât mai rapid cu Statele Unite ale Americii privind tarifele comerciale, în ciuda amânării deadline-ului pentru august. Predictibilitatea este bună și pentru piețele financiare, dar și pentru companiile europene.

Realitatea este că s-a ieșit dintr-o logică de alianță și s-a intrat într-una tranzacțională, pentru că Europa are o fiscalitate opresivă prin comparație cu America. Apropo de fiscalitate, guvernanții din România susțin că actuala Comisie Europeană este cea care le-a cerut creșterea TVA de la 19 la 21% pentru corectarea deficitului bugetar. Asta e tendința în mai multe locuri din Europa, în timp ce America are cel mai mare pachet de tăieri de taxe și impozite din istoria sa.

La situația aceasta nefericită contribuie și reglementări care au caracter mai degrabă ideologic, progresist, decât să fie elemente de utilitate publică.

Nu în ultimul rând, există sentimentul că acele concesii de la tariful standard de 10% negociat cu administrația Trump se fac aproape exclusiv în interesul Germaniei, acordându-se prioritate oțelului și automobilelor. Asta va reduce coeziunea europeană și va genera frustrări în blocul comunitar.

João Cotrim De Figueiredo (Renew). – Mr President, Madam Minister, Mr Commissioner, the present EU-US trade environment is so bizarre that today, 9 July, the only source of relief is that we did not receive a letter. But it is only a temporary source of relief. In three weeks we will be anxious again, waiting to receive another letter or perhaps reach a personal agreement, or perhaps a late night post telling us which tariffs will apply.

This would be laughable if it were not so serious. We are the largest commercial partnership in the world. We represent some 30 % of global trade and 43 % of global GDP, and we depend on whether the letters arrive or not and on the whims of an unpredictable administration.

In the meantime, the existing tariffs, the 10 % baseline, the 50 % on steel and 25 % on cars are strangling our growth. And the same is true for the relentless appreciation of the euro. 14 % since the beginning of the year, equivalent to another hidden tariff.

Now we have a political agreement, we need to move to sectorial agreements. Speed is important, but we will not be able to close all files by 1 August. So let's be smart and not start with those like aircraft parts and medical equipment in which the EU has some leverage. In time, a deal is possible as well as urgent. Also, urgent is closing other free trade deals around the world and making them come into force much faster. The benefits of free trade for our citizens cannot, so to speak, be lost in translation.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question)

Bruno Gonçalves (S&D), Pergunta segundo o procedimento „cartão azul“. – Senhor Deputado Cotrim de Figueiredo, creio que concordamos nos pontos essenciais: que a União Europeia deve negociar com os Estados Unidos, que a nossa relação deve ser positiva, mas que esta relação não pode ser obtida a qualquer custo.

E é por isso que, permita-me, gostava de o questionar sobre a sua posição sobre a tributação das grandes tecnológicas que hoje operam na União Europeia.

Sabemos que estas corporações pagam taxas e impostos muito inferiores às nossas pequenas e médias empresas, impostos esses que são essenciais para financiar mais despesa, como defendemos, em segurança e evitando impostos sobre os cidadãos.

Senhor Deputado, os liberais estão do lado da bomba orçamental de Trump ou do lado dos consumidores europeus?

João Cotrim De Figueiredo (Renew), Resposta segundo o procedimento „cartão azul“. – Senhor Deputado, não há uma relação direta entre as tarifas de Trump e o regime de tributação internacional.

O que eu sei é que muitas dessas taxas efetivas baixas de IRC que o senhor deputado refere não são ilegais, são de utilização do atual regime fiscal, que existe um pouco por toda a Europa.

O senhor deputado está a perguntar é se deve existir uma forma de, sendo difícil determinar a matéria coletável por Estado-Membro, ou se há uma forma de detetar e de coletar IRC a nível da União Europeia. E se essa é a pergunta, a nossa resposta, e de qualquer liberal, é assim: as responsabilidades fiscais são para cumprir como quaisquer outras.

Catarina Vieira (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, dear Commissioner, today the Commissioner came to us to say that the trade war seemed to be turning into some sort of trade truce, even though we don't know that much yet in detail about the content. In any case, I'm very happy to hear that, for you, our legislation remains a non-negotiable point.

It can't have been easy to negotiate with the Trump administration. The amount of U-turns on deadlines and tariff rate is unprecedented. With that unstable background and knowing that nothing binds Trump to a final deal, we must always proceed with caution.

While the EU might be able to strike a deal, this is unlikely to be the case for most of the world. For many, the absurdly high tariffs are still on the table, and this poses a huge challenge for developing nations. The compound impact of high tariffs and the cuts in development assistance risks all the progress that has been made on the poorest economies and, by consequence, on the Sustainable Development Goals.

Our multilateral system is failing and those who are most vulnerable risk paying the highest price.

Pasquale Tridico (The Left). – Signor Presidente, signor Commissario Šefčovič, onorevoli colleghi, mentre noi qui discutiamo e mentre l'Europa continua a negoziare come se fossimo ancora nel mondo del libero scambio, gli Stati Uniti hanno già incassato oltre 100 miliardi di dollari di dazi, praticando un protezionismo selettivo che premia i loro interessi e punisce la nostra economia.

Perché le nostre aziende, Commissario, vengono colpite da misure unilaterali, mentre le multinazionali americane ancora continuano a vendere in Europa, approfittando dei vantaggi del nostro grande mercato unico e non pagano le tasse in modo equo?

Questa non è solo una questione commerciale, è una questione di giustizia sociale, di sovranità economica e di dignità. Basta con l'asimmetria, basta con la dipendenza economica. Il nostro welfare è a rischio, se permettiamo che chi fa profitti qui non restituisca nulla alla collettività.

Chiediamo contromisure simmetriche e dazi mirati e selettivi. Se non lo facciamo, rischiamo di minare il mercato unico. Chiediamo l'introduzione di una tassa digitale, signor Šefčovič, chiediamo la tassa sui servizi digitali.

Questo è il momento: o difendiamo l'Europa adesso o condanneremo all'irrilevanza economica e politica la nostra economia.

Branislav Ondruš (NI). – Vážený pán predsedajúci, Trumpovu obchodnú vojnu podporujú bežní Američania, pretože medzinárodný obchod neprináša spravodlivé zisky pracujúcim ľuďom a ich rodinám. Ani u nás v Európe. Preto popri vyjednávaniach musíme začať systematicky podporovať výrobu i spotrebu u nás doma. Ak EÚ predstavuje najbohatší trh na svete, musia z toho profitovať naši producenti a naši pracujúci a ich rodiny, naši seniori a zdravotne znevýhodnení. Musíme podporiť kupovanie našich výrobkov a služieb propagáciou, výchovou zákazníkov či pravidlami verejného obstarávania.

Ale každé jedno takto minuté euro musí byť povinne spojené so sociálnymi a environmentálnymi požiadavkami. Nesmieme prispievať k väčším korporátnym ziskom, ale k lepším pracovným podmienkam, k vyšším platom pracujúcich, k väčším daňovým príjmom od bohatých firiem a k účinnejšej ochrane nášho životného prostredia. Stačí, aby tento Parlament a vlády členských krajín zmenili pravidlá tak, aby ekonomika prinášala úžitok ľuďom, a nielen korporáciám. Dá sa to, ale treba aj konať. Nielen o tom rozprávať.

Juan Ignacio Zoido Álvarez (PPE). – Señor presidente, señor comisario, nos quedan tres semanas para alcanzar un acuerdo arancelario con Estados Unidos, pero no debemos aceptar una negociación de sálvese quien pueda en la que tratemos de salvar algunos sectores mientras otros resultan castigados injustamente, y menos cuando se trata de sectores sensibles como el agrícola, especialmente con productos, como el aceite de oliva o el vino, tan dependientes del mercado estadounidense.

Debo confesar que me preocupan en gran medida los productos españoles, productos que están en el punto de mira desde que el señor Trump discutió con Pedro Sánchez —o tuvieron puntos de vista distintos— y desde que este se negó a contribuir económicamente a la OTAN como el resto de los socios. Espero sinceramente que los productores españoles no acaben pagando la falta de solidaridad del señor Sánchez.

Pero, más allá del umbral arancelario concreto, necesitamos poner fin a esta incertidumbre que ya está perjudicando a exportadores e importadores y que está poniendo en pausa tanto futuras inversiones como nuevas contrataciones. Tenemos que garantizar que el acuerdo sea sólido y duradero en el tiempo, de modo que no se vuelvan a exigir nuevas concesiones desde la Casa Blanca ni a amenazar con nuevos aranceles en cuestión de meses.

Necesitamos, por tanto, una solución definitiva, necesitamos recuperar la estabilidad para los productores de ambos lados del Atlántico, pero, sobre todo, necesitamos recuperar la confianza en el comercio como fuente de prosperidad compartida.

Javier Moreno Sánchez (S&D). – Señor presidente, señora ministra, señor comisario, tiene que seguir negociando con firmeza hasta el final. Somos el mayor bloque comercial y el mayor mercado interior del mundo.

Con los Estados Unidos compartimos valores y una larga trayectoria de cooperación, pero cooperación no significa sumisión. Por eso, debemos tener preparadas contramedidas firmes y creíbles. Si fracasan las negociaciones, también tenemos que proteger a los ciudadanos y a los sectores afectados, como ya ha previsto el Gobierno de Pedro Sánchez.

Los Estados Unidos tienen que respetar la soberanía de la regulación europea, la más avanzada en los ámbitos sociales, medioambientales, digitales y sanitarios.

Por otra parte, seguimos defendiendo el multilateralismo y la legalidad internacional frente a la ley del más fuerte. El acuerdo que alcancemos con los Estados Unidos tiene que ser compatible con las normas de la OMC, que también ha sido creada para defender a los países más vulnerables.

Por último, los Estados Unidos son un socio comercial y estratégico, pero no es el único. Tenemos que desarrollar nuestra red comercial con otros socios fiables, como pueden ser Canadá, Mercosur, la India, México, Japón o el Reino Unido.

Y solo para darle ánimos, porque tiene una tarea muy complicada: estamos con usted, y adelante, porque vamos a sacar este acuerdo.

Silvia Sardone (PfE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, siamo qui a discutere dei dazi degli Stati Uniti ai prodotti europei, ma la realtà è una sola e cioè che i veri dazi che fanno paura alle imprese sono quelli imposti proprio dall'Europa.

E non lo dice la destra antieuropea, lo dice uno come Mario Draghi, che qualche mese fa parlò dell'incapacità di lunga data dell'Unione europea di affrontare i suoi elevati ostacoli normativi, molto più dannosi – dice – per la crescita di qualsiasi dazio che gli Stati Uniti potrebbero imporre.

Secondo il Fondo monetario internazionale, le barriere interne dell'Europa equivalgono a una tariffa del 45 % per la produzione e del 110 % per i servizi.

Quindi – tra l'altro, in attesa di un possibile accordo con gli Stati Uniti, non posso non citare l'atteggiamento arrogante portato avanti nelle trattative – in generale l'Europa soffre di una crescita debole da decenni. Invece di aiutare le aziende, l'Europa che cosa ha fatto in questi anni? Negli ultimi cinque anni ha prodotto un numero impressionante di norme. Vi do i numeri: oltre 13 000. Volete sapere quante ne hanno prodotte negli ultimi anni gli Stati Uniti? 3 500.

Basta con questa burocrazia opprimente: il vero danno siete solo voi.

Jacek Ozdoba (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Make America great again, make Europe great again – to słowa, które są istotne, bo jeżeli Europa chce być dzisiaj konkurencyjna, chce rozmawiać na temat handlu, musi wrócić do korzeni, musi odrzucić czy wyrzucić do kosza te wszystkie ideologiczne pomysły, które są na tej sali. Setki godzin dyskusji na tematy, które nie mają później żadnego odzwierciedlenia w dobrych rozwiązaniach dla gospodarki.

Drill, baby, drill – tak mówi prezydent Stanów Zjednoczonych. A co mówi Europa? Zamykajmy przemysł, blokujmy rozwój przedsiębiorstw, dorzucajmy jeszcze dodatkowe podatki, wymyślajmy jakieś ideologiczne aspekty, zakazy rejestracji samochodów spalinowych, a Ameryka odżywa i zaczyna funkcjonować w sposób normalny.

Więc jeżeli dzisiaj Europa chce być konkurencyjna i chce mieć dobrą wymianę handlową ze Stanami Zjednoczonymi, to przede wszystkim w czwartek odwołajcie Ursulę von der Leyen, bo ona dzisiaj ma twarz porażki również w relacjach ze Stanami Zjednoczonymi, bo dzisiaj Europa, europejska gospodarka ponosi konsekwencje tej błędnej polityki.

Sophie Wilmès (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, on a l'impression que ça fait six ans, mais en fait ça fait seulement six mois que le président Trump est de retour, et avec lui sa stratégie du chaos. Alors oui, face à l'incertitude, nous avons besoin d'un accord rapidement avec les États-Unis, un accord juste, équilibré, sans que l'on doive sacrifier nos secteurs d'excellence – tel le secteur pharmaceutique, encore menacé par le président il y a quelques heures –, nos normes sanitaires ou nos valeurs fondamentales – n'en déplaise à certains géants de la tech.

J'ai confiance dans le fait que ce Parlement ait été assez clair sur ses lignes rouges pour avoir été entendu par la Commission. J'ajouterai toutefois deux choses: premièrement, le président Trump nous a habitués en six mois à des revirements spectaculaires au gré de ses humeurs. Donc, si accord il y a, nous attendons de la Commission qu'elle reste alerte et prête à réagir, voire à riposter, si nécessaire, dans des temps futurs. Deuxièmement, si nous voulons être plus forts, plus résilients, nous devons aussi faire le job ici, car ce n'est pas l'élection du président des États-Unis qui nous empêche, par exemple, de concrétiser le rapport Draghi, d'approfondir le marché unique. Nous attendons ces réformes rapidement, beaucoup plus rapidement.

Lukas Sieper (NI). – Herr Präsident, liebe Menschen Europas! Mit Anfang 20 eröffneten ein Freund und ich ein Steakhouse. Die Geschäfte liefen gut bis zu einem Eigentümerwechsel unseres Lieferanten für T-Bone-Steaks und Whisky. Plötzlich forderte dieser Lieferant Neuverhandlungen laufender Verträge, drohte uns mit Lieferstopps und Preiserhöhungen und zeitgleich erfuhren wir, dass der neue Eigentümer mehrfach Geschäftspartner betrogen hatte, frühere Unternehmen regelmäßig insolvent gegangen waren, er Mitarbeiter diskriminierte und regelmäßig beleidigend wurde.

Ich war erschüttert, doch mein Partner bestand darauf, in gutem Glauben zu verhandeln. Die Gespräche zogen sich hin, der Ton wurde rauer und irgendwann wurden auch wir bedroht und beleidigt. Und was war das Ergebnis dieser Gespräche? Diese Geschichte ist natürlich fiktiv. Doch genauso fühle ich mich angesichts der aktuellen EU-US-Handelsgespräche.

Ich begrüße den Willen von Kommissar Šefčovič, in gutem Glauben zu verhandeln. Doch ich würde mir wünschen, dass wir hier mehr darüber reden, was wir im Hinblick auf unseren Handel mit den USA tun, wenn wir am 1.8. keine erneute Verlängerung bekommen. Herr Kommissar, die Menschen Europas brauchen Ihre Zuversicht, aber auch Ihre Weitsicht.

Céline Imart (PPE). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, America First est plus qu'un slogan, c'est une arme qui menace, qui taxe et qui fonctionne. Pendant que Trump s'arme d'une hache pour nous faire plier, la Commission affûte son couteau à beurre. Trop gentille, Trop faible. Trop tard. Quand on négocie face à un bulldozer, il faut être un mur, pas un gruyère.

Aujourd'hui, nos produits européens taxés à 10 % a minima, ce n'est pas qu'une ligne comptable. Ce sont des agriculteurs qui s'inquiètent pour leur avenir, des familles qui redoutent de tout perdre, des territoires qui retiennent leur souffle. Je préfère que l'Europe soit à la table des négociations plutôt qu'au menu des représailles. Mais ce qui se prépare, c'est un accord au rabais, nécessaire, mais non suffisant. Nos entreprises n'attendent plus Bruxelles et négocient directement à Washington, et elles ont malheureusement raison. Pour le président américain, un constructeur qui emploie des milliers de personnes pèse beaucoup plus qu'une présidente mal élue et à la gouvernance solitaire.

La réalité, c'est qu'il faut préparer le coup d'après, appliquer les recommandations du rapport Draghi, protéger nos secteurs stratégiques et une véritable souveraineté économique. Si l'Europe joue aux échecs contre un joueur qui mange les pièces, tâchons d'avoir toujours un jeu de rechange.

Evin Incir (S&D). – Mr President, the European Union must stand firm and unwavering in the face of threats and intimidation. While the United States remains a vital trade partner, as has been said by many other colleagues here, and they are also a key global actor, recent signals from the US under Trump have made it clear: America is no longer what it used to be. Therefore, the EU can't act as it used to act.

As Europeans, we must be unequivocal. We will not accept trade agreements founded on blackmail or threats. The far right – both in the US and here in Europe – in our parliaments are eager to undermine our standards, to roll back protection of consumers, workers and our climate, all to serve oligarch interests. The EU must, however, negotiate from a position of strength, transparency and integrity. We owe it to our citizens to defend our values, to defend our model and to defend our future. We must stand united and resolute, because our strength lies in our unity and in our unwavering commitment to our principles.

Pierre Pimpie (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, les échanges entre les États-Unis et l'Union européenne sont essentiels, mais ils doivent fonctionner sur la base de la réciprocité.

Les États-Unis défendent leur marché et leurs entreprises. Chez eux, les contraintes sociales, fiscales et environnementales sont faibles et les coûts de l'énergie plus avantageux. Chez nous, c'est tout le contraire: les normes les plus strictes et les coûts les plus néfastes s'appliquent à nos entreprises seules. Nous sombrons sous le fardeau de nos propres règles.

Les États-Unis ne sont pas responsables de nos maux. C'est nous qui chérissons la lubie du pacte vert. C'est nous qui préférons la folie fiscale. Avec le nucléaire, nous serions les rois, mais avec l'éolien, non rentable, nous brassons du vent.

Ce ne sont pas les États-Unis qui défendront nos industries et notre souveraineté: c'est à nous seuls de le faire. Nous devons nous battre!

Anna Zalewska (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Ze strategicznym partnerem handlowym i gwarantem bezpieczeństwa również Europy należy rozmawiać z szacunkiem, w duchu partnerstwa i w pełnej odpowiedzialności za słowa. Również za słowa, które padają tutaj. Komisja Europejska ma dużo do zrobienia, żeby zatrzeć złe wrażenia z kampanii wyborczej. Pogarda jest zapamiętywana. Od pogardy trzeba się odciąć, by tworzyć atmosferę do dobrych warunków, do dobrych negocjacji, do dobrych umów.

Jednocześnie Komisja Europejska chyba musi zostać odpytana – nie przez panią komisarz von der Leyen – ale może przez Parlament Europejski ze znajomości sprawozdania Draghiego, który wyraźnie wskazuje, co się dzieje z konkurencyjnością Europy. Mamy walczyć o swoje, ale pamiętać o tym, że każdy zasługuje na partnerstwo.

Massimiliano Salini (PPE). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, noi sappiamo bene che i dazi americani e le provocazioni – anche spesso fuori misura, purtroppo – non aiuteranno la manifattura statunitense a ripartire.

Quello che costituisce il segreto per l'economia americana, per l'economia europea e per l'economia mondiale è il legame tra gli Stati Uniti e l'Unione europea.

Con meno del 10 % della popolazione mondiale facciamo quasi il 50 % del valore economico mondiale, quindi non siamo divisibili, nemmeno dalle peggiori provocazioni.

E questo è il motivo per cui è molto corretta la modalità con cui l'Unione europea ha deciso di non reagire alle provocazioni, perché nei negoziati buoni il clima non è dettato dall'atteggiamento dell'avversario, ma dalle condizioni e le condizioni dicono che noi possiamo collaborare, costruire e proporre come stiamo facendo.

Su questa partita, in modo costruttivo, abbiamo dimostrato quello che in altre partite non siamo ancora riusciti a dimostrare – ad esempio, in politica estera – cioè che sulla politica di commercio internazionale l'Unione europea ha un numero di telefono a cui chiamare.

Jean-Marc Germain (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, Monsieur le Commissaire, il est toujours utile de discuter, mais maintenant, le temps des décisions est venu. Le silence de la Commission n'a que trop duré. Que veut Trump? Il le dit lui-même: en premier lieu, de l'argent. Avec les 10 % déjà applicables, le revenu des droits de douane aux États-Unis est passé de 5 milliards par mois à 25 milliards par mois. Et cet argent, il n'est pas prêt à y renoncer.

Le deuxième objectif de Trump est clair: obliger nos entreprises qui vendent aux États-Unis à s'installer aux États-Unis. Et là est le plus grand risque pour l'Europe: non seulement de perdre des emplois à l'export, mais en plus de voir les produits de ses entreprises destinés au marché européen désormais fabriqués aux États-Unis puis réimportés en Europe. Et cela, nous ne pouvons en aucun cas le laisser faire.

Ce que doit faire l'Union européenne est simple: garantir la neutralité, quelles que soient les décisions de Trump. Si c'est 10 %, alors imposons 10 %; si c'est 25 %, imposons 25 %. Ni faiblesse ni surenchère, mais simplement la justice commerciale, et que cela nous serve de leçon. Cessons d'être des Bisounours. Un partenaire commercial peut toujours se muer en adversaire commercial, et c'est ce qui se passe.

Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE). – Señor presidente, señor comisario, le agradezco la información facilitada. Estamos en momentos de gran incertidumbre y preocupación, pero afortunadamente, por lo que nos ha dicho, parece que nos acercamos ya a un principio de acuerdo con los Estados Unidos.

La relación económica con este país es muy intensa: comercio de mercancías y también servicios, cuantiosas inversiones recíprocas, compras en materia energética, importantes relaciones políticas y de defensa… Yo siempre he pensado que era importante negociar un acuerdo amplio que abarcara distintos ámbitos de la economía para que las dos partes pudieran obtener beneficios, y no centrarnos exclusivamente en puntos demasiado específicos.

Si el Reino Unido alcanzó un acuerdo y China un principio de acuerdo, nosotros también podemos hacerlo, como usted hoy nos anuncia. Una escalada no interesa a ninguna de las dos partes. Necesitamos que este principio de acuerdo sea equilibrado y que no afecte negativamente a sectores sensibles de la economía europea ni discrimine a unos países frente a otros.

En este sentido, como eurodiputado español, yo también quiero alzar mi voz en defensa del sector agroalimentario, que ya se ha visto perjudicado en el pasado por aranceles injustos.

Para terminar, tenemos que profundizar en la diversificación de nuestro comercio, por ejemplo, con el acuerdo con el Mercosur.

Cristina Maestre (S&D). – Señor presidente, la Comisión Europea está negociando desde la buena fe y en defensa de los intereses de Europa.

Valoramos mucho el inmenso trabajo que está realizando el comisario Šefčovič, pero ya sabemos cómo se las gasta Trump: no debemos ceder a sus chantajes ni a la política de los hechos consumados. Los aranceles son un ataque injustificado al orden multilateral y una violación flagrante de las reglas de la OMC.

Y lo más lacerante es que, mientras Trump arremete contra nuestra industria europea, nuestra agricultura y nuestra soberanía, aquí hay Grupos de la extrema derecha que aplauden y respaldan sus amenazas de aranceles desproporcionados. Europa no merece representantes tan desleales.

Nosotros defendemos el diálogo y la negociación, pero si Trump se empeña en saltarse las relaciones comerciales basadas en reglas, que no nos tiemble el pulso para defender a nuestras industrias. Contamos con un abanico de herramientas de represalia, entre otros, el instrumento anticoercitivo. Si el diálogo y la diplomacia no le valen a Trump, lo mismo le valen las medidas de retorsión y que él mismo responda ante sus ciudadanos y sus empresas.

Mucha fuerza, comisario, cuenta con nuestro apoyo. Negociación y negociación hasta el final y, si no, inteligencia y firmeza.

Miriam Lexmann (PPE). – Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, the US is not only the largest trading partner, but also our closest ally. We share a rich history, common values and traditions. The transatlantic relationship is the foundation of our mutual prosperity and security. And tariffs benefit neither side. They only benefit totalitarian regimes like China and Russia – the same regimes that threaten our security, our economy and the rules-based order.

Let's prompt cooperation in areas that address our common risk as part of the tariff negotiations. That is what the US is expecting from us, too. I call on the Commission to propose how we can jointly address China's dominance in critical raw materials, how to protect our markets against cheap products made by forced labour, and how to secure sensitive data, especially the genomic data of our citizens.

Mika Aaltola (PPE). – Mr President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, the EU-US trade ties sustain millions of livelihoods, but today they are under siege by the US Administration. President Trump's tariff blackmail is not a mere madman's negotiating tactic; they are economic disruption, signalling deep distrust and even hostility.

The 10 % tariffs persist, and even that wounds our people. Let's be blunt: US trade policy is erratic, and the agreements that we can strike with them might be going away the next day. So can we actually trust or should we diversify?

At the same time, we should also remember that the US faces certain geopolitical pressures and China is the key to that. We are also facing the same pressures. So negotiations based on the same strategic positioning might be helpful for both sides.

Jessika Van Leeuwen (PPE). – Mr President, Commissioner, Minister, a deal can only be reached when the counterpart accepts your term. So we need conversation, not confrontation. And behind the deal there are companies, there are workers, there are families depending on it. Those are our priorities, so we support you very much, Commissioner, in finding a very balanced deal.

But we do have a red line and that is an equal playing field for our farmers. That is non-negotiable. This means no chlorine-washed chicken, because that only compensates for poor hygiene – while our farmers need to comply with the strictest hygiene and quality rules – and no meat from animals raised with growth hormones and antibiotic growth promoters. And on countermeasures, let us be very cautious: American tariffs burden Americans, but European countermeasures will hit European jobs.

Nina Carberry (PPE). – Mr President, Commissioner, Minister, global trade is running low on much needed certainty. And while we can afford some breathing room until 1 August, the need for a clear framework and comprehensive trade agreement with the United States looms large.

Ireland's stance remains unchanged. We have constantly called for zero-for-zero tariffs. Businesses require predictability and stability, from SMEs in Connemara to multinationals along our urban commuter belts. In fact, uncertainty itself may be the highest cost, because when businesses hesitate investment slows.

So while we support you fully, Commissioner and your team, to get the best outcome, I want to again reiterate the focus that we must also move beyond the United States. We need to remove the many barriers that still exist within our own EU single market and simplify the rules that govern it. We can unlock more trade across Europe. Our economies, jobs and people depend on it.

Luděk Niedermayer (PPE). – Mr President, Donald Trump has pushed the US trade policy almost 100 years back. Indeed, in 40s the US tariffs fall to 10 % and then continue declining to to pre-Trump 2 to 3 %. Now they are heading steeply, steeply up.

On top of that we have that incredible unpredictability. The first who will suffer will be US citizens, US households who will pay more for the goods and have lower availability of the goods. But the global economy will suffer too, and obviously our businesses will suffer.

But let's face the reality, this is where we stand. I'm glad to see here that the Commission has strong support from the Council and majority of Parliament to find the best possible solution. I hope we will reach it, but we must be ready also for the other result.

At the same time, extending the network of our partnership, but mainly promoting the single market and remove the barriers. That's the way how to eliminate negative impacts of White House policy.

Paulo Do Nascimento Cabral (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, 50 % ontem, 10 % hoje e amanhã o que será? Perante esta instabilidade, tenho que o elogiar pela paciência democrática.

Mas os sucessivos adiamentos da conclusão das negociações comerciais com os Estados Unidos já estão a ter um impacto significativo nas empresas e nos cidadãos dos dois lados do Atlântico, como também na perceção que ambos, europeus e americanos, têm entre si.

Juntos, representamos quase 30 % do comércio global e 43 % do PIB mundial. Instabilidade e incerteza são más para os negócios, mas são ainda piores para as relações transatlânticas que, outrora, eram intocáveis.

Mas a nossa história não nos perdoaria se desistíssemos desta nossa relação transatlântica, pela partilha dos mesmos valores, mas também por razões económicas e estratégicas, com o Atlântico que nos une e nos torna o centro do mundo. Esta é uma necessidade política.

Não devemos nem podemos ceder precipitadamente ou aceitar o que não autorizamos aos europeus. Devemos manter as três premissas que nos têm guiado: negociar ao máximo aceitável com os Estados Unidos, diversificar as nossas parcerias comerciais com o resto do mundo, reocupando um lugar de influência que perdemos, e reforçar o nosso mercado interno, de modo a aumentar a nossa autonomia estratégica.

Wouter Beke (PPE). – Voorzitter, commissaris, collega's, tariefverhogingen zijn politieke placebo's. Dat zei professor Richard Baldwin. Economische nonsens die een politiek doel moet dienen. In tegenstelling tot president Trump geloven wij beter niet in deze placebo's. De focus van Europa moet zijn: het beschermen van onze welvaart, van onze jobs en het inkomen van onze mensen. Europa is niet gebaat bij escalatie. Een deal kan de schade voor onze bedrijven, kmo's en talloze jobs misschien ook beperken. Neem deze verantwoordelijkheid, commissaris, maar niet ten koste van één sector. Verdeel de lasten over de sectoren en over de lidstaten.

Maar ook met een deal moeten wij als Europa volop investeren in onze economie, onze onafhankelijkheid en onze concurrentiekracht. Het IMF berekende dat de Europese handelsbelemmeringen ons jaarlijks 1 700 miljard EUR kosten. Het wegwerken daarvan kan 3 800 EUR per Europeaan opbrengen. Dus, commissaris, deal of geen deal? Europa moet onze jobs, onze welvaart en het inkomen van onze mensen beschermen.

Ingeborg Ter Laak (PPE). – Voorzitter, commissaris, collega's, gisteren is de deadline voor het handelsakkoord met de EU verschoven naar 1 augustus. Uitstel geeft aan dat er hoop is op een deal. Deze extra onderhandelingen zijn belangrijk om er samen uit te komen. Als dit één ding aangeeft, dan is het wel dat we als Europa zo snel mogelijk op eigen benen moeten staan. De VS kan niet zonder ons en wij kunnen niet zonder hen. Wij zijn een markt waar de VS vele afhankelijkheden heeft. Daarom moeten wij niet over ons heen laten lopen en tegenmaatregelen voorbereiden. Wij moeten bereid zijn om even onze tanden te laten zien. Wij willen geen handelsoorlog, dat creëert alleen maar verliezers en geeft China en Rusland alleen maar meer speling op veiligheidsgebied. Dat is net wat zij willen: een zwakke trans-Atlantische band. Dat laten wij ons niet gebeuren.

Maria Walsh (PPE). – Mr President, there is no winner when it comes to tariffs between two of the world's largest economies. We've heard this repeatedly throughout this debate. Jobs are lost; prices of goods go up; the cost of doing business goes up. And, ultimately, no one benefits from it – not Americans, not Europeans. Neither consumers nor companies gain from what is going on.

Giving up on trade relations is not the answer, when more than EUR 4 billion worth of goods are crossing the Atlantic. In my own country of Ireland, particularly the west of Ireland, pharmaceutical products, world-leading Irish alcohol – like whiskies and gins – other agricultural products – like butter and cheeses – worth billions, meet the demand for quality products of the American consumer.

We now have an additional three weeks to reach an agreement with the US, and I hope that this delay is a signal that the Trump Administration recognises that economic growth stems not from isolation, but from well-functioning relationships with reliable trading partners. And I hope we ourselves reform the single market, get better supports for our businesses and continue to grow the EU.

Μιχάλης Χατζηπαντέλα (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε, κυρίες και κύριοι συνάδελφοι, η σημερινή συζήτηση για τις διαπραγματεύσεις μεταξύ Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών έρχεται σε μια κρίσιμη στιγμή για το μέλλον της ευρωπαϊκής οικονομίας. Η κοινή μας αγορά, το ισχυρότερο όπλο της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, στηρίζεται στην επιχειρηματικότητα και στο ελεύθερο εμπόριο με τους εταίρους μας ανά τον κόσμο.

Ακριβώς για αυτόν τον λόγο θέλω να τονίσω ότι ένας οικονομικός πόλεμος δεν θα ωφελήσει κανένα, ούτε στην Ευρώπη ούτε στην Αμερική. Αντιθέτως, βλέπουμε ήδη ότι δημιουργεί αβεβαιότητα, πλήττει τις επιχειρήσεις, τους εργαζόμενους και τους καταναλωτές και στις δύο πλευρές του Ατλαντικού. Χρειάζεται σοβαρή και μεθοδική δουλειά για τη σύναψη μιας εμπορικής συμφωνίας που θα άρει όσο το δυνατόν περισσότερα εμπόδια και θα επιτρέψει στα αγαθά και στις υπηρεσίες να διακινούνται ελεύθερα, χωρίς δασμούς μεταξύ των δύο ηπείρων. Αυτό θα ενισχύσει την ανταγωνιστικότητα, θα δημιουργήσει νέες ευκαιρίες και θα στηρίξει τη βιώσιμη ανάπτυξη.

Interventions à la demande

Regina Doherty (PPE). – Mr President, Commissioner, I think we can all agree that free and open trade is good for everyone. It's the best way to make sure that we spread wealth and prosperity. So, it stands to reason that tariffs are bad for everybody and tariffs are going to make all our countries poorer.

I'm glad that since the beginning of this ludicrous one-man trade war, the EU and you particularly, have stood consistently as the adult in the room, because we all should be clear: in all of our Member States, ordinary working people are looking on and are in fear of losing their jobs and in economies faltering.

What we must do is we must protect our agrifood and our drinks industries, our pharmaceutical companies, our heavy goods manufacturing. There are so many other sectors where tariffs – even 10 % – will result in job losses.

A reprieve till 1 August is a good move, but what we need is a resolution. We should not be talking about retaliation at this point. We should be talking about a pragmatic solution and European leading the way.

So, I want to just wish you the very good, to assure you that you we all stand behind you and your team, and we're very proud of the practical approach that you have taken in the last number of months.

Maria Grapini (S&D). – Domnule președinte, domnule comisar, negocierea comercială între Uniunea Europeană și Statele Unite este vitală, dar trebuie să recunoaștem că au trecut opt luni de la alegerea președintelui Trump și nu înaintăm.

Dumneavoastră ați spus, între altele, că „în curând“. Ați folosit această sintagmă: că vom avea textul în curând. Ne puteți spune mai mult ce cuprinde acest text? Care vor fi până la urmă negocierile? Pentru că producătorii din Uniunea Europeană nu pot să stea pe loc. Din țara mea, avem export de vin, avem export de produse agricole. Ce fac? Ei nu au curajul să mai producă, să mai investească pentru acea capacitate.

Și apoi ați vorbit de acorduri cu alte state. De acord. Vreți să faceți acord cu India. Acordurile comerciale pot să submineze producția industrială. Și vă dau un exemplu: plăcile ceramice din România, Polonia, Franța sunt acum la pământ. Industria aceasta este la pământ pentru că au intrat din India plăci ceramice cu prețuri la jumătate. Pentru că India, știm bine, e cel mai mare poluator. Nu respectă nimic, nu plătește nimic.

Deci cum să facem să nu subminăm industria europeană?

Sebastian Tynkkynen (ECR). – Mr President, even an imperfect deal is better than no deal at all.

What do we have to gain by not fully trying to uphold the transatlantic partnership? The US Government has made it clear that being bystanders and free riders is not an option. This includes not only defence, but also economy.

How can we ever reach a zero-tariff agreement if we are not ready to work for it? Europe is eyeing a critical choice: where to go to replace Russian energy and Chinese imports?

Make no mistake: if the problem lies in the East, then the solution must be found in the West. We have an opportunity to make the Atlantic the most prosperous economic zone of our time. So let's not throw this chance away just for petty political battles.

Oihane Agirregoitia Martínez (Renew). – Señor presidente, estos son los aranceles con que nos amenaza Donald Trump: el generalizado del 10 %, 25 % a la automoción, 50 % al acero y aluminio, amenazas del 17 % a productos agroalimentarios, anuncios del 50 % al cobre, el 200 % a productos farmacéuticos… Hoy vencía esa amenaza. Ahora la siguiente fecha es el 1 de agosto y estamos a la espera de unas cartas que ya han recibido algunos países como Corea del Sur o Japón.

Donald Trump dice que recibir una carta significa un trato. Yo creo que tenemos que decir claramente que una carta con una decisión sobre un arancel es una acción unilateral con toque dictatorial.

Y, desde luego, Donald Trump tampoco debería condicionar con quiénes nos relacionamos o no, como es el caso de los BRICS, de los que forman parte países con los que yo, desde luego, no tengo ningún interés en tener fuertes relaciones; pero ningunear a quienes suponen la mitad de la población y el 40 % del PIB mundial es otra evidencia más de su despotismo.

Ojalá lleguemos a un acuerdo que sea beneficioso, pero, si no es así, les pedimos que sea la Unión Europea quien ponga plazo límite y active el plan B.

Le Président. – La procédure „catch the eye“ est close.

Pour les autres collègues, il vous est possible de faire une déclaration écrite, qui sera inscrite au procès-verbal in extenso de notre séance.

(Fin des interventions à la demande)

Maroš Šefčovič, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, Madam Minister, honourable Members, first and foremost, I would like to thank you for all your interventions in what was, I'm sure, in most cases, well-meant advice. But at the same time, I would like to tell you that these negotiations are like no other. From the first moment, the Commission and myself have been doing exactly as you ask us to do – to focus on negotiated solutions and be prepared for any eventuality. This is the case from day one. This is the case today.

You probably know me by now and, in especially such a delicate negotiation situation as we have right now, I prefer good results to strong statements or tough headlines. Because I know how all this we are discussing with our American partners would affect jobs, how it would affect the economy, and how trade is important for the economic future of the European Union.

Some of you have been referring to industries. I can tell you that I spend an enormous amount of time talking to the industries which are most impacted by this transatlantic tension. I can tell you that 99 % of them are calling for negotiated solutions. They've been built over the decades as transatlantic supply chains, and they do not want to be caught in the crossfire of ever-growing tariffs from both sides. So I think that we have to invest as much as possible in negotiations because the other alternative is always there. I can tell you that I will pursue it to the last possible moment and try to do my best to land this deal and to get the best possible result.

Many of you have been highlighting – and I really would like to thank you for that – the importance of the trade diversification and other agreements. We've been discussing it at different venues, but a quick recapitulation because there I also would need your help. We concluded our negotiations with Mercosur, with Mexico. We are very close to concluding with Indonesia. We are working very hard with India and the United Arab Emirates, and I believe that we can conclude the negotiations this year. We are continuing negotiations with Thailand, Philippines, Malaysia and re-engaging with Australia.

But I would need your help in presenting these deals in positive terms. I would need your help to accelerate the approval procedures. I would need your help to talk to your domestic audiences back in your Member States about the need to ratify these agreements, because otherwise they will just stay on paper and we are losing precious time from a long pause between when they are negotiated and when actually they enter into force. I can tell you that I have the same message and I'm repeating it at every single trade ministerial Council. I'm glad that more and more colleagues are understanding this from the same perspective.

If you allow me one thought on our farming community. As you know, I was in intense discussions with our farmers in my previous mandate. I know how they feel. I know what they are worried about. I know how they've been overburdened by excessive reporting, and how they've been afraid about the possible trade deals, which might negatively impact their wellbeing. Therefore, we are extremely careful when we negotiate agricultural chapters. Therefore, we are looking for the deals where the partners are net importers of our agri-food products, like Mexico, like the UAE. I think if you travel to these countries, just go to the store and you will see that these are usually European brands, with most of the agri-food products coming from Europe.

We are, in fact, the global superpower in exporting agri-food products. More than EUR 230 billion with a positive balance of EUR 70 billion. And we want to make sure that it would stay like that. But I would really resent the picture that every trade deal we do is at the sacrifice of our farmers because it's not true. I'm ready to engage in any discussions, together with Agriculture Commissioner Christophe Hansen, who is doing a fantastic job in being in touch with the farming community and is helping me with negotiating these trade deals, because we want to have a fair deal for everyone.

In the current turbulent situation in the global trading sphere, it's very clear that we need new market access, and we need it now, because the European Union economy is deriving half of its GDP from trading. So please help me to make it faster, to make it better, and to deliver better perception of our trade deals with your constituencies, with your voters, because you are influential people and you have that authority and they will believe you.

If you allow me a last point, because I know how important it is for Mr Warborn and for all the colleagues from INTA: WTO. I don't think I am exaggerating when I can tell you that I have an excellent personal and professional relationship with Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Director General of the WTO. We've been together in many multilateral sessions, and she knows that Europe is the number one supporter of a reformed WTO. But reformed it must be. We had a WTO session at the OECD meeting in Paris, and there was not a single minister who said that everything is fine and rosy. Every single one was saying we need to reform.

The measures we wanted to take, for example, for e-commerce, for fisheries, for dispute settlement mechanisms are long overdue. I think we have to help the WTO, we have to help the Director General to reform this organisation, and I think the clock is really, really ticking. And the next ministerial in Cameroon in the spring of 2026 would be absolutely crucial in in that regard. So I can assure you that the WTO, even in the current state, with all the issues which are there, we consider as an absolute, basic, necessary platform for global trading practices because these are the rules we built over 70-80 years since the Second World War. So I can assure you that I will always be championing a functional, modernised WTO and that we will do our utmost to make sure that the reforms which are necessary will be really done.

Thank you very much for this debate. I know how tense it is. I know how important it is. I can only promise you that we will work until the last minute, when we see that it's possible to land a deal, because I think that's our duty and the obligation.

Marie Bjerre, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, honourable Members, Commissioner, thank you again for inviting the Council to this debate.

As many of you said – in particular Mr Warborn from EPP – it is important that we do not escalate the situation. The US is our strategic partner and ally. Our trade and investment relationship remains of key importance. But also, as Ms Karlsbro from Renew said, Europe is also important for the US. That is why we remain committed to finding a fair and mutually beneficial negotiated solution.

At the same time, we need to focus on ourselves – what we can do to help our industry to enhance competitiveness. What we can do to strengthen our internal market. What we can do to enhance our competitiveness and how we can ensure economic growth. Also, we have to focus on making trade agreements with other countries, as several of you mentioned today.

I also listened very closely to your comments about not breaking WTO, that trade has to be predictable, that the EU also should not be dictated to, that we should not give in and that we should remain firm. As Ms Van Brempt from S&D, Ms Hahn from Renew and Mr Lange from S&D very clearly said, we should not accept a deal at any cost. We want a deal and we are ready for a deal, but not at any cost.

If the United States is serious about partnership, the next days must be used wisely. We trust the European Commission to lead these negotiations on behalf of the Union with determination and unity, and we fully support its efforts to reach a fair and mutually beneficial solution.

Le Président. – Le débat est clos.

Déclarations écrites (article 178)

Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis (S&D), in writing. – Dear colleagues, dear Commissioner,

The EU is a very strong trade power globally. We have a lot of trade agreements with many countries, world-wide.

Trump is arrogant and unpredictable, and it is his weakness, but you, Commissioner, are reliable and experienced, and that is your strength. We trust you.

A deal is possible, the EU goal is to reintroduce tariff levels, explore commercial opportunities, but we can't accept any negotiations on our legislation, on our high food safety standards and on our issues related to digital technologies.

Our strength is 'reciprocal' tariffs, WTO rules and our trade agreements with new global partners.

12. Unie připravenosti EU s ohledem na nadcházející období lesních požárů a sucha (rozprava)

Le Président. – L'ordre du jour appelle à présent le débat sur la déclaration du Conseil et de la Commission intitulée „L'Union de la préparation dans la perspective de la prochaine saison des feux de forêts et des sécheresses“ [2025/2771(RSP)].

Marie Bjerre, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, honourable Members, Commissioner, strengthening preparedness and crisis management at EU level is a political priority for the European Union. Our leaders have repeatedly underlined the importance of a comprehensive and coordinated approach, and called for further actions in this area. The new preparedness Union strategy by the Commission and the High Representative in March this year must be seen in this context.

Europe needs to move from a reactive approach to a 'preparedness by design' approach – one that anticipates, prevents and effectively responds to a wide range of crises. The extreme weather events, the COVID-19 pandemic, Russia's aggression against Ukraine and hybrid attacks underscore the risk and threats the EU faces and will continue to face.

As further challenges are expected to become more frequent, complex and interconnected, we need to move to an approach that enhances resilience across the EU. Effective preparedness demands engagement at every level of society. It is primarily a national competence, but there is certainly room for more collective action at the EU level.

The Danish Presidency considers preparedness, resilience and crisis management a priority. A number of the policy actions announced in the Union strategy will be presented by the Commission during our presidency and we will examine them carefully in the Council.

In particular, we will focus on the legislative proposal on a revision of the Union Civil Protection Mechanism, which we expect shortly. We will work towards a negotiating mandate with a view to the negotiation with the European Parliament.

The Union Civil Protection Mechanism is certainly an EU success story. It coordinates the delivery of support from Member States or EU capabilities, such as rescEU, to a Member State that is overwhelmed. Since the beginning, the mechanism has helped so many communities, including those hit by forest fires. That is why the revision of the mechanism needs to build on this success and to make sure that it continues to deliver the successful cooperation it does today.

As we consider these policy initiatives, we must recognise that immediate and decisive action is critical given the worsening of the extreme weather events as recognised in the Union strategy.

In recent days, we again have seen the devastating impacts of climate change, with many areas of Europe suffering the effects of extreme heat. Once again this summer, we are expecting large wildfires and long droughts in various parts of our continent. These events are becoming more and more frequent and more extreme, and they pose an unprecedented threat to our populations, to our economies and to our ecosystems.

As the continent experiences the fastest rate of heating globally, you must get better prepared and quickly. Mitigation and adaptation measures to counter climate change are crucial. As a presidency, we work for a secure, competitive and green Europe. That is one of the reasons why the green transition is essential for a secure and competitive Europe, and to counter the effects of climate change.

PRESIDENZA: ANTONELLA SBERNA

Vicepresidente

Hadja Lahbib, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, today, our European continent faces record heat, prolonged drought and devastating wildfires. In just the past ten days, thousands of hectares have burned in France, in Greece, Germany, Spain, Albania, Serbia and Turkey. We are witnessing the destruction of ecosystems that will take years, even decades to recover, and our citizens are feeling the impact of this extreme weather in their homes, their health, and their livelihoods.

These are not distant warnings. They are the direct consequence of climate change, and they are sending us a very clear message. In the latest Eurobarometer on climate change, nearly four out of ten Europeans say they feel personally exposed to environmental and climate risks. And over eight out of ten believe that better preparation for climate impacts would improve their daily life. So we need to listen to them.

Honourable Members, we cannot look the other way. The heat wave many of us experienced just ten days ago is a stark reminder – the climate is changing right before our eyes. Droughts and wildfires are closely connected. Dry conditions make fires more likely and far more dangerous as well.

All signs point to a difficult wildfire season this year. Many regions are already facing severe drought. Wildfire activity has been above average since the start of this year, and this summer extreme heat is forecast across most of Europe and beyond.

My thoughts today are with the citizens who fear for their lives, who have lost their properties due to the devastating wildfires around Narbonne and in Marseille. And of course, I would like to express my gratitude and my admiration for the rescuers who risked their lives fighting these fires.

But now the EU is better prepared. This year again, the European Union stands ready to support Member States and for any country that requests our help, our teams are on standby 24/7. While national authorities lead our wildfire response, we are working side by side with them every step of the way, and the EU can step in even before wildfire starts. We are using science and technology to monitor droughts and detect fires at a very early stage. This includes the use of drones and AI to detect and respond to fires. Our systems send real time alerts across Europe.

Our Copernicus satellite system provides free, high-resolution maps of fire-affected areas and their surroundings and Member States are using it. Just recently, Greece requests Copernicus imagery to monitor wildfires in on Chios island and earlier this month in Crete. In past years, we have seen moments when Member States simply could not help each other because they were all facing high wildfire risks at the same time.

In 2017, Europe experienced its worst wildfire season in history. More than 130 lives lost and around 1 million hectares burned. That was a turning point. The EU responded by strengthening the European Civil Protection Mechanism and creating rescEU, a strategic reserve of firefighting planes and helicopters to ensure that No Member State is ever left alone to face devastating wildfires.

Honourable Members, this summer we have 22 firefighting planes and four helicopters ready to respond. They are stationed in ten countries strategically prepositioned to cover the highest risk areas. That's how two Greek Canadairs were deployed, for instance, to Albania within hours, three days ago. In May, I visited the Torrejón air base in Spain, which hosts several Spanish and rescEU Canadairs. I was deeply impressed by the professionalism and the dedication of the air crews, working under extremely tough conditions, both in the air and also at sea. And it's not just in the skies. On the ground, 25 fighting teams from across Europe are ready to step in wherever they are needed. Between July and September, we have also strategically pre-positioned around 650 firefighters from 14 countries in wildfire-prone areas, including Greece, Portugal, Spain and France over the summer. We started this prepositioning as a pilot in 2022 with 236 firefighters from six countries. We are now at 650 from 14 countries developed in four countries. So next week I will visit, for instance, Czech team stationed in Greece this summer. Their presence on the ground means faster response times. It also creates opportunities for learning and cooperation between teams from across Europe to build trust among them.

EU firefighters are already on the ground battling the flames side by side, thanks to the EU Civil Protection Mechanism. In Greece, Bulgarian fire fighters have joined Greek teams in Halkidiki. As we speak, Romanian firefighters are standing shoulder to shoulder with their French colleagues to fight the wildfires close to Narbonne and Marseilles. This is Europe in action. This is solidarity in action.

At the same time, we are bringing together Europe's top wildfire experts at the ERCC to help forecast risks, support planning and monitor the situation in real time. Of course, the best way to fight wildfires and to manage prolonged drought is to stay ahead of them, to anticipate and to prevent them from spiralling out of control. We also need to speed up our efforts to address the root causes of wildfires, climate change of course, drought, forest degradation and biodiversity loss. All of this makes wildfires more frequent, more intense, and also harder to stop.

Prevention is already a core part of our Common Agricultural Policy. And next year we will present an ambitious EU climate adaptation Plan. As highlighted in the recent report from the European Court of Auditors, more and more Member States are turning to EU funds to invest in prevention, and that's a step in the right direction. Between 2021 and 2027, EUR 18.8 billion are planned for investment in climate adaptation and risk management under cohesion policy. This includes EUR 3.3 billion dedicated to forestry alone.

Honourable Members this is exactly the kind of proactive, comprehensive and joined up approach that the Preparedness Union Strategy calls for. It is how we build resilience before disaster strikes. But let us be clear, preparedness needs resources. We need bold, sustained investment in prevention and preparedness. And of course, I do not forget recovery. Recovery is essential not just to rebuild, but to give hope and support to those affected by disaster. The EU Solidarity Fund is a vital tool to make sure that when crisis strikes, no country is left to face it alone.

That is why I count on your support to uphold a strong level of ambition in the upcoming MFF negotiations. This is not about political bargaining. It is about solidarity. The very soul of our European Union.

Lena Düpont, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Madam President, Madam Commissioner, Madam Minister, the Union Civil Protection Mechanism is a European success story. Since its creation, numerous emergency responses have been carried out. Equipment for firefighters and first responders have been financed and delivered. Firefighters are pre-positioned throughout Europe to help faster than before.

This is – like you just said, Madam Commissioner – European solidarity on the ground. As we speak, 22 firefighting planes and four helicopters stand ready to support in the current wildfire season; 650 firefighters from 14 countries are pre-positioned in high-risk areas; more ground firefighting teams are ready to be mobilised.

And that solidarity is needed. If you compare this year's wildfire season to the previous, threats and dangers are multiplying. Colleagues from Portugal, from Spain, from Greece, from France will soon tell us about the devastating effects on the ground.

As the threats are emerging – man-made and natural – we also need to adapt as well. We need to be better prepared for larger incidents, for simultaneous and escalating incidents. And that means we need to scale up the pool of experts and the deployments; the investments in equipment and material, in resilience and readiness; the common risk assessment, the forecast and the situational picture. And, Madam Commissioner, we need to scale down on administrative hurdles – a common task for all of us here.

In the end, it is our task to support those on the ground who are bravely fighting wildfires today and floods tomorrow. We owe it to them. May they all return safe and sound from their deployments!

Antonio Decaro, a nome del gruppo S&D. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, prendo la parola su questo tema a un anno dal mio primo intervento in plenaria sulla siccità e ad oggi, purtroppo, poco o niente è cambiato.

Anzi, se proprio dobbiamo dirla tutta, la situazione è peggiorata e il Sud e il centro dell'Europa vivono un'escalation delle temperature: 46 gradi in Spagna e in Portogallo, oltre 40 gradi in Italia e in Francia e l'indice dello zero termico sulle Alpi è arrivato a superare i 5 000 metri; il Mar Mediterraneo ha registrato a giugno di quest'anno 1,9 gradi in più rispetto alla media dei valori dei picchi registrati nel periodo tra il 2015 e il 2024, e nel 2025 gli incendi boschivi in Europa hanno già causato la distruzione di 196 000 ettari, 78 000 ettari in più rispetto all'anno precedente.

Questi numeri hanno un denominatore comune: la parola „emergenza“.

Sapendo che siamo già in ritardo sulla programmazione strutturale, dobbiamo contrastare il cambiamento climatico e intervenire subito per preparare il territorio a questi fenomeni, investendo risorse adeguate e piani di gestione delle crisi efficienti, a partire dal prossimo bilancio europeo.

L'Europa non ha alternative, se vuole salvarsi. Prima ne prenderemo coscienza e prima potremo agire.

Sergio Berlato, a nome del gruppo ECR. – Signora Presidente, signora Commissaria, onorevoli colleghi, le istituzioni comunitarie e nazionali sono portate a puntare il dito accusatorio sui cambiamenti climatici per giustificare il costante verificarsi degli incendi boschivi.

La verità è che il 96 % degli incendi boschivi è riconducibile alle attività umane, sia accidentali sia dolose.

Questo ci insegna che non ha senso limitarsi a concentrare le risorse pubbliche sulle misure legate ai cambiamenti climatici, ma che è più opportuno investire nella prevenzione legata al comportamento dei cittadini. La stragrande maggioranza degli incendi boschivi avviene o perché si lascia cadere sbadatamente un mozzicone di sigaretta o perché non si spegne bene un falò, oppure perché qualche criminale piromane appicca dolosamente il fuoco.

Cosa fare, quindi, per prevenire questi fenomeni o per intervenire prontamente quando queste situazioni avvengono? Bisogna prevenire, investendo nell'informazione e nell'educazione dei cittadini, rendendoli consapevoli che le conseguenze delle loro azioni possono essere pericolose per l'incolumità delle altre persone, costosissime dal punto di vista del danno economico e devastanti dal punto di vista ambientale e della perdita della biodiversità.

Ma se, nonostante le azioni di prevenzione, dovessero comunque accadere alcuni di questi eventi, bisogna essere pronti per intervenire immediatamente per mettere in sicurezza le persone e ridurre al minimo il danno ambientale.

Approfitto dell'occasione per ringraziare tutte le donne e tutti gli uomini dei Vigili del fuoco e della Protezione Civile, che in modo encomiabile mettono a disposizione la loro professionalità e il loro coraggio, spesso rischiando la loro vita per garantire un servizio indispensabile alla collettività. A loro vada il nostro ringraziamento più sincero.

Grégory Allione, au nom du groupe Renew. – Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, Madame la Ministre, l'Europe suffoque, l'Europe s'embrase, les températures dépassent les 40 oC dans tout le sud de l'Europe, des feux se sont déclarés aux Pays-Bas au mois de mars, et d'autres feux ravagent nos pays en ce moment même. J'ai une pensée pour mes amis engagés sur tous les théâtres opérationnels et, forcément, pour toutes celles et tous ceux qui ont perdu un bien – et encore, il n'y a heureusement pas de victime à ce stade.

En tant que sapeur-pompier depuis plus de trente ans, j'ai eu à lutter contre de nombreux feux. Aujourd'hui, j'ai à lutter et à mener un combat ici même contre le déni des climatosceptiques. C'est un combat difficile, et nous devons lutter tous ensemble contre cela. Pourtant, la science est sans appel, et le constat frappe à nos portes tous les jours: dorénavant, il faut anticiper et se préparer. Anticiper et se préparer; c'est là tout le sens de la stratégie de notre Union européenne.

Pourtant, comment se préparer sans moyens financiers? Il va bien entendu falloir renforcer ce mécanisme de protection civile, qui a été sollicité plus de 58 fois l'an dernier. Il va falloir se préparer, car se préparer coûtera toujours moins cher que réparer. Comment se préparer également sans moyens suffisants? Vous l'avez dit, nous avons de nombreux bombardiers d'eau qui sont déployés sur le théâtre des opérations, mais, aujourd'hui – et j'en appelle à la Commission, j'en appelle au Conseil sous la présidence danoise –, nous devons acquérir une flotte de bombardiers d'eau européens, fabriqués en Europe, pour l'Europe. Nous avons les moyens, nous avons les compétences sur notre sol, et, au-delà de l'urgence opérationnelle, il en va de notre souveraineté et de notre autonomie stratégique.

Se préparer, c'est aussi souligner et protéger l'engagement citoyen. Plus de 80 % de nos pompiers sont volontaires, et je demande, Madame la Commissaire, une directive européenne sur l'engagement citoyen. Vous connaissez notre attachement sur le terrain, et plusieurs parlementaires y sont attachés.

Benedetta Scuderi, a nome del gruppo Verts/ALE. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, mentre spendiamo miliardi in armi, perdiamo contro il collasso climatico: temperature fino a 50 gradi, siccità, alluvioni, incendi.

L'Europa continua a contare i morti: solo a Milano, 500, soprattutto anziani e svantaggiati. I bambini in casa con gli asili chiusi; i braccianti, i rider e gli operai collassano sotto al sole. In Italia, nel 2024, 50 000 ettari sono stati bruciati e più di 9 miliardi di danni per la siccità. È questo il mondo che vogliamo, dove chi ha meno muore?

Nessuna emergenza, quelle finiscono: è un problema strutturale. Dobbiamo essere preparati con investimenti in prevenzione e infrastrutture, città più verdi, leggi che difendano i lavoratori, energie rinnovabili e uscita dai fossili.

Stiamo assistendo a un fallimento con nomi e cognomi: Eni, Shell, Exxon, Meloni, Trump, Musk, Bezos e amici. Ha il nome del PPE, che oggi ha votato contro l'urgenza sulla legge per il clima, consegnandola all'estrema destra e strozzando ogni nostra ambizione.

Speculatori di una strage annunciata, cosa risponderete ai vostri figli, quando vi chiederanno perché non c'è più acqua? Che eravate impegnati a difendere le lobby e a comprare armi?

Valentina Palmisano, a nome del gruppo The Left. – Signora Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, le crisi climatiche rendono le stagioni degli incendi sempre più lunghe, intense e devastanti e noi dobbiamo essere pronti.

In Italia, lo scorso anno sono andati in fumo oltre 60 000 ettari di territorio. E non possiamo dimenticare che dietro questi numeri ci sono vite umane: a Ostuni, la mia città, Mario Rotiglio, un operatore dell'Arif, un amico, un anno fa ha perso la vita, schiacciato da un ramo mentre cercava di spegnere un incendio.

Non possiamo lasciarli soli. Servono più risorse, più prevenzione e più cooperazione europea. Serve sostenere i volontari e tutti gli operatori che ogni estate rischiano la vita per proteggerci.

Eppure, nel 2026, il bilancio del meccanismo europeo di protezione civile sarà ridotto, però, se noi tagliamo proprio quando gli incendi aumentano, chi stiamo davvero proteggendo? L'Europa deve cambiare passo, deve rafforzare il meccanismo della protezione civile, deve investire dove il rischio è alto, deve riconoscere il valore di chi difende i nostri territori.

Raúl de la Hoz Quintano (PPE). – Señora presidenta, señora comisaria, la temporada de incendios desgraciadamente ha comenzado ya. Lo saben muy bien en la provincia de Tarragona y en la región de Marsella, que no están viviendo una amenaza abstracta en forma de incendios, sino que están sufriendo en sus propias carnes una tragedia en términos humanos, en términos económicos y, por supuesto, también en términos ecológicos; es una amenaza, además, que crece año a año.

Es verdad que la Unión Europea ha incrementado la financiación de medidas de lucha contra los incendios, pero es verdad también —y hay que reconocerlo— que su eficacia es, hasta el momento, muy limitada. Falta una planificación a largo plazo, faltan criterios objetivos de reparto y falta centrarnos también en la prevención y no tanto en la extinción.

La competencia en materia forestal es exclusiva de los Estados, pero la Comisión Europea —creemos— sí puede impulsar la coordinación y la armonización de medidas. Coordinación para hacer más efectivas las medidas —muchas veces financiadas por la propia Unión Europea— y también para lograr una estrategia de planificación de la prevención a largo plazo y, junto a ello, por supuesto, inversión real para mejorar las capacidades locales en la lucha contra los incendios y algo que para nosotros es extraordinariamente importante: la gestión activa del territorio.

Las zonas despobladas de Europa son el mejor combustible para la propagación de los incendios. Necesitamos —para que las políticas de lucha contra incendios sean eficaces— que nos centremos también en la dinamización de las áreas rurales y, por supuesto, en la lucha contra la despoblación.

Marta Temido (S&D). – Senhora Presidente, Senhora Comissária, Senhora Ministra, na União Europeia, este ano, as temperaturas, as áreas ardidas e o número de incêndios já são superiores à média.

E no meu país, em Portugal, regista-se uma atividade significativa de incêndios, embora ainda estejamos no início do verão.

Esta realidade é e será cada vez mais frequente e ela é uma das razões para reforçar a preparação a nível europeu, porque os fenómenos meteorológicos extremos não conhecem fronteiras.

A recente Estratégia de Preparação da União Europeia insere-se neste contexto. Ela é uma boa estratégia, coerente com os esforços desenvolvidos que neste verão se traduzem no reforço de bombeiros, de equipas terrestres e de aviões alocados coordenadamente.

Mas essa coerência não se reflete em outras decisões. É o caso do Regulamento relativo a um quadro de monitorização da resiliência das florestas europeias, atualmente em debate nesta casa e relativamente ao qual o Conselho adotou uma posição comum que esvazia a proposta da Comissão, uma boa proposta, e que algumas forças políticas nesta casa estão disponíveis para rejeitar.

Sem dados fiáveis, atualizados e comparáveis sobre as florestas europeias, não haverá políticas de preparação e de proteção.

Como é possível sermos tão incoerentes?

Csaba Dömötör (PfE). – Tisztelt Elnök Asszony! Európában egyre gyakoribb és egyre súlyosabb aszályokkal kell szembenéznünk, ezért a károk is egyre nagyobbak. Létezik ugyan egy mezőgazdasági válságalap a kártalanításra, 440 millió eurós az egész EU-ra, de ez nem elég. De van ennél nagyobb probléma is. Az, hogy a hírek szerint a következő költségvetési időszakban meg akarják szüntetni ezt az alapot. Ez elfogadhatatlan. Hallom, hogy uniós pénzből akarják befedni Ukrajna 2026-os költségvetési hiányát, ami olyan 16 milliárd euró. Úgy vagyok vele, hogy ha akad pénz erre, akkor legyen a gazdák kártalanítására is.

Mondok mást is. Nem mindegy, hogy a gazdák aszályos időszakban milyen segítséget kapnak az öntözéshez. Most ettől a háztól nem sokat, mert az energiaszankciók miatt felment az energia ára, ami az öntözés költségeit is megemelte. És még valami: a magyar kormány aszályos időszakban elengedi az öntözővíz árát, hogyha az öntözés állami létesítményekből történik. Erre mit tesz az Európai Parlament többsége pár nappal ezelőtt? Határozatban támadja ezt a gyakorlatot. Azt mondják, hogy a tagállamok alakítsanak ki megfelelő vízárazást, ami természetesen jóval magasabb árakat jelent. Megint csak az a kérdésünk, hogy ki fog a gazdák helyzetével törődni aszályos időszakban?

Látom, hogy felszólal majd a vitában Magyar Péter képviselő úr is. Biztosan jól telt a nyaralás. Üdvözöljük a munkahelyén! Hogy ha már itt van, akkor adjon magyarázatot arra, hogy miért szavazták meg ezt a határozatot, miért akadályozzák azt, hogy a gazdák ingyen jussanak öntözővízhez Magyarországon. Nyugtasson meg minket, hogy nem akarja ezt az egészet is letagadni!

(A felszólaló hajlandó válaszolni egy kékkártyás kérdésre)

Stine Bosse (Renew), blue-card question. – (start of speech off mic) … now we are talking about how we vote. So when you, within your group, sit with the file on the 2040 targets, are you going to proactively work towards something that will really make a change in the future, so that we will prevent further climate change?

Csaba Dömötör (PfE), kékkártyás válasz. – Nagyon fontosnak tartom a klímaváltozás elleni küzdelmet, de ezen belül azt is, hogy amikor ez a Ház, illetve az uniós intézményrendszer döntéseket hoz, akkor ne úgy hozzon döntéseket, hogy a terheket kizárólag a vállalkozások, illetve a családok viselik. Mert az elmúlt években azt láttuk, hogy ennek a Háznak a többsége úgy rakott óriási gazdasági terheket vállalkozások és családok nyakába, hogy egyáltalán nem foglalkozott azzal, hogy a világ más térségeiben ilyen szabályokat nem hoznak – ami óriási versenyképességi hátrányt okozott az európai gazdáknak, európai vállalkozásoknak és európai családoknak.

Ez nem jó irány, és arra kérem Önöket, hogy amikor ilyen döntéseket javasolnak, akkor a gazdasági következményeket is vegyék figyelembe.

Diego Solier (ECR). – Señora presidenta, señora comisaria, los incendios no empiezan con el fuego, empiezan mucho antes: cuando se abandona el campo, cuando desaparecen los pastores, cuando las cabras ya no suben al monte, cuando los caminos se tapan, los cortafuegos se olvidan y los agricultores tiran la toalla.

Europa y los Gobiernos hablan mucho de medio ambiente, pero han expulsado a quienes lo cuidaban, han llenado el campo de papeles, de normativas que nadie entiende y de sanciones absurdas. Se olvidan de que donde hay un rebaño no hay maleza; donde hay un tractor hay vida.

Hoy nuestros ganaderos y agricultores son los únicos que hacen de bomberos sin uniforme y lo hacen gratis. Pero, mientras tanto, los fondos europeos no llegan, las ayudas no compensan y la política agrícola común castiga más de lo que apoya.

No se apaga un incendio con discursos: se apaga con pastores, con manos, con personas que aman la tierra. Si no protegemos a quienes cuidan el monte, el monte no nos protegerá a nosotros y, entonces, volverá a arder.

Gerben-Jan Gerbrandy (Renew). – Madam President, Madam Commissioner, obviously full support for your policy of preparedness Union. And it's obvious, like other colleagues have said, that we have to work closely together on these droughts and forest fires. And if you imagine that, even in April, in a country like the Netherlands, we already had forest fires – it says something.

But let's face it, the best way to deal with these crises is to prevent them. It's climate change that causes droughts, forest fires and floods, and it's threatening our livelihoods, our food security and even our lives. So, colleagues, let's invest in climate mitigation, in the 90 % emission reduction in 2040 and in a sustainable agricultural system.

Today we voted and we made EUR 280 million available to assist several Member States with the effects of the floods of the last couple of months. I hope that those parties who are voting against any climate change action have very, very deep pockets, because in a few years' time, we won't need EUR 280 million, we will need billions of euros; in 10-15 years' time, we will need tens of billions of euros. And I count on you to pay that check.

Vicent Marzà Ibáñez (Verts/ALE). – Señora presidenta, señora comisaria, en mi país este verano estamos sufriendo dos hechos históricos. El primero, que ha sido el mes de junio más cálido de la historia, con cuatro grados por encima de lo que es habitual en estas fechas. Y, al mismo tiempo, también estamos sufriendo hoy mismo parques de bomberos cerrados —por primera vez en la historia en verano— y ningún refuerzo forestal para la temporada de verano.

Estas son las consecuencias diabólicas de dos cuestiones. La primera, el cambio climático —claro, evidente—, pero también por tener negacionistas en los gobiernos, en nuestros gobiernos. Y eso está pasando en mi país, pero pasará y está pasando también en otros países de Europa. Por eso, necesitamos medidas valientes que de verdad hagan que se puedan aumentar los fondos para emergencias causadas por el cambio climático y que se pueda coordinar mejor el mecanismo de rescate europeo. Pero también la Comisión tiene que dar pasos valientes y dejar de pactar con aquellos que niegan el cambio climático.

Hace un año usted y yo hablamos por teléfono, casi un año —y se lo agradezco—, con motivo de las inundaciones que se llevaron a 228 muertos en mi país, y en los servicios de emergencias ahora nos dicen que están peor preparados que en ese momento y eso es inadmisible. Por eso, necesitamos más recursos y necesitamos mejor coordinación de los servicios de emergencias.

Έλενα Κουντουρά (The Left). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η πατρίδα μου, η Ελλάδα, όπως και άλλες ευρωπαϊκές χώρες του Νότου και της Μεσογείου, βιώνουν για μία ακόμα χρονιά με σφοδρότητα τις επιπτώσεις της κλιματικής κρίσης. Ο καύσωνας απειλεί ανθρώπινες ζωές. Οι πυρκαγιές κατακαίνε ξανά χιλιάδες στρέμματα αγροτικών και δασικών εκτάσεων, καταστρέφουν σπίτια και περιουσίες και αφήνουν πίσω τους πολλές φορές τραυματίες και θύματα.

Δυστυχώς, πολλά κράτη μέλη αποδεικνύονται ανεπαρκή στην αντιμετώπιση αυτών των ακραίων καιρικών φαινομένων. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση πρέπει να λάβει άμεσα περισσότερες πρωτοβουλίες για την πρόληψη και την αντιμετώπισή τους. Ο Ευρωπαϊκός Μηχανισμός Πολιτικής Προστασίας και το Ευρωπαϊκό Ταμείο Αλληλεγγύης, δυστυχώς, δεν επαρκούν. Χρειαζόμαστε έναν ισχυρό και αποτελεσματικό ευρωπαϊκό μηχανισμό πολιτικής προστασίας που θα ενισχυθεί ουσιαστικά από το νέο Πολυετές Δημοσιονομικό Πλαίσιο, ώστε να παρέχει επαρκή και έγκαιρη στήριξη στα κράτη μέλη που πλήττονται, να επιτρέπει άμεσα τις απαραίτητες επενδύσεις σε κρίσιμες υποδομές, σύγχρονο τεχνολογικό εξοπλισμό και, τέλος, να διασφαλίζει τη στελέχωση με επαρκές ανθρώπινο δυναμικό, τόσο σε επίπεδο πρόληψης όσο και άμεσης ανταπόκρισης.

Νικόλαος Αναδιώτης (NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η πατρίδα μου, η Ελλάδα, πλήττεται κάθε καλοκαίρι από ανεξέλεγκτες δασικές πυρκαγιές. Σε κάθε φωτιά χάνονται δάση, ζώα, περιουσίες, μέχρι και ανθρώπινες ζωές. Μόνο στην Αττική μέσα σε οκτώ χρόνια έχει χαθεί το 37% των δασικών εκτάσεων. Το 2021, κάηκαν σχεδόν 1,5 εκατομμύρια στρέμματα σε όλη τη χώρα. Η τραγωδία στην Εύβοια με μισό εκατομμύριο στρέμματα να γίνονται στάχτη ακόμα μας πονάει.

Το 2023 ήταν μία από τις χειρότερες χρονιές για όλη την περιοχή της Μεσογείου. Σύμφωνα με την Επιτροπή, κάηκαν πάνω από 5 εκατομμύρια στρέμματα. Στην Ελλάδα η καταστροφή ξεπέρασε το 1.800.000. Στον Έβρο, είχαμε τη μεγαλύτερη δασική πυρκαγιά που έχει καταγραφεί ποτέ στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση από το 2000, όταν και ξεκίνησε η επίσημη καταγραφή μέσω του Ευρωπαϊκού Συστήματος Πληροφόρησης για Δασικές Πυρκαγιές. Όλα αυτά δεν είναι απλά φυσικά φαινόμενα. Είναι ευρωπαϊκή αποτυχία πρόληψης και αντίδρασης.

Η Ελλάδα χρειάζεται επειγόντως προτεραιότητα στον μηχανισμό rescEU, σε ανθρώπινο δυναμικό, σε τεχνικά μέσα, σε πρόληψη, σε δορυφορική επιτήρηση. Αν χαθούν οι δασικοί πνεύμονες της Ελλάδας, χάνει ολόκληρη η Ευρώπη. Η Ελλάδα δεν αντέχει άλλο μόνη της. Το rescEU δεν μπορεί να είναι ευχολόγιο. Πρέπει να γίνει ασπίδα για τις ζωές και τα δάση μας.

Matej Tonin (PPE). – Gospa predsednica! Komisarka! Kolegi!

Prihajam iz Slovenije, ki je bila v preteklosti žrtev silovitih in obsežnih požarov v naravi. V Sloveniji več kot polovica območja predstavljajo gozdovi, zato so požari na nedostopnih območjih praktično stalnica, stalna grožnja.

Sem tudi prostovoljni gasilec. Slovenija, ki ima dva milijona prebivalcev, ima 165.000 prostovoljnih gasilcev, od tega 50.000 operativnih gasilcev.

To govorim zato, ker želim poudariti, da za učinkovito gašenje potrebujemo zadostno število gasilcev in tudi ustrezno tehniko. In prav gasilci imajo ključno vlogo, zlasti prostovoljni gasilci, so ključni za odpornost na naravne in človeško pogojene naravne nesreče.

So prvi, ki se odzovejo. Oni so tisti, ki poznajo območje. Trdno sem prepričan, da prava unija pripravljenosti ne more obstajati brez jasnega priznanja tega človeškega kapitala.

Evropska unija bi morala tudi finančno spodbujati prostovoljne gasilce, predvsem pa takoj odpraviti vse birokratizme, ki onemogočajo prostovoljstvo.

Ljudje, ki se dajo na razpolago, potrebujejo tudi ustrezno tehniko. Slovenija je v zadnjih letih okrepila svojo zračno komponento pri gašenju požarov. Prav zračne sile so tiste, ki lahko bistveno prispevajo k pogasitvi požarov na nedostopnih območjih.

Od Evropske unije pričakujem, da bo povečala nabor razpoložljive tehnike, ki bi jo članice lahko delile.

Leire Pajín (S&D). – Señora presidenta, en los últimos días una ola de calor ha barrido Europa de norte a sur. La sequía amenaza a todas las regiones, no solo al sur y no solo al Mediterráneo, aunque en el Mediterráneo sea devastador. Hay incendios en Grecia, en Alemania, en Francia, en Serbia y en Escocia. Se han perdido dos vidas humanas en Lleida y luchamos ante las consecuencias en Tarragona.

Los fenómenos meteorológicos extremos por el cambio climático ponen en riesgo la salud, la economía y nuestras vidas. Si algo hemos aprendido de la negligente y dolorosa gestión de la dana en la Comunidad Valenciana —y también de lo que está ocurriendo en Texas— es la importancia de llegar a tiempo, de alertar a la población y también de la inversión y la necesidad de tener buenos recursos públicos y recursos humanos, de conservar la naturaleza y de luchar contra el cambio climático.

Señora comisaria, tenemos que blindar la estrategia europea con recursos y con instrumentos; la vamos a apoyar para eso. Necesitamos implicar a los Gobiernos, a las instituciones, a la ciudadanía y también a la ciencia. Tenemos que mejorar los sistemas y garantizar la coordinación entre ellos. Estos días tendremos la oportunidad, con el marco financiero, de saber si estamos a la altura y también de ver si la presidenta se alía con los desinformadores y los negacionistas o con los que queremos llegar a tiempo y salvar vidas.

Julien Leonardelli (PfE). – Madame la Présidente, comme chaque été, l'Europe du Sud et le sud de la France s'embrasent. Et comme chaque été, l'État français, pourtant obnubilé par la question du réchauffement climatique, est dépassé. Chez moi, en Occitanie, en une semaine, 4 000 hectares sont partis en fumée dans l'Aude, malgré le courage héroïque de nos pompiers. À Marseille, c'est la même tragédie. Et que fait le gouvernement français? Il constate, il promet, mais il n'agit pas.

Nos moyens aériens, autrefois puissants, sont de nos jours dramatiquement insuffisants. L'an dernier, nous n'avions que deux Canadair disponibles en pleine saison, faute d'entretien. D'ailleurs, notre flotte est vieillissante et la promesse d'Emmanuel Macron de la renouveler est déjà enterrée, avec seulement deux avions supplémentaires – au mieux – d'ici à 2028. Pis encore, la France a refusé un financement européen pour des hélicoptères bombardiers d'eau, qu'elle loue désormais à prix fort.

Pendant ce temps, le voyage en absurdie continue. On subventionne l'arrachage des vignes, qui sont de véritables pare-feu naturels, pour laisser place à des friches inflammables. On bloque des aménagements hydrauliques au nom d'un écologisme dogmatique alors que les territoires brûlent. Alors non, le feu n'est pas une fatalité. C'est une faute, une faute d'État.

(L'orateur accepte plusieurs questions carton bleu)

Grégory Allione (Renew), question „carton bleu“. – Monsieur Leonardelli, bien entendu, on se connaît et, forcément, on a des sujets en commun. Vous m'avez entendu parler, j'espère, et aujourd'hui, mon combat, ce n'est plus les feux de forêt – même si cet été, je prends encore des gardes. Nous avons eu le même type de réaction ce matin, à propos de nos objectifs pour décarboner notre Europe. Cela fait plus de 36 ans que je suis sapeur-pompier. J'ai vu l'intensité et la virulence des feux contre lesquels j'ai lutté, j'ai vu les inondations dans cette Occitanie qui vous est chère.

Ces combats, je les mène depuis quelques années et je vois l'évolution du dérèglement climatique. Je vous en prie, puisque vous tenez des propos pour soutenir l'action européenne en faveur des sapeurs-pompiers et des forces de protection civile, agissez aussi en votant pour décarboner, pour faire en sorte que notre climat soit plus agréable et, en tout cas, qu'il n'y ait pas de conséquences sur nos forces de protection civile et surtout sur nos concitoyens et les habitations qui leur sont chères.

Julien Leonardelli (PfE), réponse carton bleu. – Monsieur Allione, effectivement, je connais votre combat et votre soutien aux pompiers. Vous-même, vous avez été pompier dans votre carrière, et ce combat est fort et remarquable. Mais, vous le savez aussi bien que moi: vous êtes ici, dans cet hémicycle, le représentant d'Emmanuel Macron. Vous savez aussi bien que moi que le parc est vieillissant et qu'il y a trente ans de retard en France. Aujourd'hui, les pompiers sont en première ligne et ils ont besoin de moyens, ils ont besoin d'un investissement fort – chose que vous n'avez pas su faire depuis maintenant de nombreuses années. Donc, quand nous en arriverons à devoir, nous, prendre ce type de responsabilités, croyez bien qu'avec Marine Le Pen nous donnerons des moyens aux pompiers.

Thomas Pellerin-Carlin (S&D), question „carton bleu“. – Monsieur Leonardelli, nous, députés européens, sommes représentants des citoyens qui nous ont élus. Ainsi, quand vous vous adressez à des gens qui ont servi la patrie en étant pompiers, comme notre collègue Grégory Allione, vous vous adressez à lui, et pas à une personne qui représenterait le chef d'un État – premièrement.

Deuxièmement, nous savons qu'il y a – excusez-moi, je vois que vous dodelinez de la tête, c'est comme ça que ça fonctionne en démocratie, même si je sais que c'est un mot qui est peu pratiqué dans votre parti politique… Néanmoins, ma question est simple: qu'avez-vous voté ce midi lorsque nous votions sur la procédure d'urgence pour agir sur le climat? Rappelez-moi quel a été votre vote.

Julien Leonardelli (PfE), réponse carton bleu. – Monsieur Pellerin-Carlin, nous ne rentrerons jamais dans vos délires écologistes, qui tuent nos territoires. Les premiers écologistes sont les agriculteurs, et nous, contrairement à vous, nous les défendons, et, face aux feux de forêt, les viticulteurs sont les premiers défenseurs.

Presidente. – Abbiamo altre blue card, ma procediamo con il dibattito. Prego, onorevole Razza.

Ruggero Razza (ECR). – Signora Presidente, signora Commissaria, onorevoli colleghi, da quando è iniziata questa legislatura non è il primo dibattito in cui ci occupiamo di incendi, non è il primo dibattito in cui ci occupiamo di siccità.

A me, come parlamentare italiano, è capitato di rivolgere molti mesi fa un'interrogazione alla Commissione europea nella quale ho chiesto conto delle scelte che sono state fatte, per esempio per l'acquisto dei Canadair.

Abbiamo la sensazione che si sia in ritardo sulla tabella di marcia, ma soprattutto abbiamo la sensazione che si sia scelto una tecnologia – probabilmente ancora oggi l'unica presente – che però è fortemente obsoleta, che non è adeguata nel numero alle esigenze di pericolo crescenti, che non mette al cuore la digitalizzazione per creare delle forme di prevenzione che possano salvaguardare i nostri territori.

Si è detto nel dibattito che la gran parte degli incendi è legata a matrice dolosa, ma l'espansione di questi incendi nella maggior parte dei casi è dovuta al fatto che si riesce a scoprirli tardi e che non si riesce ad agire presto.

Ci si attende da parte della Commissione, proprio nella strategia della preparazione, che vi sia attenzione al partenariato europeo per andare oltre una tecnologia adeguata e obsoleta.

(L'oratore accetta di rispondere a una domanda „cartellino blu“)

Gerben-Jan Gerbrandy (Renew), blue-card question. – Madam President, Mr Razza, I listened carefully to you, and I think we all agree that we have to fight forest fires. But something else is that we have the responsibility to avoid a further increase in forest fires, and one of the most important reasons for this increase is climate change. Whether you like it or not, it is there and it's causing the enormous increase in forest fires.

What are you doing? You're a powerful man, because you're a Member of the European Parliament. You decide on climate policy. What do you do to help avoid further forest fires in Europe and the rest of the world?

Ruggero Razza (ECR), risposta a una domanda „cartellino blu“. – Non penso che il Parlamento europeo, collega, abbia la possibilità di evitare ulteriori incendi. Certamente, le politiche europee e le politiche nazionali possono prevedere delle strategie di adattamento al clima, ma prevedere delle strategie di adattamento al clima – io sono italiano, lo ha fatto anche il governo italiano lavorando al piano di adattamento al clima – significa lavorare sulla prevenzione, significa lavorare su ciò che riguarda la prevenzione idrogeologica e significa determinare tutte quelle azioni che servono ad accompagnare il tempo in cui viviamo verso la possibilità che non ci siano emergenze.

Presidente. – Grazie onorevole. Ci sono altre, ma procediamo. Prego, onorevole Vasile, che non vedo. Prego, onorevole Staķis.

Mārtiņš Staķis (Verts/ALE). – Madam President, colleagues, crises are part of Europe. But when disaster strikes, it's not a governmental official who knocks first at your door – it's your neighbour. And that is where true preparedness begins: in trust between people; in the strength of local NGOs and community groups, who know the names and needs in their neighbourhoods. They can organise training, build resilience from the bottom up, and often they are more trusted than government institutions.

We see this in Finland, where networks like Vapepa link citizens and state, and across Europe, like in Latvia, where the Latvian Platform for Development Cooperation works to build local resilience.

We must support the human infrastructure with recognition, with resources and with a seat at the table, because resilience starts with the person next door, not the system above. So let's include strong support for NGOs in the EU preparedness strategy as well.

Λευτέρης Νικολάου-Αλαβάνος (NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, Εύβοια, Χίος, Αττική, Κρήτη κατακάηκαν τις προηγούμενες ημέρες. Προστίθενται στα πάνω από 500.000 στρέμματα που κάηκαν μόνο το 2024 στην Ελλάδα και τα πάνω από 450.000 εκτάρια στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση.

Η ευρωενωσιακή στρατηγική που υλοποίησαν και οι ελληνικές κυβερνήσεις, η δασική στρατηγική της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, για παράδειγμα, θεωρούν τα μέσα πρόληψης τη στελέχωση και τον εξοπλισμό των αρμόδιων υπηρεσιών ως κόστος. Θεωρούν την πολιτική προστασία πλευρά της πολεμικής προετοιμασίας. Από εκεί προκύπτουν τα χιλιάδες κενά σε αυτές τις υπηρεσίες. Το βάρος ρίχνεται στην καταστολή, όχι στην πρόληψη, που είναι το πρώτο βήμα για να μειωθούν οι πυρκαγιές και η εξάπλωσή τους. Το δε πολυδιαφημισμένο rescEU ανακυκλώνει τις ελλείψεις. Είναι ένα μπάλωμα που φτάνει πάρα πολύ αργά και δεν αρκεί.

Γι' αυτό, κατόπιν καταστροφής επικαλείστε την ατομική ευθύνη, την κλιματική κρίση, τα πρωτοφανή καιρικά φαινόμενα. Μόνο ο λαός σώζει τον λαό μπροστά στις μεγάλες καταστροφές. Με την πάλη του διεκδικεί σχεδιασμένη αντιπυρική προστασία με βάση την πρόληψη, με άμεση κάλυψη όλων των αναγκών Δασικής Υπηρεσίας και Πυροσβεστικής, με μόνιμο προσωπικό, με μονιμοποίηση όλων των εποχικών, με ενίσχυση και ανανέωση του κρατικού, επίγειου και εναέριου στόλου.

Ana Miguel Pedro (PPE). – Senhora Presidente, se há risco que no meu país, Portugal, conhecemos demasiado bem é o dos incêndios florestais. Só em 2024 arderam 137 000 hectares, perderam-se 16 vidas. A área ardida foi quatro vezes superior à de 2023 e 2025 já nos deu o mês de junho mais quente de sempre.

É tempo de romper com a lógica reativa. A Europa precisa de uma nova cultura de preparação estrutural. Muito se fala hoje de defesa e bem. Mas se falamos de defesa, então temos de falar de fogos florestais, porque hoje, em Portugal, em grande parte do sul da Europa, a defesa começa na floresta, começa na proteção do território, começa na antecipação do risco.

Em 2024, quase 5 000 militares portugueses estiveram empenhados no combate aos incêndios, patrulhas de vigilância do exército, drones da Força Aérea. Este é o novo teatro de operações. Não é um campo de batalha convencional, mas está em causa a mesma coisa: a segurança das populações, a integridade territorial do território nacional.

A verdadeira defesa começa, na realidade, antes do incêndio. Começa na floresta gerida, no campo cuidado, nas comunidades atentas, no território habitado. E, sim, precisamos de acelerar o rescEU, mais meios aéreos, sobretudo para os países da linha da frente: Portugal, Espanha, Grécia. A prontidão europeia não pode ser adiada quando o risco é cíclico e previsível. Precisamos também de mobilizar os fundos de coesão, agrícolas, virados para a prevenção, não apenas para a reconstrução. E precisamos de uma campanha europeia de educação para a preparação da escola, o município.

A resiliência tem de entrar no quotidiano. Resiliência é uma batalha e é uma batalha que temos que vencer, antes das chamas, não depois das cinzas.

(A oradora recusa uma pergunta „cartão azul“ de Ana Miranda Paz)

Thomas Pellerin-Carlin (S&D). – Madame la Présidente, Marseille brûle, et l'extrême droite regarde ailleurs. Les flammes ont atteint le quartier de l'Estaque. Je pense aux marins-pompiers de Marseille et aux pompiers des SDIS qui continuent à lutter contre les flammes. Je pense aussi aux Marseillais, à mes amis – Élisa, Léa, Christophe, Pascaline.

Je ressens aussi une profonde colère car cela fait trente ans que les scientifiques du GIEC alertent sur le fait que les dérèglements climatiques intensifient les incendies. Soyons clairs: notre soutien ne doit pas se limiter à des mots. Ce n'est pas une vidéo TikTok qui sauvera Marseille des flammes, mais le courage des pompiers. Ce sera aussi notre courage politique, que de s'attaquer aux racines du mal: l'urgence climatique. Or, aujourd'hui même, la majorité de droite et d'extrême droite de ce Parlement européen a rejeté notre demande d'adopter en urgence la proposition de loi européenne sur le climat.

Chers collègues, réagissons avant qu'il ne soit trop tard. Agissons avant d'entrer dans un monde où le courage des pompiers ne suffira plus pour sauver Marseille des flammes.

Ana Vasconcelos (Renew). – Senhora Presidente, Senhora Comissária, colegas, os portugueses conhecem bem o custo da impreparação. Em 2022, arderam mais de 120 000 hectares, quase o dobro da média da última década. Perdemos mais de 30 % da água tratada, bem acima de países como a Dinamarca e a Holanda, que perdem menos 10 % e não enfrentam secas regulares como nós.

Fenómenos climáticos cada vez mais extremos são o novo normal. Portanto, quando secas, incêndios, inundações regressam ano após ano, não são fenómenos inesperados, são falhas de governação.

É bom sinal ver a Comissão mobilizar meios aéreos, investir em sistemas de alerta e desenvolver cenários de risco. Mas deve ficar claro que os Estados-Membros têm de resolver problemas como o abandono de terras e o desperdício de água na rede. Há países, como Portugal, que nem conseguem concluir o cadastro da sua propriedade rural. Assim, é impossível haver gestão florestal, que deve ser a principal prioridade na prevenção de incêndios.

Há uma lógica económica evidente: remediar sai mais caro do que prevenir. E os fundos europeus devem premiar quem se prepara, não sustentar ineficiências.

Ana Miranda Paz (Verts/ALE). – Senhora Presidente, há países que proíbem indústrias nocivas, como Portugal, que impõe uma moratória à plantação de eucalipto.

Há países que permitem destruir a natureza, o solo, a agricultura, com moratórias interessadas sobre o eucalipto, como é o governo do Partido Popular no meu país, a Galiza.

Querem terminar com os baldios (a oradora falou numa língua não oficial da UE), em vez de combater a causa dos incêndios, para deixar o solo e a terra ao serviço da indústria da celulose, como as empresas Ence e Altri, que querem comprar na Galiza o que não as deixam fazer em Portugal.

O eucalipto facilita o aumento dos incêndios, favorece o aumento especulativo, promovido por governos incompetentes que favorecem as empresas da macrocelulose. O projeto de Altri exigiria plantar entre 90 000 e 160 000 hectares, além dos 409 000 existentes para satisfazer as necessidades desta indústria.

A Europa exige plantar mais árvores para aumentar a massa florestal e o governo galego, pelo contrário, ataca a biodiversidade, não favorece a plantação de espécies autóctones e converte a Galiza no maior eucaliptal da Europa para dar mais peso à indústria de celulose. Vejam o filme de Oliver Laxe, „O que arde“.

Péter Magyar (PPE). – Tisztelt Elnök Asszony! Biztos Asszony! A gyönyörű hazámat az utóbbi években immár sokadszor sújtja rendkívüli szárazság. Az aszály egy természeti csapás. Az viszont egyértelműen az Orbán-kormány felelőssége, hogy Magyarországon az utóbbi 15 évben nem épültek meg a szükséges környezeti és infrastrukturális beruházások, nem tartották karban és nem korszerűsítették az öntözőberendezéseket, és elmaradt a stratégiai vízgazdálkodási szemléletváltás. A magyar gazdák emiatt ismét bajban vannak, az élelmiszerárak újra száguldanak, miközben a kormány az oligarchákra költi a pénzt, és mást vádol a mulasztásáért.

Most éppen azt hazudozzák, hogy a Tisza venné el a gazdáktól a vizet, miközben az Orbán kormány épp a helyi vízbázisokat akarja kijátszani magáncégeknek, ami tényleg megfizethetetlenné tenné a gazdák számára a vizet. Az orbáni hazugságvonaton nincs fék. A leendő Tisza-kormányra számíthatnak a magyar termelők és gazdák. Hazahozzuk az uniós forrásokat és elvégezzük a vízgazdálkodás, az öntözésfejlesztés, az alternatív talajgazdálkodásra való átállás és az aszályra való felkészülés területén az Orbán-kormány által elmulasztott fejlesztéseket.

Victor Negrescu (S&D). – Doamnă președintă, doamnă comisar, dragi colegi, Uniunea Europeană trebuie să treacă de la reacție la prevenție.

Incendiile și seceta nu mai sunt excepții, sunt noua normalitate. În România, am văzut cum temperaturile extreme au distrus culturi în Timiș, Alba sau Olt, cum vântul puternic a aprins câmpurile din Giurgiu și Teleorman. La Constanța, fermierii s-au trezit cu pământul secat, iar în multe sate pompierii au intervenit cu echipamente vechi sau insuficiente.

Ca negociator-șef al bugetului UE pentru 2025, am obținut fonduri suplimentare pentru situațiile de urgență, mai multe resurse pentru dotarea autorităților locale, sprijin direct pentru comunitățile vulnerabile și crearea unei capacități europene reale de răspuns anticipativ.

Dar trebuie continuat. Nu putem lăsa comunitățile singure în fața crizelor. O uniune pregătită este o Uniune care previne, nu doar intervine, iar prevenția trebuie să devină un pilon central în bugetul și politicile noastre europene.

Marjan Šarec (Renew). – Gospa predsednica, v današnjih časih je ključno, da kot družba postanemo bolj odporni na vse morebitne grožnje našemu prebivalstvu. Sem vsekakor spada tudi pripravljenost na naravne katastrofe. Strategija EU o pripravljenosti na krize govori tudi o tem, kar pomeni, da se komisarka dobro zaveda celotne problematike.

Kot nekdanji minister za obrambo, pristojen tudi za to področje, se zavedam, da je ključno sodelovanje gasilcev, civilne zaščite in vojske. V našem primeru se je to pokazalo za odločilno. Nujno se je zavedati, da vojska ne pomeni samo orožja, temveč je pomen bistveno širši. Zato je nujno vlagati tudi v dvojno rabo oziroma sisteme, ki v ključnem trenutku pomenijo razliko med življenjem in smrtjo.

A brez prave preventive ni in ne bo uspeha. Razmišljati moramo širše: kako bomo kot družba in gospodarstvo bolj odporni in trajnostni.

Spoštovanje narave naj postane naša prva obrambna linija.

Δημήτρης Τσιόδρας (PPE). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, κυρία Επίτροπε, το 2024 ήταν το θερμότερο έτος στην ιστορία. Οι πυρκαγιές και η ξηρασία δεν είναι απειλές του μέλλοντος. Είναι η νέα πραγματικότητα. Οι αριθμοί μιλούν μόνοι τους. 380.000 εκτάρια κάηκαν πέρσι στην Ευρώπη. Η ξηρασία επηρεάζει το 44% της γεωργικής γης και οι κλιματικές ζημιές ξεπερνούν τα 50 δισ. ευρώ ετησίως.

Η πατρίδα μου, η Ελλάδα, αλλά και γενικότερα η Μεσόγειος βιώνουν αυτή την κατάσταση με αυξανόμενη ένταση. Δεν μιλάμε για φυσικά φαινόμενα, αλλά για κλιματικά επιταχυνόμενες κρίσεις που δεν γνωρίζουν σύνορα. Οφείλουμε να επενδύσουμε στην πρόληψη. Χρειαζόμαστε πραγματική Ένωση Ετοιμότητας, όχι στα λόγια αλλά στην πράξη. Συντονισμός και ενέργειες σε ευρωπαϊκό, εθνικό επίπεδο, αλλά και καλύτερη συνεργασία σε επίπεδο τοπικών αρχών με ενεργό ρόλο της κοινωνίας των πολιτών. Ενίσχυση του rescEU με περισσότερα και σύγχρονα μέσα. Αναθεώρηση και ενίσχυση του Ευρωπαϊκού Ταμείου Αλληλεγγύης. Ευρωπαϊκή πλατφόρμα έγκαιρης προειδοποίησης με εργαλεία Κοπέρνικος και τεχνητής νοημοσύνης. Πλήρη εφαρμογή της στρατηγικής για την ανθεκτικότητα στο νερό, με μέτρα για αποδοτική διαχείριση του νερού, επαναχρησιμοποίηση και προστασία των υδάτινων οικοσυστημάτων. Η Ευρώπη δεν μπορεί να είναι πρωταθλήτρια στις διακηρύξεις και ουραγός στην πράξη. Η κλιματική κρίση απαιτεί συντονισμένη, φιλόδοξη δράση, τώρα.

Sofie Eriksson (S&D). – Fru talman! Det här parlamentet är tyvärr förpestat av klimatförnekelse, som om krisen inte redan är här. Här kommer ett vittnesmål från Sverige. Man kanske tror att det är guld och gröna skogar hos oss, och det är det väl på sätt och vis, men tror ni inte att fästingen sprider sig norrut i mitt land? Fattar ni inte varför, klimatförnekare? Blundar ni för att TBE-fallen har fördubblats i mitt land på bara tio år? Avesta. Borlänge. Smedjebacken. Säter. Sandviken. Hudik. Söderhamn. Det var ingen grej med fästingar i mina skogar när jag var barn. Nu ska ungarna vaccineras.

Den här förändringen har redan inträffat, precis som elden och torkan härjar i södra Europa just nu. Ja, värmeböljan känns lite långt bort just nu för oss i norr. Men konsekvenserna av klimatförändringarna är oss in på huden, idag.

För övrigt är det skrattretande att höra folk som förnekar klimatförändringarna komma här och stå i talarstolen och tigga pengar för att hantera dess konsekvenser.

Giusi Princi (PPE). – Signora Presidente, signora Commissaria, onorevoli colleghi, quello degli incendi e della siccità è ormai un appuntamento drammatico con cui l'Europa deve fare i conti ogni estate.

Vengo da una regione, la Calabria, che con la sua alta densità boschiva – 650 000 ettari di patrimonio verde – conosce bene questa sfida. E mi piace segnalare come proprio la Calabria sia diventata un modello positivo per l'Italia, che potrebbe benissimo essere assunto a modello europeo.

L'operazione Tolleranza zero, voluta dal presidente di Regione, Roberto Occhiuto, ha portato infatti risultati straordinari: -77 % di superficie bruciata grazie a 28 droni per monitoraggio continuo, coordinamento tecnologico e azione preventiva, una strategia che ha ridotto del 57 % le richieste di intervento aereo alla flotta nazionale.

La Calabria dimostra pertanto che se l'Europa fa prevenzione spende di meno e salvaguarda il suo prezioso patrimonio boschivo.

Σάκης Αρναούτογλου (S&D). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε, κάθε καλοκαίρι οι φλόγες επιστρέφουν και μαζί τους η αμηχανία, η ανεπάρκεια και οι ίδιες φτηνές δικαιολογίες. Η Ευρώπη μετράει ήδη καμένες εκτάσεις και είμαστε κοντά στη μέση ακόμα του καλοκαιριού. Η Επιτροπή μιλάει για Ένωση Ετοιμότητας, αλλά ποια είναι αυτή η ετοιμότητα όταν το rescEU παραμένει χωρίς μόνιμο στόλο και με πόρους που δεν επαρκούν ούτε για τα στοιχειώδη; Και η ελληνική κυβέρνηση, αντί για πρόληψη επιλέγει μόνο επικοινωνία, χωρίς δασικούς χάρτες, χωρίς επαρκές ανθρώπινο δυναμικό, χωρίς συνεργασία πολιτικής προστασίας και δασαρχείων. Όλα μα όλα στο έλεος της φωτιάς, και, όταν έρθει, φταίει ο στρατηγός άνεμος.

Ήρθε η ώρα για μια πραγματική ευρωπαϊκή ασπίδα πρόληψης με κατευθείαν ευρωπαϊκούς πόρους σε τοπικά σχέδια καθαρισμού και προστασίας δασών. Δημιουργία μόνιμου ευρωπαϊκού μηχανισμού άμεσης αντίδρασης με εξειδικευμένο προσωπικό και εξοπλισμό, έτοιμο να κινητοποιηθεί πριν ξεσπάσει η κρίση. Δεσμευτικούς στόχους σε όλα τα κράτη μέλη για πρόληψη πυρκαγιών και ανθεκτικότητα στην ξηρασία. Και η φωτιά, κύριε Επίτροπε, δεν περιμένει γιατί περιμένει η Ευρώπη. Αν δεν αλλάξουμε τώρα, η Ευρώπη του αύριο θα καίγεται πριν καν ξεκινήσει όχι μόνο η θερινή περίοδος, πριν ξεκινήσει η άνοιξη.

Daniel Buda (PPE). – Doamnă președintă, stimați colegi, în ultima săptămână, în România au ars sute de hectare de teren agricol. Azi, în zona Marsiliei, pompierii încă se luptă cu flăcările, iar seceta extremă face ravagii în întreaga Europă.

Vorbim despre o criză care nu mai este excepția. Este noua realitate. Agricultura europeană este pusă în genunchi, iar incendiile de vegetație amenință vieți, locuințe și infrastructuri esențiale.

Nu putem lăsa statele membre să gestioneze singure un fenomen care afectează întreaga Uniune Europeană. Avem nevoie de o Uniune cu adevărat pregătită, de un plan european coerent și sustenabil. Asta înseamnă investiții urgente în lacuri de acumulare, sisteme de irigații, rezerve locale de apă pentru stingerea incendiilor, consolidarea mecanismelor de protecție civilă și inclusiv dezvoltarea rețelei de pompieri voluntari.

Soluțiile nu pot veni prea târziu. Lipsa apei înseamnă în mod clar lipsa hranei, iar lipsa hranei înseamnă insecuritate pentru fiecare cetățean european. Și nu avem nevoie de așa ceva.

Hannes Heide (S&D). – Frau Präsidentin, Frau Kommissarin, Frau Ministerin! Waldbrände, Dürre, Wassermängel – solche Ereignisse treten in immer kürzeren Abständen heftiger und damit zerstörerischer auf. Und das ist die Erfahrung, die ich in meiner früheren Funktion als Bürgermeister in meiner Heimatregion in Österreich gemacht habe.

Diese Entwicklung ist kein vorübergehendes Phänomen, eine strukturierte europäische Reaktion ist notwendig, die Strategie für eine krisenfeste Union ein bedeutender Schritt in die richtige Richtung. Ein europäischer Katastrophenschutz hat vorsorgend, vorausschauend und solidarisch zu handeln – mit Frühwarnsystemen, grenzüberschreitender Koordination, gemeinsamen Reservekapazitäten und mit Investitionen in Schutz, Infrastruktur und nachhaltige Wasserwirtschaft. Für mich ist dabei ein starkes System an Einsatzorganisation mit Freiwilligen, Feuerwehren und Helfern unverzichtbar.

Wenn wir jetzt nicht nachhaltig investieren, zahlen nächste Generationen einen vielfach höheren Preis. Klimaschutz ist Katastrophenschutz – ein handlungsfähiges Europa ist auf ein starkes Budget mit dem ESF angewiesen. Jetzt darf es kein Zurück in nationalstaatliches Denken geben.

Sunčana Glavak (PPE). – Poštovana predsjedavajuća, kolegice i kolege, govorimo o zajedničkom europskom odgovoru na sve razornije i učestalije klimatske izazove, a šumski požari sigurno su jedan od najozbiljnijih. U 2023. godini Europa je izgubila više od 500 tisuća hektara šuma, a pred nama je još jedna izuzetno topla sezona.

RescEU flota, koja je prošle godine imala 28 aviona i četiri helikoptera, igrat će ključnu ulogu u brzoj pomoći državama članicama. Dolazim iz Hrvatske koja je, nažalost, sve više suočena sa šumskim požarima i snažno podupirem ove napore. Prošle godine potpisali smo ugovor o nabavci dva nova kanadera, upravo iz ovog mehanizma, i trebali bi biti isporučeni 2027./2028.

Pokazali smo i veliku operativnu spremnost u različitim ugrozama i mislim da možemo podijeliti ta iskustva s različitim zemljama članicama. Uložili smo i 634 milijuna EUR u sustav protupožarne zaštite i dodatnih 55 milijuna EUR u nabavku nove opreme.

Međutim, Unija pripravnosti mora u svojim planovima biti fleksibilnija, mora imati ciljanu i dostupnu podršku prilagođenu lokalnim potrebama. Zaključno, potrebni su nam prevencija i operativni planovi, racionalna ulaganja u sigurnost i održivost.

Rosa Serrano Sierra (S&D). – Señora presidenta, el año 2024 ha sido el más caluroso registrado en Europa. Hemos vivido episodios de sequías históricas y calor extremo y también, al mismo tiempo, hemos sufrido las mayores inundaciones desde 2013.

Esos desastres naturales ya no son una excepción y tienen una causa clara: la emergencia climática, cuyas consecuencias —como hemos podido comprobar— son cada vez más graves.

Reducir el impacto del cambio climático en Europa tiene que ser una prioridad y, para ello, nuestros territorios necesitan recursos. El próximo presupuesto y el nuevo plan europeo de adaptación al cambio climático tendrán que contar con una dotación presupuestaria suficiente y, en ese contexto, luchar contra los discursos negacionistas es una responsabilidad política, porque hoy sabemos que la prevención salva vidas y los socialistas estaremos siempre frente a las ausencias de aquellos que se niegan a asumir esta tarea. Estaremos siempre del lado de nuestros territorios, de las personas y del tejido productivo.

Sérgio Humberto (PPE). – Senhora Presidente, Senhora Comissária, caros colegas, o meu ensinamento enquanto presidente da Câmara Municipal em Portugal, ensinou-me muitas coisas, uma das quais: „É melhor prevenir do que remediar. Better safe than sorry.“

A melhor resposta ao risco crescente de incêndios e secas assenta na sensatez de nos prevenirmos. Foi com um impulso do PPE no Parlamento Europeu que a União reforçou o programa rescEU com mais aviões, mais equipas de intervenção e mais fundos para a gestão sustentável da floresta. Só este ano foram mobilizados mais de 500 milhões de EUR para a prevenção, e resposta, de desastres naturais.

O caminho é este. Uma verdadeira União Europeia é uma União preparada, uma União resiliente e cooperante entre si, disponível a partilhar o esforço coletivo por um amanhã melhor.

Μιχάλης Χατζηπαντέλα (PPE). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, η σημερινή συζήτηση για την ετοιμότητα της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης απέναντι στις δασικές πυρκαγιές και την ξηρασία γίνεται την ώρα που οι χώρες του Νότου, όπως η Κύπρος, δοκιμάζονται από καταστροφικές πυρκαγιές και παρατεταμένες περιόδους ξηρασίας.

Χρειάζεται έγκαιρη ανίχνευση, σωστή προετοιμασία και άριστη συνεργασία μεταξύ των κρατών μελών και των αρμόδιων υπηρεσιών για την αποτελεσματική αντιμετώπιση των προκλήσεων. Αναγνωρίζουμε τη σημασία του μηχανισμού πολιτικής προστασίας της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης που συμβάλλει ουσιαστικά στον συντονισμό και την άμεση αντίδραση, αλλά, δυστυχώς, δεν επαρκεί για την επιτυχή αντιμετώπιση του προβλήματος. Απαιτείται να διασφαλίσουμε ότι ο προϋπολογισμός της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, συμπεριλαμβανομένου του επόμενου Πολυετούς Δημοσιονομικού πλαισίου, θα διαθέτει επαρκείς πόρους για την πρόληψη, την ετοιμότητα και την αντιμετώπιση της ξηρασίας και των πυρκαγιών, ενώ πρέπει να εξασφαλίζει την πρόσβαση σε νερό για όλους τους Ευρωπαίους, ειδικά σε χώρες με παρατεταμένη ανομβρία, όπως στην Κύπρο.

Procedura „catch-the-eye“

Francisco José Millán Mon (PPE). – Señora presidenta, los incendios forestales exigen una respuesta coordinada a nivel europeo. La llamada Unión de Preparación me parece una meta importante. Por supuesto, debemos anticiparnos, pero la prevención no es suficiente: también debemos ser capaces de reaccionar con eficacia en la extinción.

En España, las comunidades autónomas competentes para la extinción de incendios sufragan solas los gastos. Los fondos FEDER deberían ser usados también para la extinción, no solo para la prevención. En este sentido, celebro el impulso al instrumento rescEU —que nos ha explicado la comisaria—, que dotará a la Unión Europea de una flota permanente cada vez más voluminosa de extinción de incendios, de aviones y de helicópteros.

Voy a hablar de Galicia, que es mi tierra. No me puedo detener en las falsedades que acaba de esparcir una diputada gallega que quiere hacer olvidar el fracaso del Gobierno bipartito hace unos veinte años en la extinción de incendios y que contrasta con el buen hacer de la Xunta de Galicia del PP. Lo que quiero destacar es que tenemos en Galicia el Centro Integral de Lucha contra el Fuego, situado en Ourense, exactamente en Toén, que se está consolidando como un auténtico campus internacional de referencia para la formación conjunta. Este año recibiremos allí a bomberos forestales de Estonia y también de los Países Bajos.

Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis (S&D). – Madam President, dear colleagues, dear Commissioner, of course, wildfire has no longer affected only southern Europe, but also erupted in northern and central regions of the European Union and wildfires are now no longer a seasonal phenomenon. They are a persistent, systemic threat and they require a systemic response.

Over 150 experts from the EU proposed an integrated wildfire risk management strategy. One of the strategy's central ambitions is to help shift the EU from a fragmented, reactive response toward a shared, proactive framework to support long-term resilience and civil protection capacity. In a context where climate change is reshaping geography and the intensity of fire risk, this shift is both urgent and complex. I think we need to include it into our preparedness Union plans.

Viktória Ferenc (PfE). – Tisztelt Elnök Asszony! Tisztelt Biztos Asszony! A nyár Európa egyes részein az erdőtüzek csúcsidőszaka, miközben más régiókat, közöttük Magyarországot is súlyos aszály sújtja. Hazám kormánya komoly erőfeszítéseket tesz az aszály hatásainak enyhítésére, nem hagyja magukra a gazdákat. Az öntözhető terület nagysága 2020-ban 150 ezer hektár volt, tavaly már 250 ezer hektár. A gazdák 176 milliárd forintot kaptak öntözésfejlesztésre. Az extrém időjárási kihívások világossá teszik: egy olyan Európai Unióra van szükségünk, amely felkészült a természeti katasztrófákra, és a tagállami szuverenitás tiszteletben tartása mellett képes hatékony, gyors és összehangolt segítséget nyújtani.

A válsághelyzetekben helyi és gyors reakciókra van szükség, nem pedig további bürokráciára. Együttműködés kell, nem újabb hatáskörátadás Brüsszelnek.

Sebastian Tynkkynen (ECR). – Arvoisa puhemies, Euroopan tulee olla varautunut moniin uhkiin. Idässä vaanii suuri vaara, eteläinen rajamme natisee siirtolaispaineen alla liitoksistaan ja sisäinen turvallisuutemme on jatkuvalla koetuksella. Kriisinkestävyytemme on vaakalaudalla, mikäli emme panosta siihen riittävästi. Mutta se, kuka panostaa ja mihin, onkin toinen kysymys.

Tällä hetkellä suomalaiset maksavat oman maanpuolustuksensa ohella esimerkiksi metsäpalojen ja tulvien hoitamisesta ympäri Eurooppaa. Varautuneen maan palkaksi on siis jäänyt huolehtia myös niistä, jotka eivät varautumista ole yhtä vakavissaan ottaneet. Olkaa huoleti, varautumiselle tulen kyllä sanomaan aina kyllä, mutta se, että me varaudumme yhteisesti isoihin uhkiin, ei tarkoita sitä, että varaudumme yhteisesti joka ikiseen uhkaan. EU on varautuneiden maiden yhteisö, ei mikään ylikansallinen palokunta ja raha-automaatti.

Ciaran Mullooly (Renew). – Madam President, Commissioner Lahbib, the people of Ireland will not forget what you did for them when Storm Éowyn hit our shores last January. Your emergency response mechanism sent 18 industrial generators to Ireland. The lights came back; the water came back. Our government will hopefully learn to trigger that mechanism earlier.

Fortunately, we do not have widespread wildfires in Ireland, but the small coastal community of Achill in County Mayo certainly has an issue. In the last three years, they've had 12 wildfires, three of them so far this year. And indeed, their village was evacuated last year.

They want to speak to you and to the Commission about a new policy, a strategy to deal with the situation – a national farm and land management strategy. They say their lives, their homes and their farming livelihoods and even the designated conservation areas are under threat.

So, they want joined-up thinking, Commissioner. They want the Commission and the Irish Government to work together with all the agencies. They do not want a 'pass the box' – somebody saying, 'It is not my job to put up the signs, to speak to the tourists. It is not my job to speak to the farmers.' We ask for a joined-up approach, support the people of Achill in County Mayo.

Diana Riba i Giner (Verts/ALE). – Señora presidenta, (la oradora se expresa en una lengua no oficial), en el último mes, tres incendios en Cataluña han arrasado más de quince mil hectáreas. Uno de ellos fue un incendio de sexta generación, imprevisible, extremadamente violento, casi imposible de controlar y con víctimas mortales.

En los últimos años, Cataluña ha sufrido la sequía más severa de la historia moderna, tanto en persistencia como en intensidad, y este mes de junio ha sido el más cálido jamás registrado. Y el mar Mediterráneo ha alcanzado temperaturas tropicales.

Pero ¿saben cuál es el peligro más grave? El „terraplanismo“ climático que domina la bancada de la derecha en este Pleno. Y me temo que, si seguimos dando la responsabilidad de redactar las leyes climáticas a la extrema derecha, como está haciendo el PPE, esto no se resolverá.

No cedamos ante la ignorancia de la extrema derecha, ante su „cuñadismo“ climático. Necesitamos una Europa que crea en la ciencia y que actúe en la evidencia, porque lo que está en juego es nuestra propia existencia.

Μαρία Ζαχαρία (NI). – Κυρία Πρόεδρε, μιλάτε για Ένωση Ετοιμότητας; Ποια ετοιμότητα; Όταν η ίδια η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση χρηματοδοτεί την καταστροφή; Το πρόγραμμα AntiNero εφαρμόζεται στην Ελλάδα χωρίς περιβαλλοντική αδειοδότηση, παραβιάζοντας τις οδηγίες τις ευρωπαϊκές, καταστρέφοντας περιοχές Natura και δάση με δήθεν αντιπυρικές εργασίες που ισοδυναμούν με συστηματικές αποψιλώσεις. Δεν αποτρέπει τις πυρκαγιές. Τις διευκολύνει.

Σήμερα η Ελλάδα καίγεται ξανά. Κατέθεσα γραπτή ερώτηση στην Επιτροπή. Μου απάντησε ότι δεν διαθέτει καμία πληροφορία για το έργο, παρότι το χρηματοδοτεί με εκατοντάδες εκατομμύρια ευρώ από το Ταμείο Ανάκαμψης. Θα ελέγξει, λέει, όταν έρθει η ώρα να πληρώσει, τότε που η ζημιά θα είναι ανεπανόρθωτη.

Σε συνέχεια αυτού, 213 περιβαλλοντικοί και κοινωνικοί φορείς και πολίτες της Ελλάδας υπέβαλαν επίσημη αναφορά στο Ευρωκοινοβούλιο, καταγγέλλοντας παραβιάσεις, διασπάθιση κονδυλίων και τρομερή περιβαλλοντική υποβάθμιση από το AntiNero. Πότε επιτέλους θα δράσετε; Πόσες φωτιές ακόμη; Αν θέλετε πραγματική ετοιμότητα, σταματήστε να χρηματοδοτείτe τον εμπρησμό της φύσης. Όχι άλλα προγράμματα της καταστροφής. Θέλουμε δάση, διαφάνεια, πρόληψη και πρόσληψη μόνιμου προσωπικού πυροσβεστών.

Diana Iovanovici Șoșoacă (NI). – Doamnă președintă, vă mulțumesc că ați menționat România și pompierii români, pentru că în fiecare an, pompierii români ajută în toate țările, dar din păcate nu știți problemele pompierilor români.

Sunt plătiți cu 500-600 de euro pe lună și după ce că sunt pompieri, mai mai fac și pe paramedicii la SMURD. SMURD-ul acela, pe care dumneavoastră îl ovaționați, condus de Raed Arafat, care omoară oameni. Pentru că SMURD-ul nu îți acordă nici un prim-ajutor. Și pompierii, deși fac și acest serviciu, nu primesc nici un ban în plus. Mai mult, deci nu au echipamente, nu au tehnologie, deși sunt o groază de bani.

I-am auzit pe domnul Negrescu și pe domnul Buda vorbind, dar ei reprezintă socialiștii și liberalii, care conduc România de 35 de ani și spun că pompierii nu au echipamente. Păi din cauza lor nu au echipamente, că fură banii. Acum doi ani de zile, la incendiul de la Crevedia, pompierii erau să fie linșați de guvern și acuzați pentru că nu au apărat oamenii, deși i-au salvat, din cauza unor afaceri dubioase ale socialiștilor și liberalilor cu gaz lichefiat.

Ăsta este adevărul despre problemele pompierilor, care sunt eroi ai României.

(Fine della procedura „catch the eye“)

Hadja Lahbib, Member of the Commission. – Madam President, honourable Members, thank you very much for this vivid, fruitful debate, for sharing your thoughts, your experience and your insights. I will start by saying that the Commission's approach to preparing for the wildfire and drought season goes far beyond simply reacting to disasters. We are focused on building long-term resilience through prevention, risk management, preparedness and clear communication.

Honourable Member Lena Düpont, you are right when you say that we need to scale up our approach to preparedness – that's exactly what we are doing through preparedness by design. When we say 'preparedness by design', it's about – without introducing any administrative burden – not only strengthening the EU Civil Protection Mechanism that we will call UCPM 2.0, but also mainstreaming preparedness in many other instruments.

With the EU Preparedness Union strategy, we have, therefore, committed to embed preparedness into all relevant Commission policies and we are getting everyone – everyone – on board. We will step up our efforts to raise public awareness about wildfire risks and strengthen cooperation with the private sector.

When it comes to the question of the choice of the candidates for the purchase of 12 rescue planes, the European Commission engaged in several discussions with potential manufacturers and ultimately, the decision – which was taken by the national authorities of the Member States – was based on technical, operational and economic factors. And at the time, the CL-515 from De Havilland Canada was the only specialised, medium, amphibious firefighting aircraft available on the market. Unfortunately, no comparable European alternatives existed then due to the relatively small market for this type of plane. And that said, we remain hopeful that European manufacturers will play a more significant role in this market in the future. We already discussed this issue with the Commissioner and Vice-President, Stéphane Séjourné.

Honourable Member Grégory Allione:

Merci tout d'abord pour votre engagement, et je tiens, je vous assure, autant que vous à l'engagement citoyen. C'est d'ailleurs une des recommandations du rapport Niinistö, qui souligne que nous ne prenons pas suffisamment en compte l'incroyable force de solidarité qui sommeille en chaque citoyen. Les citoyens sont le premier pilier, la base fondatrice de notre stratégie, et il est vrai que sans eux rien n'est possible et que nous avons besoin, évidemment, de volontaires, de même qu'il nous faut encourager une nouvelle génération à se former, à être prête à faire face aux dangers et à agir. Nous devons aussi avoir le sens des responsabilités et le courage de nous attaquer aux causes profondes de ces événements naturels dévastateurs, avec, à ce titre, un plan d'adaptation au changement climatique, qui sera très bientôt présenté par le commissaire Wopke Hoekstra.

Honourable Members, the EU, with the key support of the Parliament, has already made significant progress in strengthening wildfire preparedness in recent years. That work gives us a solid foundation to build on. We do not take this challenge lightly, especially as climate change accelerates and environmental degradation deepens. This is what European solidarity looks like in practice: working together to build a common collective preparedness for wildfires.

Je terminerai par une pensée pour tous ceux qui sont sur le front des incendies, qui combattent ensemble l'intensité des feux, à quelques kilomètres à peine d'ici, en dépassant les frontières à la fois de la langue, de la nationalité et de la culture, unis par la seule volonté d'aider, de sauver des vies. C'est l'Union européenne comme on l'aime. C'est l'Union européenne de la solidarité en action.

Marie Bjerre, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, honourable Members, Commissioner, thank you for inviting me to this debate on such an important topic, also for our presidency.

I noted your stories and comments about fires, floods, extreme heat, and that illustrates the scale of the challenges. And it also points to the need to work for high climate ambitions. In this regard, I want to emphasise that the 2040 climate target is a priority for the Danish Presidency.

The Preparedness Union strategy also emphasises the societal dimension of preparedness. Some Member States and the EU institutions have already developed interesting actions which we can build upon. Engaging with our citizens on preparedness requires better communication and exchanges with them about the risks that they are facing, including those posed by extreme weather, such as wildfires and droughts, and what they can do to prepare themselves.

The European Parliament is in a good position to participate fully in the communication with citizens about the challenges of preparedness. The Council, therefore, counts on you for this common effort.

PREDSEDÁ: MARTIN HOJSÍK

Podpredseda

President. – The debate is closed.

13. Členství ve výborech a delegacích

President. – The ECR Group has notified the President of a decision relating to changes to appointments within delegations. This decision will be sent out in the minutes of today's sitting and will take effect on the date of this announcement.

14. Prezentace strategií pro vytváření zásob – posílení reakčních kapacit v měnícím se prostředí rizik a hrozeb (rozprava)

Predsedajúci . – Ďalším bodom programu je vyhlásenie Komisie o prezentácii stratégií pre vytváranie zásob – posilnenie kapacít reakcie vzhľadom na meniacu sa panorámu rizík a hrozieb [2025/2790(RSP)].

Hadja Lahbib, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, today we are strengthening Europe's resilience with two new strategies on stockpiling and medical countermeasures. The threats confronting us today are no longer distant. Hybrid attacks, power outages, extreme weather, spreading diseases – these risks are real and they are already part of our daily reality across Europe. That is why we are reinforcing our preparedness.

A few months ago, we launched our new EU preparedness strategy, and today we are already putting it into action with these two deliverables. Since the start of my mandate, I have travelled across Europe and beyond to see how different countries prepare for emergencies. And everywhere I go, one thing is clear: when people are prepared, they feel more confident and more in control, they are not afraid.

I witnessed this most clearly in Sweden, where preparedness is part of citizens' DNA. From a young age, children learn what to do in an emergency situation, and adults have the tools and knowledge they need to act.

The lesson is very simple: the more we prepare, the less we fear. You would not get in your car without putting on your seatbelt. Preparedness works the same way: it gives us security before the impact. And that is what we are doing for Europe now with these two new strategies.

Allow me to start with the stockpiling strategy. This is the first time the European Union is adopting a truly common approach to stockpiling. Our goal is clear: to make sure that essential supplies are available when and where they are needed. We will do this through better planning, close coordination and taking shared ownership. We must move away from a fragmented reactive model and shift towards a proactive, coordinated approach.

This strategy covers the full stockpiling cycle, from A to Z. It starts with anticipating risks and identifying gaps, then it moves to pooling our efforts so we don't duplicate resources. We do not need fleets of Canada's aircraft in every Member State. Rather, we need a system that allows these resources to be quickly deployed across borders wherever they are needed most. With smarter coordination, we can be more efficient, more effective, and we can make better use of public money.

This also means strengthening transport and logistics and boosting civil military cooperation – something that has proven vital in both the pandemic and during natural disasters, like floods and wildfires, and fostering cooperation in external action and international partnership.

We will also make the private sector a strong partner in keeping our societies safe. We will work with European businesses in all Member States to ensure that essential items, from food and water to medicines and masks, are available and ready.

We are also creating a new EU stockpiling network to improve coordination between Member States and, of course, with EU institutions. This new network will bring together, for the first time, all national stockpiling authorities to improve coordination, exchange best practices and build the trust that is so essential in times of crisis. Because trust is what holds everything together and transparency is what helps us know where we stand, what we have, what we lack, and what we need to strengthen.

Material preparedness is about making sure the right supplies are in the right place at the right time. Some areas, like medical countermeasures, require closer attention because they are particularly complex to stockpile. But to stockpile a vaccine or a treatment, it first needs, of course, to exist. And this is where the medical countermeasure strategy comes in – our second major initiative.

Health preparedness is not a one-time effort, but a continuous commitment. And today we are making that commitment by presenting our medical countermeasures strategy. Medical countermeasures, such as vaccines, therapeutics, diagnostics and protective equipment and strategic assets, their rapid development, production and supply save lives, protect our frontline responders and help keep our societies running. Yet, these assets remain scarce or even unavailable for many health threats affecting Europe.

This medical countermeasures strategy has five key goals. First, to enhance our threat intelligence system. Detecting emerging threats early is key; it helps us identify the right medical countermeasure. That is why we will work with the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control, the ECDC, to build an EU wastewater surveillance system and to expand it globally later on. It will act like an early warning radar for detecting infectious diseases in communities before symptoms appear at population level. This gives us valuable time to respond early.

We will also invest in next-generation mobile detection labs to reach the most remote and hardest hit areas, and to protect the most vulnerable.

Second, we will put forward measures to speed up the development of medical countermeasures. This includes launching a medical countermeasures accelerator and increasing the budget for HERA Invest. This will drive innovation and strengthen the competitiveness of a sector that is vital to our preparedness and also our security.

Third, we will work closely with the private sector and create a rapid and agile manufacturing partnership to boost the production of medical countermeasures – this is what we call 'RAMP-UP'.

Fourth, we will improve how we coordinate medical stockpiles across the EU and make joint procurement faster and more flexible so that we can respond quickly based on the specific threat we are facing.

Finally, to keep everyone safe, we need everyone on board. That is why we will deepen our civilian and military coordination, enhance our partnerships with global partners, and most importantly, invest in our greatest asset – our people. Researchers, manufacturers, doctors, nurses and caregivers – they are the heart of our preparedness strategy. They need the right skills and expertise to respond to today's health challenges.

Strong preparedness also requires investment, of course, but the cost of inaction is far greater. The pandemic showed us the price we pay when we are unprepared.

Honourable Members, with this medical countermeasures strategy, we are making a clear promise to all people: when the next crisis hits, Europe will be ready to act quickly and to save lives.

Tomislav Sokol, u ime kluba PPE. – Poštovani predsjedavajući, povjerenice, kolegice i kolege, strategija medicinskih protumjera i strategija europskih zaliha nužne su da bismo osigurali punu pripravnost Europske unije za buduće krize.

Ove strategije zrcale ideju solidarnosti, jednu od temeljnih europskih vrijednosti koja je, nažalost, bila ozbiljno kompromitirana početkom pandemije COVID-19. Tada smo svjedočili uvođenju izvoznih ograničenja među državama članicama, čak i za ključne medicinske proizvode. Takve situacije ne smijemo više dopustiti.

Stvaranje i održavanje strateških zaliha medicinskih protumjera, uključujući medicinske uređaje, lijekove, zaštitnu opremu i opremu za upravljanje u kriznim situacijama, postaje pitanje opstanka u sve nestabilnijim geopolitičkim okolnostima. No, moramo učiniti i više. Zato zagovaram stvaranje europskog koordinacijskog mehanizma za kritične lijekove i lijekove od zajedničkog interesa. Kao izvjestitelj Europskog parlamenta za novi zakon o kritičnim lijekovima radim upravo na tome.

Trenutno ne postoji jedinstveni europski sustav koji bi pružao informacije o stanju zaliha lijekova u državama članicama niti u farmaceutskim kompanijama tamo gdje su, prema nacionalnim zakonima, one dužne održavati takve zalihe. U praksi to znači da, ako jedna država članica bilježi nestašicu nekog kritičnog lijeka, nemamo mogućnost brzo provjeriti postoji li višak tog lijeka negdje drugdje u Uniji da bismo u skladu s tim mogli djelovati i dostaviti lijek tamo gdje je potrebno. To moramo promijeniti.

Stoga je vrijeme da uspostavimo objedinjenu europsku platformu za praćenje i upravljanje zalihama, ali i za sprečavanje nepotrebnog gomilanja lijekova u velikim državama članicama, dok istovremeno manje države trpe nestašice.

Kolegice i kolege, danas objavljene strategije i zakon o kritičnim lijekovima predstavljaju konkretan korak prema jačanju solidarnosti u Europskoj uniji, a nju moramo očuvati jer bez solidarnosti nema ni istinske Europske unije, i svakako pozdravljam donošenje ovih strategija. Ono što nam malo tu fali su konkretne, naravno, odredbe o financiranju, ali nadam se da će se i taj dio nadopuniti, isto u kontekstu donošenja novog višegodišnjeg financijskog okvira, a vjerujem da ćemo i s izmjenama, koje planiramo vezano uz prijedlog zakona o kritičnim lijekovima, stvoriti jedan jedinstveni sustav koji će omogućiti da se svi Europljani osjećaju sigurno u slučaju kriza.

Christophe Clergeau, au nom du groupe S&D. – Monsieur le Président, je dis bravo à Mme la Commissaire, bravo aux équipes de HERA et d'ECHO, les deux DG qui travaillent avec vous, bravo parce que vous mettez en œuvre rapidement et concrètement la stratégie de préparation qui a été publiée il y a trois mois. Et les choses changent. Il y a trois ans, j'étais membre du Comité européen des régions et, quand je défendais les stocks alimentaires, un directeur de la DG AGRI me disait: „Mais, monsieur Clergeau, qu'est-ce que vous voulez faire avec vos stocks alimentaires? Ils vont pourrir dans des entrepôts avant d'avoir servi à quelque chose.“ Eh bien, vous, vous proposez maintenant une vraie stratégie pour l'eau, pour l'alimentation et aussi, évidemment, pour les médicaments, pour que cela soit disponible pour la population.

Alors, j'ai juste une question – ou un regret. Pourquoi avons-nous une loi pour les médicaments critiques, mais aucune stratégie ni aucun accélérateur pour les autres contre-mesures? Aurons-nous des masques le jour de l'épidémie? Je pense – et ce sera mon dernier mot – que la Commission devrait profiter du texte sur les médicaments critiques pour en élargir le champ et avoir une vraie loi pour toutes les contre-mesures, pour lever tous les verrous et pour que l'on ait vraiment des masques produits en Europe le jour de la prochaine épidémie.

Valérie Deloge, au nom du groupe PfE. – Monsieur le Président, madame la Commissaire, chers collègues, la Commission nous présente aujourd'hui ses stratégies de constitution de stocks d'urgence face aux menaces pesant sur nos peuples européens. L'objectif est nécessaire, mais il exige une vigilance politique forte. Ces stocks ne doivent pas être une simple mesure technique. Ils doivent incarner notre souveraineté alimentaire.

Stocker au sein de nos frontières, c'est réduire notre dépendance, c'est renforcer notre résilience, c'est sécuriser nos approvisionnements, c'est protéger notre vieux continent. Nos agriculteurs doivent être au cœur de cette stratégie. Ils sont les garants de notre sécurité alimentaire, et ce n'est pas en les sacrifiant une fois de plus, comme avec l'accord du Mercosur, que nous bâtirons un modèle durable. Ces stocks doivent profiter à nos producteurs, pas à ceux de l'autre côté de l'Atlantique, pour lesquels vous n'avez eu aucun mandat de représentation.

L'Europe doit défendre ceux qui la nourrissent et répondre à cette exigence.

Kosma Złotowski, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Panie Przewodniczący! Stare chińskie przekleństwo brzmi: „Obyś żył w ciekawych czasach“. No i ono się właśnie urzeczywistnia. Żyjemy w ciekawych czasach: wojna na Ukrainie i Bliskim Wschodzie, pandemia, blackouty, klęski żywnościowe, rosnące ceny surowców, wojna celna – można tak jeszcze długo wymieniać. Dlatego pomysł, żeby poprawić zdolności reagowania na potencjalne kryzysy oraz zabezpieczyć łańcuchy dostaw jest oczywiście słuszny. Pytanie, w jaki sposób to zrealizować?

Rozumiem, że Komisja chciałaby uniknąć sytuacji z najgorszego momentu pandemii, kiedy państwa członkowskie walczyły między sobą o zasoby krytyczne, w tym szczepionki. Działo się tak dlatego, że immanentną cechą państwa jest to, że najpierw chroni swoich obywateli, a dopiero potem pomaga sojusznikom. Z tego powodu rezerwy strategiczne, medyczne, techniczne, żywnościowe powinny być magazynowane w każdym państwie członkowskim jak najbliżej obywateli. Musimy unikać sytuacji, w której państwa specjalizują się w gromadzeniu tylko wybranych zapasów. Komisja Europejska powinna pełnić jedynie rolę koordynatora i ściśle współpracować z rządami państw członkowskich w planowaniu zakupów.

Grégory Allione, au nom du groupe Renew. – Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, chers collègues, nous nous souvenons tous de ces semaines où les soignants manquaient de tout sauf de courage, avec des masques rationnés, des surblouses cousues maison et des protections improvisées. Ils ont mis leur santé en jeu pour préserver la nôtre. Pourquoi? Parce que l'Europe n'était pas préparée, n'avait pas anticipé ni stocké. Ce n'est pas qu'une crise nous avait surpris, c'est que notre impréparation avait transformé cette urgence sanitaire en une crise sans précédent.

Le plus grand hommage que vous puissiez leur rendre, madame, c'est effectivement de tirer bénéfice de nos erreurs passées pour construire une vraie stratégie de préparation, et notamment de stocks utiles. Mais, de même que nous ne pouvons pas dépendre de bombardiers d'eau venus du Canada pour défendre nos forêts et éteindre nos feux actuels, de même nous ne pouvons pas dépendre de cargos venus de Chine pour protéger la santé de nos concitoyens.

C'est pourquoi renforcer nos stocks stratégiques est une urgence absolue. RescEU doit devenir notre première ligne de défense. Ne plus subir mais anticiper, ne plus dépendre mais maîtriser: c'est la seule voie pour bâtir une Europe souveraine, résiliente et solidaire.

Pär Holmgren, för Verts/ALE gruppen. – Herr talman! Risker och katastrofberedskap är någonting som vi skulle behöva diskutera mycket, mycket oftare. Inte minst eftersom vi vet att följderna av naturkatastrofer snabbt kommer att bli betydligt värre så länge den globala uppvärmningen accelererar. Det kan vara skogsbränder, det kan vara värmeböljor, det kan vara skyfall och översvämningar.

Ett tydligt exempel är ju den katastrof som drabbade Valencia i slutet av förra året. Vi vet att det ovädret blev mycket, mycket värre och intensivare på grund av det rekordvarma vattnet i Medelhavet. Vi vet också att nu, en vecka in i juli, är större delen av Medelhavet ännu varmare än vad det var vid den här tiden för ett år sedan. Vi vet inte vad det kommer att få för följder, men vi vet att riskerna för naturkatastrofer, den typen av katastrofer, ökar snabbt, och vi måste ha en beredskap för att hantera den typen av katastrofer.

Catarina Martins, em nome do Grupo The Left. – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Comissária, para garantir a prontidão em caso de catástrofe, pediu à população para ter um kit capaz de responder às necessidades básicas durante 72 horas e muitas pessoas, um pouco por toda a Europa, compraram lanternas e pilhas, água, enlatados e, claro, medicamentos.

Mas a Comissão parece ter dificuldade em seguir os seus próprios conselhos. A estratégia que apresenta hoje, tanto sobre a criação de reservas para uma eventual quebra nas cadeias de abastecimento como sobre a estratégia para a saúde em caso de pandemia ou outros, está cheia de grandes intenções, mas não tem orçamento. Ou seja, a União Europeia não vai gastar um tostão em qualquer kit de prontidão.

E, afinal, para onde é que vai o dinheiro? Para o armamento, claro, porque aí há compromissos de muitos milhões. Para tudo o resto, cada vez menos. Proteger cadeias de abastecimento e garantir segurança na saúde é fundamental? Sim. Investem? Não.

Na verdade, e mesmo sem o assumir, a Comissão está já a fazer o que pediu o secretário-geral da NATO. Tirar à saúde para gastar em armas.

É uma enorme irresponsabilidade, a que nos vamos opor determinadamente.

Christine Anderson, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Auch im Sowjetkommunismus wurde Vorratshaltung betrieben – riesige geheime Lagerhäuser voller Getreide, Treibstoff und Medikamente, die oft ungenutzt blieben. Nun will die EU-Kommission unter dem Deckmantel der Resilienz Vorräte anlegen, unzugänglich für Bürger, verwaltet von nicht gewählten Eliten, nach Richtlinien, für die niemand gestimmt hat. Schon der russische Dissident Wladimir Bukowski warnte vor dieser entstehenden EUdSSR, einem bürokratischen Superstaat mit Wirtschaftsplanung nach sowjetischem Vorbild. Man denke nur an das mRNA-Injektionsdebakel. 215 Millionen Dosen dieser mRNA verfielen, wurden entsorgt. 4 Milliarden Euro einfach futsch – dank der EU-Kommission. Die Rechnung zahlt wie immer der Steuerzahler – Familien, Arbeiter, Landwirte –, während die Inflation in die Höhe schnellt und Lieferketten zusammenbrechen. Europa braucht Freiheit, um zu bauen, Handel zu treiben und zu prosperieren. Krisenvorsorge ja, aber um Gottes Willen keine unter Brüsseler Inkompetenz stehende Lagerwirtschaft. Hier sind einzig und allein die Mitgliedstaaten gefragt.

Mirosława Nykiel (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Pani Komisarz! Jeszcze niedawno niewielu z nas sądziło, że zakłócenia w łańcuchach dostaw tysiące kilometrów od Europy mogą dosłownie zatrzymać produkcję. Pandemia nam to pokazała, że cyberatak w innej strefie czasowej może unieruchomić szpital w naszej dzielnicy, że z dnia na dzień może zabraknąć podstawowych leków. To nie są scenariusze z przyszłości, to już nasza rzeczywistość, która będzie powracać pod różnymi postaciami. Zmieniający się świat nie daje nam już komfortu przewidywalności.

Dlatego z uznaniem przyjmując strategię gromadzenia zapasów, inicjatywę bardzo dziś potrzebną. To nie jest tylko kwestia techniczna, lecz fundament budowy Unii gotowości zdolnej działać nie tylko reaktywnie, ale i z wyprzedzeniem. W Polsce dużą rolę odgrywa tu Rządowa Agencja Rezerw Strategicznych, dbająca o bezpieczeństwo zdrowotne i surowcowe obywateli. To dowód, że odpowiedzialne zarządzanie rezerwami jest możliwe.

Teraz czas na wspólną europejską odpowiedź. Musimy zabezpieczyć nie tylko surowce krytyczne, jak metali ziem rzadkich, ale i podstawowe dobra: żywność, wodę, leki. To one stają się najbardziej potrzebne w kryzysie. Unia i państwa członkowskie muszą być gotowe niezależnie od źródła zagrożenia. Odpowiednie rezerwy to nie luksus, to konieczność.

Nicolás González Casares (S&D). – Señor presidente, señora comisaria, creo que vamos en la dirección adecuada. Hemos aprendido de la pandemia y creo que estas estrategias forman parte de esas lecciones aprendidas.

Una Europa segura y preparada es una Europa capaz de reaccionar a las amenazas. He trabajado más de quince años de mi vida en emergencia sanitaria. Sé que la siguiente crisis no es siempre igual a la anterior, pero sé que hay que estar preparado para ella. Una parte importante de la preparación es disponer del material, disponer de las capacidades. Por lo tanto, doy la bienvenida a esta idea.

Pero no nos confundamos: necesitamos prepararnos mejor, pero, sobre todo, preparar a aquellos que van a tener que hacer frente a la amenaza, que son los profesionales. Hay que dotarlos de las herramientas necesarias y defender también a la ciencia y al conocimiento; y saber que muchos de los riesgos, por ejemplo, en el futuro, serán los riesgos climáticos. La seguridad también debe hacer frente a estos riesgos. El dinero de seguridad debe dedicarse también a estos menesteres.

Déjeme decir una cosa: el mejor kit de emergencias es la confianza en los servicios públicos, es la confianza en la información que nos da la ciencia. Y esto es justo lo contrario de lo que pretenden la derecha y la ultraderecha. Tengámoslo en cuenta y defendamos esta…

(el presidente retira la palabra al orador)

Stine Bosse (Renew). – Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, our Preparedness Union is getting real. I could have spoken about viruses, threatening situations, but I will focus on the positive. We can be efficient in countering global health threats. As a Union, we must think together, innovate together, purchase together, stockpile together, and be ready to act together. Build on rescEU.

It's time to leverage the public procurement to make joint purchases of much needed vaccines and other countermeasures. Innovation is about preparedness, too. Yes, we can ensure that we are ready to invent, see new products in the market and invest.

How? With more Europe. A strong co-ordinating role for the Commission, for ECDC and for HERA. That's what we need. That's what we're finally getting.

Ruth Firmenich (NI). – Herr Präsident! Wir reden über Katastrophenvorsorge, und das führt uns direkt zu Ursula von der Leyen, denn die Kommissionspräsidentin ist die größte Katastrophe in der EU. Frau von der Leyen steht für unaufgeklärte Korruption, für gigantische Aufrüstung und für die Zerschlagung des europäischen Sozialmodells. Vorsorge à la von der Leyen sieht so aus, dass Milliardendeals per SMS abgeschlossen werden – selbst der Europäische Gerichtshof rügte die Intransparenz.

Und weil sich Frau von der Leyen nicht in der Sache verteidigen kann, greift sie diejenigen an, die ihr das Vertrauen entziehen wollen. Zu den konkreten Vorwürfen sagt sie nichts. Stattdessen werden alle als Extremisten beschimpft, die sich nicht mit ihrem Schweigen zufrieden geben wollen.

Wenn die EU echte Katastrophenvorsorge betreiben will, muss sie auf Diplomatie und gute Beziehungen weltweit setzen, statt auf horrende Aufrüstung und Konfrontation. Sie muss den Menschen soziale Sicherheit bieten und nicht den Rüstungskonzernen Superprofite verschaffen – die Kommission unter Frau von der Leyen macht das genaue Gegenteil. Es ist Zeit, sie aus ihrem Amt zu entfernen.

Paulius Saudargas (PPE). – Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, the recent years have taught us painful but vital lessons. From the war in Ukraine to the COVID-19 pandemic. We have seen how fragile supply chains can be when crisis strikes. Solidarity must be backed by preparedness.

I congratulate the Commission for responding to these lessons. The Union is putting in place a coordinated approach to securing access to essential goods, from fuel and food to medicine. We are establishing a new stockpiling network to share best practices, identify gaps and avoid duplication. But this strategy is not only about storage. It is about speed, coordination and resilience.

However, the recent accusations against President Ursula von der Leyen for her necessary actions during the pandemic are nothing more than political theatre and reveal a troubling lack of understanding of how crisis must be managed. In times of emergency we need leadership, strong political will and immediate action. We need courageous and effective decision-making because delays can cost thousands of lives. That is why we must empower our leaders to act with flexibility and speed when crisis strikes.

I hope that one day we will find a common legislative recipe for that. With rising geopolitical tensions and hybrid threats, Europe must be ready.

Marta Temido (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Comissária, caros colegas, sabemos que as „lições aprendidas“ com a pandemia da Covid-19 permitiram robustecer a União Europeia. Robustecer a nossa preparação para responder a ameaças ou crises sanitárias.

Mas há ainda muito para fazer. Ao nível da literacia dos cidadãos. Também ao nível da aceleração do desenvolvimento de medicamentos, de testes, de vacinas contra as principais ameaças, sem esquecer a garantia da sua disponibilidade.

Por isso, cumprimento o trabalho da HERA e da Comissão refletido na Estratégia para a Constituição de Reservas na área das contramedidas médicas. Em particular, a criação de um centro europeu de diagnóstico e de um centro europeu de terapêutica, que contribuirão para a autonomia estratégica da União e para a fixação de profissionais especializados.

Anunciou-se que a Comissão está a analisar a necessidade de rever o Acordo de 2014 para a aquisição de vacinas e também isso é necessário.

Caros colegas, quem pensa que podemos enfrentar ameaças ou crises, sanitárias ou outras, sem coordenação, sem o apoio da ciência, sem partilhar informação, não percebeu mesmo nada daquilo que aconteceu nos últimos anos no nosso mundo.

Liesbet Sommen (PPE). – Voorzitter, commissaris, collega's, gezondheid is een basisrecht en wij spreken al maanden over paraatheid tegen de militaire dreiging op onze oostflank en de economische dreiging op onze westflank. Natuurlijk meer dan terecht, want defensie en economische onafhankelijkheid zijn twee essentiële pijlers van onze Unie en die verdienen heel veel aandacht en middelen.

Gezondheid verdient dat echter ook, want daarom komt deze strategie geen dag te vroeg: medisch materiaal, geneesmiddelen samen aankopen en opslaan. Dat is een kwestie van logica en een kwestie van efficiëntie. Wij moeten echt die ingeslagen weg, die paradigmashift die de EU heeft gedaan sinds corona, volgen. We moeten daar blijven op inzetten en we moeten dringend werk maken van een sterk Europa op het vlak van gezondheid. Voorraden aanleggen voor noodgevallen, dat is één ding. Beschikbare en betaalbare geneesmiddelen voor alle Europeanen, is echter het volgende. Op dat punt ligt er nog heel veel werk op de plank.

Μιχάλης Χατζηπαντέλα (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι. Για μικρά κράτη μέλη, όπως η Κύπρος, η διασφάλιση επαρκών ποσοτήτων κρίσιμων προμηθειών, είτε πρόκειται για φάρμακα ιατρικών εξοπλισμών είτε για άλλα βασικά αγαθά, είναι ζήτημα ζωτικής σημασίας. Η γεωγραφική θέση της Κύπρου και οι δικές της ανάγκες καθιστούν την ευρωπαϊκή αλληλεγγύη και τον κοινό σχεδιασμό απαραίτητες προϋποθέσεις για την αποτελεσματική διαχείριση μελλοντικών κρίσεων.

Η εθελοντική κοινή προκήρυξη προμηθειών, όπως προβλέπεται από τις πρόσφατες ευρωπαϊκές πρωτοβουλίες, αποτελεί το πιο ισχυρό εργαλείο για να διασφαλίσουμε ότι κανένα κράτος μέλος, ανεξαρτήτως μεγέθους, δεν θα μείνει πίσω σε περιόδους κρίσης. Μέσα από τη συνεργασία και τη συνένωση της αγοράς και της αγοραστικής μας δύναμης, μπορούμε να πετύχουμε καλύτερες τιμές, ταχύτερη πρόσβαση και δίκαιη κατανομή των κρίσιμων αποθεμάτων. Δεν μπορούμε να επαναπαυθούμε. Πρέπει να επενδύσουμε σε ευέλικτα, διαφανή και συντονισμένα συστήματα αποθεμάτων που θα λαμβάνουν υπόψη τις ανάγκες όλων των κρατών μελών.

Vystúpenia na základe prihlásenia sa o slovo zdvihnutím ruky

Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis (S&D). – Nuoširdžiai sveikinu ir ypatingai džiaugiuosi tiek atsargų kaupimo strategija, tiek medicinos priemonių kaupimo strategija. Jos toliau sustiprins Europos sveikatos sąjungos pirmąjį bloką, kuris paremtas krizių valdymo, pasirengimo krizėms visa koncepcija, įskaitant HERA, įskaitant vakcinų strategiją, įskaitant ir pasirengimą įsigyti priemones, apsaugančias žmones. Aš noriu atkreipti dėmesį, kad Lisabonos sutartyje yra straipsnis, kuris sako, kad tai yra dalijimosi kompetencija. Ir ta dalijimosi kompetencija įpareigoja šalis nares taip pat parengti nacionalines strategijas suharmonizuojant mūsų strategiją su nacionaline, kad mes efektyviai veiktume. Linkiu lyderystės.

Sebastian Tynkkynen (ECR). – Mr President, proper stockpiling of food, water and supplies is essential for Europe. But before the Commission constructs yet another bureaucratic burden for the Member States, I first urge you to look at Finland.

In Finland, with our long border with Russia, preparedness has never been an option. It has been a necessity. In a crisis, we can rely on what is close at hand. This is why preparedness and stockpiling must happen effectively at national, regional and even personal level.

While EU coordination in security measures is not a bad thing, this must be underlined: preparedness starts from national level actions. Because when the water cut-off hits your home and your taps run dry, you don't wait for the EU's bucket to arrive. You pour a glass from your own reserve canister.

(Koniec vystúpení na základe prihlásenia sa o slovo zdvihnutím ruky)

Hadja Lahbib, Member of the Commission. – Mr president, thank you very much for this lively debate and for your insightful comments and questions, and for what I feel like a very strong support.

It is reassuring to see that this Parliament takes crisis preparedness so seriously. It is very reassuring. And there were a number of questions concerning the financing of the actions of the Medical Countermeasures Strategy. I would like to share with you that the Commission allocates over EUR 5 billion in the period of 2021-2027 to various programs like the EU4Health, Horizon Europe and rescEU. Future funding will be discussed in the next MFF, and I hope I can count on your support to ensure we have sufficient firepower for emergency health preparedness and response.

And honourable Member Clergeau, you have also mentioned the need to have other types of health-related stockpiles, such as masks, for instance. And in fact, we have indeed created rescue medical stockpile with masks and other types of personal protective equipment, ventilators and more. And this rescEU stockpile has been created following the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. It was already in 2020.

For Medical Countermeasures, we established a list of critical countermeasures building on the experience of the critical medicines list.

And honourable Member Temido, concerning joint procurement, we are indeed going to revise the Joint Procurement Agreement, aiming to further simplify and increase effectiveness and preparing, protecting and preparedness and partnering indices of preparedness, Union in action. And, of course, the first step, many of you have raised the importance of sharing information. This is the first step because indeed, if we do not know who has what, in which quantity, it will be difficult to have a very good medical countermeasure, stockpiles and so on. So we need to exchange information in full transparency and to build trust.

And it is important that we adopt these strategies in these times when we are not facing a major outbreak of disease or another pandemic.

So with these strategies, the EU is taking decisive and proactive action to protect our citizens, and we are laying the foundation for deeper connectivity and cooperation. When we make Europe safer, healthier and more resilient, we strengthen our societies and make them more competitive as well.

Together, we are building a safer, more prepared Europe that can face today's and tomorrow's challenges.

Predsedajúci . – Táto rozprava sa skončila.

15. Údajné zneužití finančních prostředků EU členy krajní pravice a opatření k zajištění institucionální integrity (rozprava)

Predsedajúci . – Ďalším bodom programu je vyhlásenie Parlamentu o údajnom zneužívaní finančných prostriedkov EÚ poslancami z krajnej pravice a opatreniach na zabezpečenie inštitucionálnej integrity [2025/2808(RSP)].

Niclas Herbst, im Namen der PPE-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident! Tja, wer hätte das gedacht, dass es einen neuen Fall der Veruntreuung und der missbräuchlichen Verwendung von Mitteln geben soll. Ausgerechnet von denjenigen, die oftmals die – sagen wir mal – Verschwendung von Steuergeldern auf europäischer Ebene beklagen. Zuallererst möchte ich mich bedanken bei der Verwaltung unseres Parlaments, die akribisch und hartnäckig und über einen längeren Zeitraum interessante Dinge zusammengetragen hat, die sich wie ein Kriminalroman lesen. Es geht um die missbräuchliche Verwendung von rund 4,3 Millionen Euro. Wenn man aufmerksam liest, was die Verwaltung bisher zusammengetragen hat, dann geht es dabei bisher im Wesentlichen um Stichproben. Es ist also durchaus möglich, dass die Summe, die im Raum steht, noch höher ist. Selbstverständlich gilt die Unschuldsvermutung, und es ist absehbar, dass es auch eine rechtliche Würdigung geben wird, vor Gericht wie im Parlament. Wir werden uns natürlich auch im Haushaltskontrollausschuss dieser Sache annehmen.

Am Freitag wurden wir offiziell informiert. Die Koordinatoren sind mittlerweile informiert, und wir werden sehr schnell in einem zeitnahen Verfahren Empfehlungen für die Verwaltung treffen. Es ist absehbar, dass es dabei natürlich auch darum gehen wird, EPPO und OLAF einzubinden. Dem Vernehmen nach hat zumindest die Europäische Staatsanwaltschaft EPPO bereits die Arbeit hier aufgenommen. Wir werden das Ganze sachlich hart, aber durchaus auch fair verfolgen. Wir werden uns darauf konzentrieren: Gibt es hier tatsächlich vorsätzlichen Missbrauch? Wir werden uns auch darüber unterhalten müssen, wie kann man das in Zukunft besser verhindern? Gleichwohl will ich sagen, es darf keine Ablenkung geben. Am Ende des Tages ist die entscheidende Frage für mich: Gab es individuelles Fehlverhalten, weil das auch entscheidend ist für die Frage: Holen wir das Geld zurück? Wie werden wir das strafrechtlich würdigen? Es geht hier um Steuerzahlergeld und deshalb, meine Damen und Herren, auch eine zentrale Aussage, die wir hoffentlich auch gemeinsam vertreten können: Die Auflösung einer Fraktion darf nicht vor Strafverfolgung schützen. Ich freue mich auf die Zusammenarbeit in diesem interessanten Fall im Haushaltskontrollausschuss.

Chloé Ridel, au nom du groupe S&D. – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, le vrai visage de l'extrême droite, c'est la corruption. Il y a quelques mois, Marine Le Pen était condamnée dans l'affaire des assistants fictifs du RN. Ce matin même, en France, le siège du Rassemblement national a été perquisitionné dans le cadre d'une nouvelle enquête sur le financement de ses dernières campagnes électorales.

La semaine dernière encore, le Parquet européen ouvrait une autre enquête sur une autre affaire de détournement de fonds publics par le groupe du RN au Parlement européen. Ce n'est pas comme si nous étions surpris… Le procureur de la République en France nous avait prévenus lors de la conclusion du procès des assistants parlementaires fictifs du RN: le RN entendait continuer à „faire du Parlement européen sa vache à lait“.

Dans cette nouvelle affaire, on apprend que le groupe du Rassemblement national aurait détourné 4,3 millions d'euros de fonds européens entre 2020 et 2024. Cette fois-ci, les fonds n'ont pas servi à financer des assistants fictifs, mais des associations liées au RN et des entreprises présidées par des proches de Marine Le Pen et de Jordan Bardella. Il y en a pour 3,6 millions d'euros de commandes passées en dehors de toute procédure, sans appel d'offres, pour des impressions manifestement surfacturées à des entreprises, comme par exemple Unanime. Unanime est une société enregistrée au nom de Sighild Blanc, l'épouse de l'ancien chef du GUD, Frédéric Chatillon. Le rapport d'enquête dévoile que cette société aurait remporté un appel d'offres du RN en 2020 sans même avoir présenté de candidature officielle. Cette société Unanime, qui se présentait comme une société d'imprimerie, n'a en fait ni local, ni le moindre matériel, ni même de personnel. Elle sous-traitait entièrement la prestation d'imprimerie et aura au passage empoché une marge délirante de 260 000 euros.

Malgré ces faits accablants, chers collègues, le RN crie au scandale, à l'acharnement. Il nous expliquera que nous sommes tous complotistes, que nous cherchons à confisquer la démocratie, qu'il n'était au courant de rien, etc. La vérité, c'est que Jordan Bardella ne travaille pas pour les Français, au Parlement européen – il y brille par son absentéisme, c'est de notoriété publique –, mais qu'il travaille plutôt à en piller les ressources avec beaucoup d'assiduité. Son seul bilan ici, c'est le détournement de fonds, et le comble, c'est que le RN tente en ce moment même d'inventer de toutes pièces un prétendu scandale de financement des ONG pour le climat avec le budget de l'Union européenne.

Comment peut-on hurler soi-même à la corruption quand on est corrompu? Rappelons que le Rassemblement national est de ceux qui refusent la création d'un organe d'éthique européen, que nous réclamons depuis des mois – on comprend mieux pourquoi aujourd'hui.

L'Europe ne peut plus fermer les yeux. Il ne suffit pas de réagir au scandale, il faut agir, prévenir, protéger, et cela commence ici, dans ce Parlement, en refusant la complaisance avec les corrompus.

Moritz Körner, im Namen der Renew-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Die Internetseite der Kollegin der AfD Frau Anderson, die muss wirklich großartig sein – die hat nämlich über 64 000 Euro gekostet. Und wenn man dann genauer hinschaut: Das Ausschreibungsverfahren ist nicht ganz klar, und dahinter steht eine Firma, die einem Lokalpolitiker der AfD gehört. Das ist offenbar das System. Es ist nämlich nicht der einzige Fall: Ganz viele andere Fälle, wo entweder dubiose Vereine finanziert werden, hinter denen dann rechte Politiker stehen oder Medien, Magazine, sonst was – alles ohne anständige Ausschreibung – das ist der Vorwurf.

Jetzt kann man sagen: Fehler können mal passieren. Wenn die 4,3 Millionen Mal passieren, dann scheint ein System dahinter zu sein. Und natürlich gilt die Unschuldsvermutung und natürlich werden wir das sauber aufarbeiten.

Aber es ist doch bezeichnend, dass gerade die Rechten, die immer als Erste die sind, die den Missbrauch von EU-Geldern beklagen, die sagen, dass das Geld falsch ausgegeben wird, die die sind, die die Privilegien von Politikern kritisieren – sie sind auch die Allerersten, die in die Tasche greifen und sich das Geld der europäischen Steuerzahlerinnen und Steuerzahler nehmen. Und das werden wir ihnen nicht durchgehen lassen, meine Damen und Herren.

Mélissa Camara, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, 2,9 millions d'euros – 2,9 millions d'euros! –, c'est le montant total du préjudice évalué par le tribunal correctionnel de Paris en première instance. Ces 2,9 millions, c'est ce que vous, le RN, avez détourné au Parlement européen, c'est ce que vous avez détourné au contribuable – soit plus de deux mille mois de SMIC!

L'utilisation frauduleuse de l'argent public, ce n'est pas les fantasmes que vous montez en épingle concernant les ONG et leur travail indispensable pour la démocratie, la transition écologique et la justice sociale. La seule fraude, Mesdames et Messieurs, est située à droite de cet hémicycle.

Les extrêmes droites, qui se présentent comme exemplaires, sont en réalité une caste de privilégiés qui s'enrichissent sur le dos des citoyens. Les extrêmes droites, non contentes de porter le rejet d'autrui et de diffuser des contrevérités, ajoutent à cela la preuve qu'elles jouent bien contre les contribuables européens, contre la société, contre nous toutes et nous tous.

Les extrêmes droites ne défendent pas le peuple, elles le volent pour financer leur projet de haine.

Manon Aubry, au nom du groupe The Left. – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, plus de 4 millions d'euros: c'est ce qu'aurait détourné le Rassemblement national en argent public, c'est-à-dire les impôts des Européens, nos impôts. Quelques jours seulement après les condamnations de plusieurs anciens députés européens du parti – dont sa cheffe, Marine Le Pen – pour des faits de détournement de fonds publics, les voilà qui récidivent déjà. D'ailleurs, je ne sais pas si vous avez remarqué: absolument aucun député du Rassemblement national ni d'extrême droite n'est présent pour ce débat – certainement parce qu'ils ont quelque chose à cacher.

Les faits dénoncés sont tout simplement accablants. Plus de 4 millions d'euros d'argent public dilapidé pour financer les copains en contournant les règles d'appels d'offres ou en surfacturant des prestations. Et ces copains-là ne sont pas n'importe qui: ce sont des barbouzes, fascistes, de la „GUD Connection“, groupuscule raciste ultra-violent, avec lequel M. Bardella avait pourtant promis de couper les ponts.

Alors, à ces députés d'extrême droite qui d'habitude parlent d'„assistés“ en évoquant les personnes étrangères: „Qui sont les vrais assistés? Les travailleurs immigrés qui gagnent le SMIC et payent des impôts ou alors les députés du Rassemblement national qui considèrent l'argent public comme leur argent de poche?“

Pour utiliser une expression qui d'habitude leur plaît, je vous propose une chose: tolérance zéro contre ceux qui piquent dans les caisses.

Arno Bausemer, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, meine sehr verehrten Damen und Herren! Herzlichen Glückwunsch zu dieser Debatte, denn sie zeigt den absurden Irrsinn dieses Europäischen Parlaments. Just in der Woche, in der die EU-Kommission und Ursula von der Leyen wegen Milliardenverschwendung vor der Ablösung stehen, just in dieser Woche kommen Sie mit dieser Debatte zu einer Fraktion, die es gar nicht mehr gibt. Aber worüber reden wir hier eigentlich, werte Kollegen? Selbst auf Nachfrage am heutigen Vormittag durch die Referenten unserer ESN-Fraktion wurde die Herausgabe nämlich zunächst verweigert. Der angebliche Prüfbericht liegt also seit Wochen den Medien vor, ich als Mitglied im Haushaltskontrollausschuss habe diese Unterlagen aber erst seit wenigen Stunden.

Dann erwarten Sie, dass wir heute hier ernsthaft über irgendwelche Mutmaßungen von fragwürdigen Medien diskutieren? Das ist genauso lächerlich wie absurd. Es wäre zudem auch sehr interessant, durch wen dieser Bericht überhaupt an die Öffentlichkeit gekommen ist. In jedem Stadtrat oder Gemeinderat – ich bin selber auch Kommunalpolitiker – gäbe es einen Aufschrei, wenn nicht öffentliche Dokumente an die Öffentlichkeit gelangen. Hier scheint das niemanden zu stören, solange man sich das politisch zunutze machen kann. Gleichzeitig werden die Chatverläufe von Ursula von der Leyen – ganz ruhig bei der FDP, Sie verschwinden ja eh bald – mit der Pharmaindustrie offensichtlich besser geschützt als die Bank von England.

Korrekt wäre es gewesen, wenn der Bericht zunächst im Ausschuss besprochen worden wäre. Handelt es sich um bewussten Missbrauch oder nur um formale Mängel? Hat man überhaupt eine Stellungnahme der Betroffenen eingeholt, und gibt es wirklich nur diese eine ehemalige Fraktion oder vielleicht andere Fraktionen – Grüne, EVP –, wo es ähnliche Vorfälle gibt? Bevor das nicht geklärt ist, verbietet sich jede Vorverurteilung. Das alles sieht tatsächlich eher nach einer Hexenjagd aus als nach einer glaubwürdigen Sorge um das Geld unserer Steuerzahler. Es wäre sehr erfreulich, wenn Frau von der Leyen demnächst die bezahlten Milliarden aus der Coronazeit zurückzahlen würde. Dann darf die Linke übrigens auch sehr gerne das Geld aus dem ehemaligen SED-Vermögen zurückgeben. Darauf warten 16 Millionen DDR-Bürger. Sie haben da Probleme, die Sie noch nicht geklärt haben. Die Bürger warten auf Antworten.

Tomáš Zdechovský (PPE). – Pane předsedající, děkuji kolegovi z extremistické skupiny za zábavnou vložku během dnešního večera. Vážení kolegové, vážené kolegyně, dovolte mi, abych pokračoval seriózně v této debatě. Zneužívání evropských fondů je útokem na důvěru občanů v Evropskou unii a je naprosto jedno, jestli se ho dopouští levicoví nebo pravicoví extremisté. Dnes stojíme před závažným případem, který otřásá důvěrou Evropského parlamentu. Evropská prokuratura zahájila vyšetřování možného zneužití 4,3 milionu EUR z fondu Evropského parlamentu skupinou Identita a demokracie, jejímž členem byla i francouzská strana Rassemblement national vedená Marine Le Penovou nebo česká SPD. Tato skupina, která se prezentovala jako obránce národních zájmů a odpůrce bruselské demokracie, je nyní podezřelá z vážného porušení pravidel, která měla sama chránit. Peníze určené na parlamentní činnost, to není bankomat pro skupiny, který si budou cashovat pro svoje kamarády, to jsou peníze, které jsou určeny na to, aby politická skupina mohla fungovat. A my důsledně jako Evropská lidová strana trváme na transparentnosti a na dodržování pravidel a odpovědnosti všech politických subjektů bez ohledu na ideologii.

(Řečník souhlasil s tím, že že odpoví na otázku položenou zvednutím modré karty)

Raquel García Hermida-Van Der Walle (Renew), blue-card question. – Thank you, colleague, for this very feisty intervention on behalf of Europeans and against the misuse of European funds. You also mentioned the role of the European Parliament and the role of the European institutions, and I believe that we have an instrument at hand which we are not using yet, which is the EU ethics body. And given that you're so serious about integrity in our institutions, I would like to ask you, and offer you, and hope that you will work with many of us here in instating the EU ethics body.

Tomáš Zdechovský (PPE), blue-card answer. – Thank you very much for this great question. I was expecting this question, and I think this is not something that is linked with ethics. This is normally fraud. Also, we cannot use any ethical standard for someone who doesn't know what ethics mean.

Also, we need a criminal investigation and to bring the people to court. And I think it's very important to say that stealing the money of European payers, it doesn't mean nothing with ethics, it means that it's fraud – it's fraud. And all these groups we need to bring to court. And I think it's the most important reaction on this behaviour of some misusing the funds.

Giuseppe Lupo (S&D). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, i rilievi emersi sull'utilizzo di circa 4 milioni di euro da parte del gruppo di estrema destra ID, oggi sciolto, sollevano interrogativi che devono essere chiariti – ci auguriamo presto – e che richiedono risposte da dare ai cittadini sull'utilizzo dei fondi pubblici europei.

Non si tratta di alimentare polemiche politiche, ma di difendere i principi di correttezza, di trasparenza e di responsabilità sui quali si fonda la fiducia dei cittadini nelle istituzioni europee.

La notizia dell'apertura di un'inchiesta da parte della Procura europea nei confronti del gruppo ID potrà chiarire la natura di alcune spese e portare all'eventuale, doveroso recupero dei fondi.

Sosteniamo il lavoro dell'amministrazione del Parlamento per garantire piena trasparenza, anche grazie al ruolo di tutte le autorità competenti. Ci impegneremo nei lavori della commissione per il controllo dei bilanci per assicurare che tali garanzie vengano rispettate pienamente.

Difendere le regole per la trasparenza è una priorità del Parlamento europeo perché significa difendere la legalità e difendere gli interessi finanziari dell'Unione europea e dei suoi cittadini.

Raquel García Hermida-Van Der Walle (Renew). – Mr President, dear colleagues, as it has been noted already, not a week goes by without a new corruption scandal. This is indeed killing the trust of citizens in politics, in the EU, in our institutions, in our democracy. And where misappropriation of public funds is proven, those responsible should be punished accordingly.

I also think that we should not spare any instruments. I do believe that we do need an EU ethics body to help us in that task. But, of course, this is a matter of criminal justice and that's why we urgently need a strong anti-corruption directive.

We have been negotiating for a while and it has not come to fruition yet, because Member States seem to have found each other in a very disgraceful tit for tat. Governments are supporting weak anti-corruption measures in return for weak green laws. They are playing political games at the expense of citizens' money.

So, I ask the Danish Presidency and colleagues here to keep supporting the efforts for better anti-corruption legislation in the Union.

(The speaker agreed to take several blue-card questions)

Tomáš Zdechovský (PPE), blue-card question. – Thank you, dear colleagues, I have one question: do you think that some decision of ethics body will have an impact on the behaviour of some groups that are not respecting the law, that are systematically misusing funds? There are, in this group, many decisions of the courts that the members of this group were stealing money, including Marine Le Pen. What do you think, how will they behave?

Raquel García Hermida-Van Der Walle (Renew), blue-card answer. – Thank you so much for the question, for returning it, because that gives us an opportunity to show citizens how we approach this matter.

Of course, there are issues which have to do with the total lack of integrity of some groups in this House, and that's something we're not going to fix with an EU ethics body. I agree with you.

But there are a lot of grey zones in the way that the laws are being applied, and there are a lot of instruments which we can use to help these institutions to stand up and fulfil the standards which citizens expect from us. So, I don't think they're mutually exclusive; I think they're complementary. And again, I hope that the European People's Party is willing to work with us on that.

Sebastian Tynkkynen (ECR), sinisen kortin kysymys. – Te puhutte kauniisti korruption vastaisen lain edistämisestä, mutta samaan aikaan olen ymmärtänyt, että teidän ryhmänne aikoo antaa huomenna tukensa Ursula von der Leyenille, joka on tehnyt tekstiviestein 35 miljardin euron arvoisia kauppoja, ja oikeus on päättänyt, että hänen pitää julkistaa nämä tekstiviestit. Hän ei suostu sitä tekemään.

Oletteko silti sitä mieltä, että tästä huolimatta olette valmis antamaan hänelle tukenne ja että tämä ei ole teille mikään „big issue“?

Raquel García Hermida-Van Der Walle (Renew), blue-card answer. – I honestly don't think that the question of the motion of censure has anything to do with this, because in the rule of law system that we have in the European Union, no one is proven to be corrupt until that has been judged and evaluated in the proper judiciary system. And that's why the title of this debate is 'Alleged misuse of EU funds', which is not the case in the case of Ms von der Leyen.

Daniel Freund (Verts/ALE). – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Mir scheint, im Europäischen Parlament ist eine kriminelle Vereinigung gegründet worden. AfD, FPÖ, die Abgeordneten von Le Pen und andere Rechtsextreme haben sich zusammengetan und nicht, um ein paar Euro hier und da auf die Seite zu schaffen, sondern um systematisch alle Gelder, die ihnen zur Verfügung stehen, zu missbrauchen, damit Betrug zu machen, sich und Freunde, Parteikolleginnen und -kollegen zu bereichern.

Marine Le Pen ist schon wegen 4,6 Millionen Euro in Frankreich nach einem sehr langen Verfahren verurteilt worden, wegen Missbrauch mit den Personalgeldern und anderen Geldern. Und jetzt steht der nächste Vorwurf im Raum: 4,3 Millionen Euro, die die AfD, die die FPÖ und die Leute von Le Pen wohl geklaut haben. Und das ist erst der Anfang, weil es ist ja nur eine Stichprobe gewesen. Und wenn jetzt alle Gelder, die wir uns angucken müssen … alle Ausgaben der ID müssen jetzt auf den Tisch, damit wir sehen, was da gelaufen ist.

Und Sie hetzen hier gegen NGOs. Und die einzige illegale Finanzierung von NGOs, von der ich je gehört habe mit EU-Geldern bis zum heutigen Tag, sind die Vorwürfe, dass Sie mit Ihren Geldern NGOs rechtswidrig finanziert haben. Das muss aufgeklärt werden!

(Der Redner ist damit einverstanden, auf mehrere Fragen nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“ zu antworten.)

Arno Bausemer (ESN), Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Ja, Herr Freund, Sie haben eben gerade gesagt, dass alle Abgeordneten der AfD alle Gelder verschwenden oder missbrauchen. Ich bin jetzt ein Jahr Mitglied in diesem Parlament. Ich möchte Ihnen mal sagen, ich gehe sehr akkurat damit um, mache viele Veranstaltungen. Wo genau habe ich jetzt Gelder missbraucht? Ganz konkret – ich persönlich! Das möchte ich von Ihnen wissen, wenn Sie so eine pauschale Verurteilung hier vornehmen. Es ist absolut unredlich, was Sie machen.

Daniel Freund (Verts/ALE), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Na, dann legen Sie mal Ihre Ausgaben offen. Also ich will jetzt sehen, dass die ID-Fraktion in der letzten Periode, und dass in dieser Legislaturperiode die PfE- und ESN-Nachfolgefraktion, wo die Abgeordneten aus der ehemaligen ID jetzt drin sitzen, dass die jetzt offenlegen. Was machen Sie mit Ihren Vierhundertergeldern? Was machen Sie mit Ihrer Bürokostenpauschale? Wird die unabhängig geprüft? Meine Sachen werden von Buchhaltern unabhängig darauf geprüft, ob das im Einklang mit den Regeln hier im Haus gemacht wird. Mir ist nicht bekannt, dass auch nur ein einziger Abgeordneter der AfD eine unabhängige Prüfung seiner Bürokostenpauschale macht. Ich bin gespannt, wann wir diese Unterlagen zu sehen bekommen und wann wir sehen können, dass die Gelder vernünftig ausgegeben werden.

Moritz Körner (Renew), Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Herr Kollege, vielen Dank, dass Sie diese Frage zulassen. Ich finde, Sie waren jetzt ein bisschen hart mit dem Kollegen Bausemer, weil er ist ja wenigstens der Einzige, der sich traut, hierher zu kommen. Aber wahrscheinlich ist auch der Grund, dass er eben in der letzten Periode noch nicht Abgeordneter war, sonst wäre er wahrscheinlich Teil des Ganzen. Aber das muss er beantworten. Ich habe eine Frage, die habe ich mir wirklich gestellt, vielleicht können Sie als Korruptionsexperte das beantworten: Warum geht man ins Europäische Parlament, wenn man dagegen ist, gegen die ganze Europäische Union? Ist vielleicht der Grund, dass man nur Geld hier wegziehen will. Können Sie uns das vielleicht noch mal erläutern?

Daniel Freund (Verts/ALE), Antwort auf eine Frage nach dem Verfahren der „blauen Karte“. – Ich habe ein bisschen Suggestion aus der Frage herausgehört an der einen oder anderen Stelle. Der Eindruck lässt sich nicht verwehren, dass bestimmte Abgeordnete, weil sie im nationalen Recht zumindest viele Jahre keine Chance hatten, überhaupt irgendwo gewählt zu werden, sich dann ins Europäische Parlament … – na ja, man muss ja sagen, dass weder die UKIP-Leute noch die Leute von Le Pen über Jahrzehnte irgendwo anders eine Chance hatten, gewählt zu werden und dann hierhin gekommen sind und hier die Gelder ….

(Der Präsident entzieht dem Redner das Wort.)

President. – Can you try to stick a bit more to the topic?

My job is to try to stick to the debate.

Jonas Sjöstedt (The Left). – Herr talman! Här till höger brukar det sitta ledamöter som talar om hur miljörörelsen använder EU-pengar felaktigt. Det gör de helt utan saklig grund. Här till höger brukar samma ledamöter tala om korruptionen inom EU och hur människor som har invandrat hit använder skattepengar felaktigt. Men idag är de inte här. Idag är det tomt i kammaren hos extremhögern, för idag har det återigen avslöjats hur de systematiskt har tillskansat sig och fuskat med EU-medel. EU-medel som har hamnat i deras egna fickor. EU-medel som har hamnat hos deras vänner och bekanta.

Nu är det viktigt att gå till botten med det här med åklagare, med polis och med en grundlig utredning. Efter det skulle jag vilja föreslå ett namnbyte för „Patrioter för Europa“ så att de istället kallar sig för „Hycklare och fuskare för Europa“.

Reinhold Lopatka (PPE). – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! So weit wie mein Vorredner Freund würde ich nicht gehen, die Patrioten pauschal als kriminelle Vereinigung zu bezeichnen. Aber es ist ein bekanntes Muster – das stimmt schon. Rechtspopulisten wettern gegen die Europäische Union und bedienen sich gleichzeitig widerrechtlich in einem Ausmaß, das unfassbar ist – das muss man sagen.

Le Pen ist ja schon verurteilt worden mit einem Dutzend ihrer Abgeordnetenkollegen. Da ist es um Millionenbeträge gegangen – das sind keine Kleinigkeiten. Und heute gab es ja wieder eine Hausdurchsuchung in Paris. Die Europäische Staatsanwaltschaft ermittelt nun auch wegen des weiteren Missbrauchs von 4,3 Millionen Euro. Beteiligt: rechtsextreme Parteien in Frankreich, Deutschland, Belgien, aber auch in Österreich, was uns sehr trifft. Die Ermittlungen haben nur in Österreich ergeben: 599 650 Euro. 599 650 Euro flossen an das FPÖ-nahe Magazin Zur Zeit, herausgegeben von einem ehemaligen Abgeordneten der Freiheitlichen, hier im Europäischen Parlament. Und wer verteidigt dann das alles als super sauber? Harald Vilimsky, Delegationsleiter der FPÖ, gegen den selbst wiederum mehrere Strafverfahren anhängig sind.

Was es jetzt braucht, das ist tatsächlich vollständige Aufklärung. Und wenn was widerrechtlich ist, dann zahlen Sie auch das so zurück, wie Sie seinerzeit schon einen sehr hohen Geldbetrag – 400 000 Euro für Champagnerfeiern – zurückbezahlen mussten.

Andreas Schieder (S&D). – Herr Präsident, werte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Es ist schon wieder etwas passiert: Champagnerskandal, Le Pen, Personalaffäre und jetzt auch die Ermittlungen wegen mutmaßlicher Veruntreuung von über 4 Millionen Euro Steuergeld. Die Liste der Skandale der Rechtsaußenparteien alleine aus dem Europäischen Parlament ist lang. Und wenn wir noch dazuschreiben, was in den nationalen Parlamenten und in den Gemeinderäten so angestellt worden ist, dann wird die Liste noch viel länger.

Die FPÖ aus Österreich ist oft direkt involviert, und es ist ja wohl klar: Das ist nicht ein Einzelfall, sondern es ist ein strukturelles Problem, was bei dieser Partei vorliegt. Die Anschuldigungen sind groß und gehören auch restlos aufgeklärt. Es braucht eine gründliche und transparente Aufklärung, ein rasches Ermittlungsverfahren und auch Konsequenzen für die Beteiligten.

Und ich denke mal, es ist auch bezeichnend heute: Anstatt klarzulegen, was man eigentlich zu seiner Verteidigung oder als Rechtfertigung zu sagen hat, bleibt man einfach dieser Debatte fern, als wäre nichts gewesen. Und so kann es doch nicht sein. Und eines muss man ganz klar sagen: Die FPÖ und ihre Europaabgeordneten und auch in der nationalen Politik sind immer sehr schnell beleidigt, wenn man sie kritisiert. Das ist so ein bisschen billig jammern, aber dann gleichzeitig ordentlich teuer abkassieren. Das ist die Methode der FPÖ, und der müssen wir entschieden entgegentreten.

Helmut Brandstätter (Renew). – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Gergely Karácsony war heute hier bei uns – der Bürgermeister von Budapest –, und er hat das Mediensystem Orbán wieder genau erklärt. Orbán nimmt EU-Geld, um in Ungarn gegen die EU zu hetzen, und er bedroht alle Unternehmerinnen und Unternehmer und Medien, die etwas kritischer berichten, die etwa in kritischen Medien inserieren, solche Unternehmer werden bedroht. Das ist das System Orbán, und der österreichische FPÖ-Chef Kickl war in Budapest und hat gesagt, er möchte das in Österreich genauso machen, und dann hat er dort auf die Globalisten in Brüssel geschimpft. Wir wissen: Globalisten, das hat – jedenfalls bei uns – auch immer einen antisemitischen Unterton, also die bösen Globalisten hier. Dann ist noch etwas: Kollege Lopatka hat schon gesagt, wie viel Geld Zur Zeit bekommen hat. Aber es wird auch europäisches Geld in hetzerische, rechtsextreme österreichische Medien investiert und eines davon hat sogar ein Interview mit dem Herrn Medwedtschuk gebracht, wo der erzählen durfte, wie großartig der Krieg Russlands gegen die Ukraine ist. Das sind die rechtsextremen Medien in Österreich. Sie nehmen europäisches Geld, um Europa zu bekämpfen, und das müssen wir stoppen.

Vystúpenia na základe prihlásenia sa o slovo zdvihnutím ruky

Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señor presidente, muchos en el Parlamento Europeo, y especialmente en la Comisión de Libertades Civiles, Justicia y Asuntos de Interior, trabajamos duramente y con determinación para poner en pie la Fiscalía Europea, activa desde 2021, que tiene el poder de investigar cualquier indicio delictivo contra el presupuesto de la Unión y sus intereses financieros. Pero no solo eso, puede ejercer la acusación penal, sentar en el banquillo a quienes hayan perpetrado esos delitos y enfrentarlos con la justicia penal, de acuerdo con las reglas procesales de cada uno de los países. Ya va siendo hora de que se entere todo el mundo.

Esa arquitectura se completa con la OLAF, de carácter no judicial, sino administrativo, que persigue los fraudes contra los intereses de la Unión.

Pero hace falta también —sí, lo afirmo— el Órgano de ética, lamentablemente bloqueado en esta Cámara, y no por casualidad, por los grupos de la extrema derecha, pero en esta legislatura con la complicidad también del Partido Popular Europeo, porque el Órgano de ética se dirige no solamente a reprimir —como la Fiscalía Europea— los delitos cuando ya se han cometido, sino a prevenir para que no se cometan, con dación de cuentas, transparencia y reglas de integridad. Por tanto, el Órgano de ética sí que es necesario.

(Koniec vystúpení na základe prihlásenia sa o slovo zdvihnutím ruky)

Predsedajúci . – Táto rozprava sa skončila.

16. Mírová dohoda mezi Demokratickou republikou Kongo a Rwandou (rozprava)

Predsedajúci . – Ďalším bodom programu sú vyhlásenia Rady a Komisie o mierovej dohode medzi Konžskou demokratickou republikou a Rwandou [2025/2792(RSP)].

Jozef Síkela, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members of the European Parliament, the peace agreement between the DRC and Rwanda, facilitated by the US, is a source of hope for the Great Lakes.

We welcome this positive step and stress how the parties to this agreement, all other regional players and actors like the EU need to work together for this accord to become the starting point of, first, a rapid relief to the dire humanitarian and respect for human rights situation in DRC. An estimated 3.8 million internally displaced persons (IDPs) in North and South Kivu live in precarious conditions, 6.4 million throughout the country, most of whom in the east.

And second, a long-term positive dynamic in favour of peace and security. There are multiple components of the peace agreement, which relate to domains where the EU has already been active, and where we can thus offer a tangible, significant support to its implementation. Politically, but also in terms of economic integration and humanitarian assistance.

In terms of economic integration, the agreement foresees a separate accord on regional economic integration that is currently being negotiated. It should enable the parties to expand foreign trade and investment and introduce greater transparency to critical mineral supply chains. Reducing illicit economic pathways would benefit local populations rather than the armed groups, organised crime networks or corruption.

The EU has long been advocating for sustained integration across the Great Lakes. Our own experience in building a single market and reaping its security and prosperity benefits puts us in a unique position to share experiences and lessons learned. This was discussed with both Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Congo and Rwanda during the EU-African Union ministerial meeting on 21 May 2025. We have been supporting integration efforts at regional, trilateral and bilateral level. In line with our Great Lakes strategy, our global gateway investments are aimed at fully harnessing the economic and political transformative potential across the entire region.

Just to mention a few examples of ongoing bilateral and regional actions which we can intensify and recalibrate and we can point to our support to.

Hydropower in the DRC, Rwanda and Burundi border area, all three countries being benefited by the construction of the Ruzizi III power plant. Joint management of water resources in Lakes Kivu and Tanganyika, pooling the management of natural resources in the Virunga National Park. Cross-border infrastructure to facilitate legitimate trade and movements of people. Support to improved traceability of raw materials, including minerals, replacing trafficking by trade.

In terms of humanitarian situation, we welcome the much-needed attention given to the situation of the people in eastern DRC and across the Great Lakes. EU humanitarian aid to DRC, with a focus on the East has been significant. EUR 112 000 000 in 2024 and EUR 100 000 000 in 2025 so far, but the needs are enormous and only partially met.

The European Union urges the parties to rapidly deliver on their commitments towards refugees and internally displaced persons. We stress the importance of ensuring the necessary conditions for the delivery of emergency relief and for the free, safe and unconditional access by humanitarian operators to vulnerable populations.

Ingeborg Ter Laak, namens de PPE-Fractie. – Voorzitter, commissaris, collega's, de vredesdeal van Congo en Rwanda leidt hopelijk tot het verminderen van de gevechten in de DRC, waar inmiddels duizenden mensen vermoord zijn en nog eens honderdduizenden gevlucht. Deze gevechten moeten echt stoppen. Binnen de vredesdeal is er ruimte voor plannen om Congolese mineralen te gaan verhandelen, mogelijk met de VS als investeerder. Deze mijnen zouden komen naast de mijnen van bijvoorbeeld al de Chinezen en de Russen die daar ook actief zijn. Het belangrijkste met deze metalen is dat de economische welvaart terugkomt bij de Congolezen zelf. Het land moet niet leeggeroofd worden door buitenlandse inmenging. De EU lijkt aan de zijkant te hebben gestaan bij het maken van deze deal. Daarbij is het belangrijk dat de EU nu de situatie blijft monitoren en kijkt hoe Europa met Congo als rechtmatige eigenaar van de kritieke materialen, een partnerschap kan afsluiten met voordelen voor zowel Congo als Europa.

Marit Maij, namens de S&D-Fractie. – Voorzitter, ik ontmoette haar vorige maand in Congo, een meisje van vijftien. Thuis verkrachtte een bendelid haar zo bruut dat ze in het ziekenhuis geholpen en gehecht moest worden. Ze wilde graag zo snel mogelijk terug naar huis om weer naar school te gaan. Want wiskunde, dat vindt ze het leukst. Maar ze durft niet meer naar huis. Ze vraagt mij of ik kinderen heb. Ja, ik heb twee kinderen. Zij wil later geen kinderen meer, want ze vertrouwt mannen niet. Ze weet niet of ze hen ooit nog kan vertrouwen.

Seksueel geweld tekent voor het leven. Toch rept dit vredesakkoord met geen woord over rechtvaardigheid en restitutie voor slachtoffers in het conflict. Dat er een vredesakkoord ligt, is een belangrijke stap, maar het richt zich niet op de oorzaken van het conflict: de economische ongelijkheid, de illegale mijnbouw en ook de verantwoordelijkheid van M23.

Er moet meer humanitaire hulp komen, vooral voor de slachtoffers van het seksueel geweld. De internationale gemeenschap moet zich ook richten op de oorzaken van het conflict en de daders van oorlogsmisdaden vervolgen en berechten.

Philippe Olivier, au nom du groupe PfE. – Monsieur le Président, le récent accord entre le Rwanda et la République démocratique du Congo, certes fragile mais bienvenu, vient souligner l'incurie de l'Union européenne dans cette guerre épouvantable. Incurie, parce que vous avez désarmé diplomatiquement des pays membres comme la France ou la Belgique qui, pour des raisons historiques ou linguistiques, étaient légitimes à agir. Vous les avez neutralisés sans rien faire de votre côté. Incurie, parce que vous avez laissé le Rwanda, pays agresseur, receler les matières premières volées à la RDC. Le cessez-le-feu arraché par les États-Unis de Donald Trump vous oblige à imposer au Rwanda le départ effectif de ses troupes du territoire congolais, le désarmement total de la milice criminelle M23 et l'arrêt du pillage des richesses congolaises.

Il y a également la question des réfugiés intérieurs du Congo, dont l'Union européenne doit se préoccuper, comme elle s'intéresse à juste titre au sort des populations civiles dans les autres guerres et, ce matin encore, à la population civile de l'Ukraine.

Enfin, vous avez le devoir d'établir, au bénéfice des deux parties, des relations commerciales avec ce grand pays qu'est le Congo. L'accord qui vient d'être signé nous appelle à l'action. J'ai cru comprendre que la Commission voulait agir: nous verrons bien ce que valent ces paroles.

Nicolas Bay, au nom du groupe ECR. – Monsieur le Président, le 27 juin, Donald Trump a réussi là où l'Union européenne a échoué, en présidant un accord de paix entre le Rwanda et la République démocratique du Congo. Nous nous en réjouissons, bien sûr. Les carnages qui se déroulent dans les provinces de l'est de la RDC déstabilisent profondément toute une région. Les crimes du M23, soutenus par Kagame, et les abjections islamistes du groupe de l'Alliance des forces démocratiques n'ont pas disparu. Depuis l'offensive de la milice pro-rwandaise, 7 000 morts et 500 000 déplacés sont à déplorer.

Toutefois il existe un espoir pour que la souveraineté de Kinshasa cesse d'être malmenée au Kivu et que les Congolais cessent d'être les victimes expiatoires de la repentance coloniale européenne face à Kigali. Je ne peux que partager avec vous mon émotion en pensant à toutes les victimes de l'église de Kasanga, décapitées parce que chrétiennes, en février dernier, par les porte-machettes de Daech en Afrique centrale.

Alors que l'Union européenne avait toléré le pillage des ressources de nombreuses provinces congolaises par leur voisin, il ne faut cependant pas être dupe d'une autre réalité. C'est bien pour concurrencer la Chine, bénéficiaire d'un contrat historique au Congo, que l'administration américaine vient de se mobiliser. C'est donc parce que l'Union européenne a été inefficace qu'elle ne bénéficiera d'aucune retombée positive.

L'Europe échange avec l'Afrique des aides financières contre des migrants au lieu de saisir des occasions sur le plan économique. La République démocratique du Congo, deuxième pays francophone du monde, doit être un partenaire de poids pour l'influence européenne en Afrique. Cessons notre aveuglement devant le Rwanda, et cela redeviendra possible.

Hilde Vautmans, au nom du groupe Renew. – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, nous saluons l'étape importante qui est celle de la recherche de la paix durable au Congo. Mais est-ce que cet accord améliore la situation sur le terrain?

Monsieur le Commissaire, où est l'Europe? Pourquoi le mémorandum d'entente avec le Rwanda n'est-il pas encore suspendu? Ce conflit a fauché plus de 10 millions de vies. C'est comme si un pays tout entier, tel que la Belgique, avait été rayé de la carte.

Dans le cadre de notre mission, en mai, nous avons constaté que le peuple congolais, après plus de trente années de conflits orchestrés par le Rwanda et consorts, aspirait avant tout à la justice, qui est le pilier essentiel d'une paix durable.

Collègues, le Conseil et la Commission doivent maintenir la pression par des sanctions, car, malgré la signature de l'accord de paix, le Rwanda continue de menacer et de conquérir d'autres territoires. Prenez les sanctions qui s'imposent et garantissez que les responsables de ces atrocités ne resteront pas impunis, ainsi que l'a exigé le Parlement européen dans ses deux résolutions. Amani kwenu!

Mounir Satouri, au nom du groupe Verts/ALE. – Monsieur le Président, alors que nous débattons de l'accord de paix entre la RDC et le Rwanda, je veux d'abord rappeler aux Congolais qu'ils me trouveront toujours du côté de la paix, à me réjouir quand les armes se taisent et quand le sang cesse de couler. Mais ils ne me trouveront jamais du côté de ceux qui bradent leur souveraineté et leurs richesses. Œuvrer pour la paix, c'est avant tout œuvrer pour la justice.

Or, Donald Trump poursuit la même logique impérialiste qu'en Ukraine: aussitôt l'accord signé, il se félicite d'avoir obtenu une grande partie des droits miniers en RDC. Cet accord ne garantit pas la paix durable, il ne reconnaît pas la responsabilité de l'agresseur rwandais et n'exige aucune réforme de la part du gouvernement congolais. Cet accord ne fait que garantir la mainmise étrangère sur les ressources de la RDC.

Cet accord est aussi l'échec de l'Union européenne, qui aurait dû incarner une voie différente pour la paix: celle de la justice. C'est votre échec, monsieur Síkela, vous qui, il y a encore quelques mois, affirmiez ne pas être au courant des agissements du Rwanda en RDC. Il est temps d'agir: cessez de ne rien faire ou d'être complice!

Marc Botenga, au nom du groupe The Left. – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, la paix, c'est bien. On applaudit la paix. Mais vous avez oublié une chose: qu'a dit Trump, en fait, aux Congolais? Il leur a dit: „Si vous voulez la paix, va falloir me filer vos richesses.“ Il impose donc un deal aux Congolais, lesquels lui offrent le contrôle des minerais. C'est ce qu'on appelle du racket, tout simplement.

L'Occident – l'Europe aussi, d'ailleurs – a d'abord „sponsorisé“ le Rwanda, les rebelles et la guerre à l'Est pour piller les minerais du Congo. Ce sont les mêmes qui, ensuite, viennent proposer la paix des voleurs et ramènent des mercenaires américains pour contrôler les mines des Congolais. En Ukraine, c'est la même chose – „Vous voulez un soutien? Écoutez, vous allez nous céder vos matières premières“ –, et au Moyen-Orient aussi, d'ailleurs – de la Libye à l'Iran en passant par l'Irak, tout pays qui veut contrôler son gaz et son pétrole se fait attaquer, se fait bombarder. Même les Palestiniens, aujourd'hui, se font dégager pour que leur gaz puisse être volé. C'est ça l'impérialisme. On le sait très bien: l'Afrique n'est pas pauvre, l'Afrique est appauvrie – et cela crée aujourd'hui de la colère.

Si l'Europe ne change pas d'approche, nous serons chassés avec du goudron et des plumes par les Congolais, par les Africains. Notre responsabilité est de ne plus suivre cette politique impérialiste, celle que nous avons suivie en soutenant les rebelles, le Rwanda et d'autres impérialistes comme les États-Unis.

Wouter Beke (PPE). – Voorzitter, commissaris, collega's, begin dit jaar geleden laaide het geweld in Oost-Congo opnieuw gruwelijk op. We zagen de gruwelijke beelden op televisie. Maar eigenlijk zien we al dertig jaar deze gruwelijke beelden op televisie. Nu is er een vredesdeal getekend. Dat is op zich een goede stap, maar toch ook een stap met een aantal vragen.

De eerste vraag, mijnheer de commissaris, was: waar is Europa in dit conflict? Waar zaten wij? Was dit een vredesdeal of was dit een mineralendeal en zal op het eind van de rit alleen nog de mineralendeal overblijven en zal de vredesdeal opnieuw verdwijnen? Ik denk dat dat een cruciale vraag is. Een vraag die wij als Europa misschien nog in de juiste richting kunnen duwen door ervoor te zorgen dat we in de toekomst wel mee aan die tafel gaan zitten. Want daar is wel een vrede getekend, maar een aantal cruciale spelers, collega's, geven niet thuis. De rebellengroep M23 zegt: wij voelen ons niet gehouden en gebonden aan deze vredesdeal. Terwijl dat dan natuurlijk wel de essentie van de zaak is.

Voorzitter, commissaris, collega's, ik roep iedereen op en ik roep u ook op. Ik roep de Europese Unie op. Ik roep de hoge commissaris, de hoge vertegenwoordiger op om samen meer aandacht te besteden aan dit conflict. Een conflict dat al decennialang woedt, een conflict dat al miljoenen doden heeft gevraagd, een conflict – u heeft dat zelf al aangehaald – dat 2,5 miljoen intern verplaatsten, alleen al in die regio, met zich meebrengt.

Er is vandaag een vredesdeal. Dat kan positief uitpakken. Zorg ervoor dat het geen mineralendeal wordt zoals in Oekraïne. Dat kunnen we alleen maar doen door zelf als Europa mee aan tafel te zitten, omdat het in ons belang is.

Francisco Assis (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, à primeira vista, este acordo de paz até parece uma notícia relativamente animadora no atual panorama do continente africano. Trata-se, no fundo, de uma transação entre estes dois países aqui referidos e os Estados Unidos da América: o cessar-fogo e minerais em troca de investimento.

Contudo, a responsabilização e a reparação pelas gravíssimas violações dos direitos humanos, cometidas por ambas as partes, ficaram de fora deste acordo. Este acordo trará a paz, mas manterá a impunidade. A conflitualidade não vai desaparecer, apenas ficará oportunisticamente suspensa, o que significa que, a qualquer momento, poderá ser oportunisticamente reacendida.

Por isso mesmo, a União Europeia não deve remeter-se a um papel de mera observadora. Deve esforçar-se por tratar a raiz da instabilidade e da violência nesta região e tem de colocar a proteção da população civil acima de tudo, condicionando as suas relações com o Ruanda. Desde logo, a retirada completa das suas tropas e milícias afiliadas da República Democrática do Congo e suspendendo, assim, o Memorando de Entendimento com esse país enquanto isso não suceder.

PREȘEDINȚIA: VICTOR NEGRESCU

Vicepreședinte

France Jamet (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, oui, l'accord de paix négocié à Washington entre le Rwanda et la République démocratique du Congo sous l'égide des États-Unis est dramatique à plus d'un titre. D'abord, parce qu'il tord le bras au Congo en l'engageant à entériner les souffrances de son peuple et qu'il soutient le dictateur rwandais Kagame. Ensuite, parce qu'il inféode l'Union européenne aux quatre volontés des États-Unis, nous mettant hors-jeu dans une région cruciale pour nos intérêts stratégiques.

Pourquoi? Comment? Parce qu'après trente ans d'agressions et d'exactions rwandaises et 6 millions de morts congolais, l'Union européenne a regardé ailleurs, en se cachant derrière une indignation à deux vitesses et en soutenant une puissance agressive et invasive vis-à-vis de son voisin – situation qu'elle est pourtant si prompte à dénoncer ailleurs.

Alors, de cet accord et de ces trente ans de démission on retiendra simplement que rien n'est réglé. Autrement dit: tout reste à faire.

Jan-Christoph Oetjen (Renew). – Herr Präsident, verehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Gut, dass der Krieg zu Ende geht. Gut, dass es ein Ende hat, dass die Milizen der M23 aus Ruanda im Kongo operieren. Gut, dass Ruanda aufhört, die Ressourcen des Kongo zu plündern. Alles gut also? Nein. In Ruanda wird weiter die Opposition unterdrückt. Wir haben keine freie Meinungsäußerung in Ruanda.

Und ich möchte darauf hinweisen, dass am 19. Juni die Oppositionsführerin in Ruanda, Victoire Ingabire, verhaftet wurde. Und gestern gab es die erste Verhandlung ihres Gerichtsprozesses. Ein politischer Gerichtsprozess, wo ihr vorgeworfen wird, eine kriminelle Vereinigung gegründet zu haben, und es ist unklar, ob sie aus dem Gefängnis wieder freikommt, verehrte Damen und Herren.

Und ich möchte an dieser Stelle einmal sagen: Die Kommission muss hier tätig werden, weiter am Ball bleiben, dafür sorgen, dass Menschenrechte, dass Freiheit, dass Grundrechte auch in Ruanda durchgesetzt werden. Und gerade der Fall von Victoire Ingabire sollte von unserer Kommission dort bei der Regierung angesprochen werden.

Pernando Barrena Arza (The Left). – Señor presidente, desde finales de la década de 1990, el este de la República Democrática del Congo ha sido escenario de conflictos interconectados marcados por la presencia de múltiples grupos armados, la disputa por el control de recursos naturales estratégicos y también las consecuencias del genocidio del 1994 en Ruanda. Más de siete millones de personas se encuentran desplazadas internamente en la República Democrática del Congo y las violaciones sistemáticas del Derecho internacional humanitario son más que habituales.

En este contexto, el pasado 27 de junio se firmó entre la República Democrática del Congo y Ruanda un acuerdo de paz que prevé la retirada de tropas ruandesas del territorio congoleño, la desmovilización del M23 y garantías para el retorno seguro de las personas desplazadas. A pesar del escepticismo sobre su implementación, este acuerdo es una oportunidad relevante para la desescalada del conflicto y la creación de condiciones para una paz sostenible. Paralelamente, la Misión de las Naciones Unidas se retira a lo largo de este año y deja un vacío en una región con altísimos niveles de violencia e inestabilidad.

La Unión debe estar a disposición de las autoridades congoleñas para que puedan asumir plenamente las funciones de seguridad y protección de civiles. Además de apoyar los términos del acuerdo de paz, la Unión Europea debe alejarse de visiones neocoloniales y extractivas que están en el origen del conflicto.

Jan Farský (PPE). – Mr President, do you use a cell phone? I'm sure you do. Most certainly you will find parts in it which come from Congo, from a country that is consumed by a conflict for more than a decade. Rwanda-supported militias took over the Congolese strategic areas. Every four minutes, a woman was raped – every four minutes.

It seems now that we have a deal between Congo and Rwanda. It should be an opportunity for Europe. Africa has its own experience with Russian occupation and modern Chinese feudalism. Europe, on the other hand, offers a partnership. I've been to Congo and I can confirm that Europe is seen as a solid partner.

The European initiative – the Global Gateway – is based on cooperation, not dependence. As a shadow rapporteur, I'm glad I can shape how the Global Gateway works.

Hannes Heide (S&D). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar! Es gibt nichts, was unsere Welt mehr braucht als Frieden an einem der größten Krisenherde und Kriegsschauplätze unserer Zeit. Regelmäßig haben wir im Europäischen Parlament die unerträgliche Lage für die Menschen, Gewalt und Missbrauch im Ostkongo thematisiert. Das Abkommen zwischen Ruanda und der Demokratischen Republik Kongo kann ein erster wichtiger Schritt hin zu Frieden und Stabilität sein. Entscheidend ist allerdings, wie das Abkommen tatsächlich umgesetzt wird, ob es den Ursachen des Konflikts entgegenwirken kann. Die Unterstützung der M23-Rebellen durch Ruanda muss beendet werden. Ihre Ausklammerung aus dem Abkommen ist ein Versäumnis. Der Handel mit Rohstoffen darf nicht länger Korruption und Konflikte befeuern. Es stimmt, in jedem unserer Handys ist ein Stück Kongo-Kobalt drinnen. Während die US-Administration vor allem wirtschaftliche Interessen verfolgt, müssen humanitäre Bedürfnisse im Vordergrund stehen. Langfristige Stabilität entsteht nur dort, wo Perspektiven wachsen. Das schützt am Ende auch Europas Sicherheit und Glaubwürdigkeit.

Intervenții la cerere

Juan Fernando López Aguilar (S&D). – Señor presidente, el pasado mes de abril tuve el honor de ser parte de una misión del Parlamento Europeo —de la Asamblea Parlamentaria África-UE, de la que soy miembro— a la República Democrática del Congo.

Nos entrevistamos largamente con el presidente de la República, Félix Tshisekedi, y creo que no revelo ningún secreto si digo que toda su intervención se centró en la preocupación con respecto del conflicto con Ruanda, que desde hace décadas gobierna Paul Kagame, y la intervención de M23 en Goma y en regiones de Congo ricas en recursos naturales.

La intercesión de Estados Unidos y Qatar a través de la penetración de esos recursos naturales —el litio, el cobalto, las tierras raras— en Congo puede ser celebrada, sí, como un acuerdo de paz que hacía falta para que cesara el derramamiento de sangre, pero en ningún caso condona la responsabilidad penal de las masivas violaciones de derechos humanos. Mujeres, niños vulnerables, que han pagado con su vida ese conflicto, y esas responsabilidades penales en ningún caso pueden quedar disueltas en el acuerdo de paz. Esa es la vulnerabilidad del acuerdo.

(Încheierea intervențiilor la cerere)

Jozef Síkela, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members of the European Parliament, before I jump to my closing remarks, please allow me to at least partially answer some of your questions. Mainly, where is my role or the Commission's role in the whole negotiation process? Unfortunately, I am meanwhile missing the most outspoken people here. Okay.

Who helped facilitate the deal was a matter for the two parties to decide, not for the EU or anybody else to determine. The EU's overarching goal is that a peace agreement be reached and respected. We commend the US for having facilitated this. Our strong, principled stance in last February, March, was part of the pressure that drew the parties – both parties – to the negotiation table. The EU, and in particular the EUSR, the Special Representative for the Great Lakes region, has been in regular contact with all key partners.

On the MOU on sustainable raw materials value chain: the EU condemns the illegal exploitation and trafficking of natural resources from the DRC, regardless if it is done by Rwandese or some of the Congolese. Let me be very open. The effective certification of supply chain, regional cooperation and trade are crucial steps in this regard. For this reason, the EU signed the MOUs with both DRC and Rwanda. The MOU with Rwanda in particular provides a platform to engage Rwanda on the transparency and traceability of mineral value chains, and to encourage Rwanda to join the Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative.

Legitimate regional trade and cooperation on natural resources can be important drivers of economic development, creating win-win-win solutions through the Great Lakes regions. We are concerned with ending the illegal trafficking of Congolese resources via Rwanda. Discussions with the Member States are ongoing and the MOU in question is now under review.

The peace agreement can bring hope to many and is undoubtedly a step in the right direction – we hope the first of many. We are not naïve and do recognise the many challenges that lie ahead. The tragic history of the Great Lakes, which has witnessed multiple failed attempts at solving this crisis in eastern DRC, calls for caution and prudence. But for now, this is the best chance we have to help build a momentum for peace. The region cannot afford to miss this opportunity.

The implementation of the peace agreement, the successful and satisfactory conclusion of the talks between the DRC and M23, and the coordination and continuation of the other peace initiatives will not be easy and will require coordinated and concerted efforts by all stakeholders. The EU is ready to do its part to contribute to this effort, drawing lessons from the past, capitalising on its existing actions, but ready to do more.

Thank you very much for your attention and for the balanced debate.

President. – Thank you, Commissioner. I can assure you that the debate is important for the Parliament. Many of the colleagues are at the group level right now discussing important issues related also to the Commission.

The debate is closed.

Declarații scrise (articolul 178)

Marcin Sypniewski (ESN), na piśmie. – Świat toczy dziś brutalną grę o zasoby – i Europa z niej odpada. Konflikt między DRK a Rwandą to nie tylko napięcia etniczne, ale bezwzględna walka o kobalt, tantal, lit, złoto – surowce niezbędne do zielonej transformacji Zachodu.

Unia Europejska podpisała z Rwandą umowę o tych surowcach, choć wie, że pochodzą one z terenów Konga kontrolowanych przez rebeliantów i wydobywanych rękami dzieci, a dziś stroi się w pióra rozjemcy. Kogo próbujemy przekonać?

Tymczasem przywódcy DRK – zainspirowani negocjacjami USA z Ukrainą – zaproponowali Amerykanom dostęp do złóż w zamian za pomoc w zakończeniu wojny. 27 czerwca w Waszyngtonie podpisano porozumienie pokojowe pod auspicjami USA, oparte na formule: bezpieczeństwo za minerały. To element większej układanki – amerykańskiej rywalizacji z Chinami o wpływy w Afryce.

Rolę mediatora przejmuje dziś mały Katar, a my – pozbawieni wpływów – stoimy z boku. Śmieją się z nas, bo sami – w imię zielonego szaleństwa – niszczymy własny przemysł, by potem kupować „zielone“ produkty z krwawych surowców wytwarzane cudzymi rękami.

Europa musi się wreszcie obudzić, jeśli nie chce z eksportera stabilności stać się importerem chaosu.

17. Výsledky konference o financování rozvoje v Seville (rozprava)

Președinte. – Următorul punct de pe ordinea de zi este dezbaterea privind Declarațiile Consiliului și Comisiei referitoare la rezultatele Conferinței privind finanțarea pentru dezvoltare de la Sevilla (2025/2793(RSP)).

Marie Bjerre, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, honourable Members, Commissioner, the fourth international conference on financing for development in Seville has marked a key moment for global cooperation. This comes at a time of historical challenges and urgent need for renewed commitment to the sustainable development goals.

The mere fact that the conference was hosted on European soil underscores the EU's unwavering commitment to multilateralism, solidarity and a rules-based international order. In Seville, the EU reaffirmed its unity, leadership and commitment to global sustainable development and the SDGs, working closely with partners to promote reforms and fair representation in international institutions.

The conference achieved consensus, a success in itself, on a comprehensive outcome document. It lays out an ambitious package of reforms and actions to close the USD 40-trillion annual financing gap for the SDGs. This outcome reaffirmed a number of key priorities promoted by the EU throughout the conference process: domestic resource mobilisation, international trade and private sector mobilisation, debt sustainability and further reform of the international financial architecture. Also, it commits to opening an international intergovernmental process at the UN to address gaps in the global debt architecture, with the aim of achieving more comprehensive and fair debt relief.

The EU's Global Gateway strategy and support for innovative financing mechanisms were key contributions to mobilising resources and supporting transformative development. As such, they helped EU contribute to the 2030 agenda. By investing in quality infrastructure projects, Global Gateway strengthened the resilience and autonomy of the EU's partners while supporting their urgent priorities, including climate action, energy and digital transition, health and education.

With many transformative investment projects, reflecting the needs and objectives of our partners in Africa, Latin America, Caribbean and Asia, the Global Gateway is an instrument to advance the sustainable economic and human development in these countries and build lasting mutually beneficial partnerships. Later this year, in November, the EU will hold summits with the Community of Latin American and Caribbean states, and with the African Union. These will be key occasions to further advance our development cooperation agenda with two of our most important regional cooperation partners.

Of course, Seville is not the end of the road, and there is still a long way to reach our common objective and achieving sustainable development by 2030. This agreement is not as perfect, but it provides a compass and a pathway for development finance in the upcoming decade. It also demonstrates that multilateralism can still deliver, even in a fractured global context. This is our only way forward. As the President of the European Council, António Costa, said in his address to the Seville conference, it is only together that we can tackle climate change, poverty and inequalities, and build a lasting peace.

Jozef Síkela, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members of the European Parliament, thank you for inviting me to reflect on the outcome of the fourth International Financing for Development Conference in Seville. This was a rare multilateral moment – the first such global gathering on development finance in ten years.

Throughout the conference, Europe played a central role. Together with President von der Leyen and President Costa, we sent a strong political signal confirming Europe's development leadership. And our message was clear: the EU is fully committed to multilateralism and to finding common solutions to mobilise more financing for sustainable development.

Access to finance is among the top priorities of our partner countries. As the UN Secretary-General highlighted, financing is the engine of development. And the outcomes of the conference – the Seville Commitment and the Seville Platform for Action – now provide a good basis for action, while respecting the roles and mandates of international fora and organisations.

In my view, in Seville, we made progress on four important points. First, domestic resource mobilisation is key. It remains the most predictable source of financing for sustainable development. The discussions in Seville underlined the importance of building fair and effective tax systems and fighting tax avoidance, tax evasion and illicit financial flows.

But collecting more is not sufficient; enhancing spending efficiency is also essential to ensure that every country directs much-needed resources towards priorities such as education, health and social protection. The EU played a leading role in driving this agenda forward in Seville. We endorsed the Seville Declaration on Domestic Revenue Mobilisation and call it a Seville Platform initiative, encouraging others to provide double support to domestic revenue mobilisation.

Second, private sector mobilisation must be a part of our action. Public money alone will not be enough to bridge the annual EUR 4 trillion gap to achieve the SDGs. We need to mobilise private investments at scale. With our global gateway strategy, we are ahead of the curve. We are already using public funds to leverage private investments towards sustainable development.

For instance, we offer guarantees to de-risk private investments in partner countries. We provide innovative financial instruments, including blended finance, green bonds and development venture capital funds. We also foster an enabling environment to encourage sustainable private investments.

Third, official development assistance remains essential for our international partnerships. We have not backed away from our commitments. In 2024, the EU and its Member States provided 42 % of official development assistance globally. Now, this money needs to be used more efficiently and strategically. It is also essential to mobilise other sources of financing for sustainable development, and to promote both our priorities and those of our partners.

And finally, we must continue efforts to reform the international financial architecture to make it more inclusive, efficient and representative. We've made progress on different aspects over the last few years. Now, we must build on the momentum of the Financing for Development Conference to continue reforming multilateral development banks and increasing their lending capacity through the full implementation of the G20 roadmap; further enhance the representation and the voice of partner countries in decision-making; and enhance debt transparency and improve existing processes for debt treatment and debt relief, including efforts to provide liquidity to vulnerable countries while ensuring sustainable debt management.

Dear colleagues, there is one more message we should bring home from this conference: development must not be an ideological issue. It is not a 'left or right' topic. It is a forward-thinking strategic investment. The tools are already in our hands; we must use them to their full capacity to promote sustainable development and invest in global public goods.

I am looking forward to hearing your opinions and thoughts.

Lukas Mandl, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, I should like to thank the Commissioner for his courageous speech. I'm happy to have for the development policies and efforts of this Parliament such a champion in the European Commission when it comes to sustainable development. I am also happy that the European Parliament today managed to decide, in our voting, on a very particular specific message. Namely, we welcome the outcome of the fourth international conference on financing for development in Seville as a significant effort to reform the international financial architecture, readdress the cost of borrowing and scale up investment to close the financing gap for sustainable development.

The very clear message that we have taken today, and since there is a lot at stake when it comes to development, is that it's often about life and death, and it's about opportunities for generations because there's a lot at stake. I want to speak very parliamentarily as a parliamentarian today. We have decided on that today because we were not able to decide before Seville here in the European Parliament. And the reason was not Charles Goerens, who was the rapporteur for this file, whom I commend for his efforts and for his excellent work in the negotiations – very compromise-oriented, and this is what it should be about. But after these negotiations, this compromise was targeted by amendments. We didn't have a chance for majorities – nearly all of them, except one. And this hit. And this is why last time we couldn't decide on Seville.

This can be a lesson for all of us to stick together, because it's a lot at stake, as I have mentioned, to find positive compromises and to contribute to sustainable development in the best sense we can as the European Parliament.

Marit Maij, namens de S&D-Fractie. – Voorzitter, commissaris, mevrouw de minister, vorige week gold code rood in het zuiden van Europa vanwege het warme weer. Maar voor meer dan honderd landen, die in vlammende schulden leven, is het al heel lang code rood. Wij waren in het hete Sevilla voor de internationale conferentie over ontwikkelingsfinanciering. Zonder standpunt van het Europees Parlement wel te verstaan, omdat de rechterflank hier in het Parlement het verslag eerst verzwakte en daarna ook nog wegstemde. En dan vervolgens ook applaudisseerde, terwijl in werkelijkheid miljoenen mensen overlijden omdat er minder hulp naar ontwikkelingslanden gaat, meer dan 700 miljoen mensen in extreme armoede leven en dat aantal al decennia toeneemt. Honderd landen betalen meer aan schulden en rente dan zij beschikbaar hebben in hun begroting voor sociaal beleid, gezondheid en infrastructuur bij elkaar.

Het systeem is stuk. In 2025 zijn er wereldwijd een recordaantal van meer dan 3 000 miljardairs. Dit systeem produceert elke keer meer miljardairs, terwijl er mensen ook sterven van de honger. Dit systeem is moreel corrupt en daarom is het zo pijnlijk dat dit Parlement geen standpunt heeft ingenomen en dat de Europese Commissie ook een sterretje heeft geplaatst bij de paragrafen over internationale schuldenverlichting en de hervorming van het internationale financiële systeem.

De volgende stap is nu aan de slag te gaan met de uitvoering van het slotdocument van de conferentie over ontwikkelingsfinanciering, en het internationale systeem, dat stuk is, te gaan repareren. Want we hebben nog steeds de kans om het te repareren en die kans moeten we niet laten lopen.

Jorge Buxadé Villalba, en nombre del Grupo PfE. – Señor presidente, la Conferencia Internacional sobre la Financiación para el Desarrollo de las Naciones Unidas en Sevilla mostró la peor cara del globalismo y la peor cara de Pedro Sánchez, la cara más siniestra y más hipócrita, mientras Pedro Sánchez pensaba cómo seguir desangrando con impuestos a las clases medias y trabajadoras para financiar proyectos demenciales como —leo— „el fomento de las resistencias queer feministas interseccionales contra las políticas antigénero transnacionales“. ¿Han entendido algo? Lo único que entiendo es que los españoles no pueden acceder a una vivienda digna.

Mientras Pedro Sánchez ha tenido a 7 000 policías para garantizar la seguridad de los invitados, en España la gente decente se tiene que organizar para defenderse en la calle. Mientras Pedro Sánchez proclamaba la estrategia global contra la corrupción, Santos Cerdán, el secretario de organización de su partido, ingresaba en la cárcel de Soto del Real, investigado por organización criminal, tráfico de influencias y cohecho. Mientras Von der Leyen hablaba de la arquitectura financiera internacional, decenas de empresas se han quedado sin crédito porque no cumplen los objetivos climáticos. Mientras Moreno Bonilla presumía de la lucha contra el cambio climático, las máquinas tractoras arrasan olivos en Córdoba o Jaén para beneficiar a inversores que nunca han pisado Jaén y que ya han vendido sus derechos en los mercados de futuros.

Pretenden que los europeos paguemos la invasión migratoria y todas sus neuras ideológicas que solo traen desesperanza, inseguridad, soledad, manadas violentas, escasez de vivienda y colapso de servicios sociales. En resumen, globalismo y propaganda woke, crédito para las ONG y deuda para los europeos: una pena, un fracaso y una ruina.

Mario Mantovani, a nome del gruppo ECR. – Signor Presidente, signor Commissario, onorevoli colleghi, credo che, quando si parla di Africa, servano rispetto, responsabilità e visione. Dobbiamo porre fine alle politiche predatorie di alcuni governi e affrontare concretamente la questione del debito delle nazioni africane, perché rafforzare l'Africa significa rafforzare anche l'Europa e costruire insieme una stabilità comune.

Non sono parole mie, queste, ma di Giorgia Meloni, premier italiano, pronunciate al summit internazionale sul piano Mattei e sono lieto che questa conferenza abbia voluto concretizzare lo spirito con il rilancio della cooperazione, nuove strategie per la sostenibilità del debito e la realizzazione di progetti e di investimenti concreti.

Per questo la conferenza di Siviglia sarà ricordata e per i 130 progetti concreti espressi dai governi partecipanti. Tra questi, il più significativo è quello del governo italiano, che trasformerà, con l'aiuto della finanza innovativa, 230 milioni di euro di obbligazioni di debito in investimenti concreti.

E per questo voglio ringraziare in modo particolare il viceministro Cirielli, che ha guidato la delegazione del governo italiano alla conferenza, perché risolvere i problemi dell'Africa significa realizzarne le potenzialità, creare occupazione e benessere dove ora c'è povertà e risolvere così molte delle problematiche europee legate all'immigrazione illegale, alla tratta, allo sfruttamento di esseri umani e al bisogno di sicurezza dei cittadini europei.

Barry Andrews, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Mr President, Commissioner, Minister and colleagues, last week, The Lancet, one of the world's most credible medical journals, published the results of a study into the consequences, as they see it, of US disengagement from overseas development assistance. Their report concluded that US aid disengagement is going to result in an additional 14 million deaths by 2030. We can conclude, even if we believe this is even partly credible, that ODA works. But we know that there is now zero political cost to reducing ODA, whereas there is an enormous human cost, very demonstrably. And this study doesn't even include the impact of EU Member State reductions in overseas development assistance, but we can extrapolate safely that it will probably lead to more than 20 million deaths by 2030.

I'm sure you're also aware of the ODI study that concluded that ODA investment delivers equivalent benefits to the EU economy by, for example, reducing trade barriers. So it works, and it can be part of a principled economic foreign policy. But much of what was agreed at Seville is aspirational. So we have something that works, we have something that demonstrably works and saves lives. So I would implore you, Commissioner, to remain a champion for overseas development assistance. And I warmly welcome your commitment to that in your speech earlier.

Isabella Lövin, för Verts/ALE gruppen. – Herr talman, herr kommissionär! Någonting allvarligt håller på att hända med Europas traditionella höger. Vi har alltid tyckt olika, min partigrupp och den konservativa, men en sak har varit given: mänskliga rättigheter.

När parlamentet skulle ta fram sin ståndpunkt inför FN:s biståndskonferens såg vi tydliga tecken på att det här håller på att förändras, för då blev en enkel formulering om att företag måste respektera mänskliga rättigheter en röd linje för Moderaterna och Kristdemokraterna. Det var droppen som fick dem att rösta ner hela parlamentets ståndpunkt. Det är häpnadsväckande. Lika häpnadsväckande som att parlamentets största grupp inte ens är här nu och lyssnar till den här debatten.

När jag påtalar det här i media svarade högern med att det var naivt att tro att de ska acceptera miljöpartistisk biståndspolitik. Men jag undrar: när blev respekten för mänskliga rättigheter miljöpartistisk naivitet och när slutade högern stå upp för grundläggande rättigheter?

USA:s nedskärningar i biståndet förväntas leda till 14 miljoner fler människors död. Världens blickar riktas nu mot EU och vi måste stå upp för en solidarisk biståndspolitik.

Marc Jongen, im Namen der ESN-Fraktion. – Herr Präsident, werte Kollegen, Herr Kommissar! Die frühere Premierministerin des Senegal erklärte auf der Konferenz in Sevilla, die Europäer seien aufgrund ihrer brutalen Kolonialgeschichte quasi zu ewiger Entwicklungshilfe verpflichtet – im Übrigen habe Afrika viele junge Menschen, Fachkräfte, nach Europa zu exportieren. Für mich war das symptomatisch für eine bestimmte Anspruchshaltung dort, die nicht mehr zeitgemäß ist. Herr Bullmann, SPD, der auf demselben Podium saß, war so begeistert, dass er die Dame gleich nach Brüssel einlud.

Herr Bullmann, werte Kollegen, der Sevilla-Report ist eben darum gescheitert in diesem Haus Ende Juni, weil es genau so nicht weitergehen kann. Die europäische Entwicklungspolitik darf nicht auf schlechtem Gewissen gegründet sein und auch nicht auf Klima- oder Genderideologie, sondern auf geostrategischen und wirtschaftlichen Interessen Europas. Stichwort: Ende der Massenmigration. Wir müssen China ja nicht kopieren, aber etwas mehr Eigeninteresse können wir uns von China schon abschauen.

Herr Kommissar Síkela, Sie haben ja einiges Richtige gesagt vorhin, aber räumen Sie bitte gleich Trump und Musk in den USA mit Ideologie und Korruption in den EU-Förderprogrammen auf. Wir brauchen ein europäisches DOGE.

Udo Bullmann (S&D). – Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, Herr Kommissar, Frau Ministerin! Ich weiß nicht, ob in Sevilla alle die ehemalige Ministerin des Senegal richtig verstanden haben: Was sie wollte, war eine echte Partnerschaft. Dafür hat sie plädiert, und sie hat uns eingeladen, eine echte Partnerschaft einzugehen. Genau deswegen gehören solche Menschen eingeladen, mit uns darüber zu diskutieren, wie das praktisch gehen kann, damit wir einen gemeinsamen Erfolg haben. Das ist meine feste Überzeugung. Ich will einfach darauf hinweisen, dass es vor einem Jahr in New York der Globale Süden war, der mit Europa zusammen das multilaterale System gerettet hat und damit Hoffnungen verknüpft hat. Wir haben dadurch reagiert, dass wir unsere Entwicklungszusammenarbeit massiv gekürzt haben. Herr Kommissar, ich hoffe, Frau Ministerin, ich hoffe, dass von Sevilla mehr übrig bleibt. Ich will eine Warnung, einen Wunsch äußern an die Adresse von Frau von der Leyen: Wenn sie nächste Woche den mehrjährigen Finanzrahmen vorlegt, dann sollte er dafür die Gelegenheit bieten und nicht unsere Chancen dadurch verbauen, dass wir nichts mehr messen können von dem, was wir gemeinsam unternehmen wollen.

Tiago Moreira de Sá (PfE). – Senhor Presidente, no mês passado, o Plenário do Parlamento Europeu rejeitou o relatório que visava a Conferência de Sevilha. Foram 340 eurodeputados contra, 282 a favor. Uma nova maioria política percebeu que aquilo que muitos fingem não ver: o modelo atual de financiamento ao desenvolvimento está esgotado. A Conferência de Sevilha terminou com mais promessas vagas e uma declaração genérica, o chamado „Compromisso de Sevilha“, onde se repete tudo e se compromete pouco.

Enquanto isto, o Tribunal de Contas da União Europeia continua a alertar que há graves falhas na forma como os fundos europeus são atribuídos a ONG, muitas vezes sem critério, nem consequências visíveis. É preciso coragem para dizer „basta“. E ela está a surgir – a Comissão Europeia já retirou a diretiva das Green Claims, mais um delírio legislativo ambientalista, sem base científica nem impacto prático.

Estas são vitórias da Direita – conservadora e realista – que defende um novo paradigma: menos ideologia, mais resultados.

Em vez de chorarmos a saída de cena da USAID, deveríamos seguir o conselho de Margaret Thatcher: „Não sigas a multidão, deixa a multidão seguir-te“.

A Europa deve liderar – com soluções próprias, parcerias bilaterais sérias com governos e atores locais, bancos de desenvolvimento multilaterais mais ativos, fundos bem aplicados e foco total em resultados e prestação de contas.

Chega de financiar discursos doutrinários. Está na hora de financiar impacto. Está na hora de exigir responsabilidades e não mera retórica.

Beatrice Timgren (ECR). – Herr talman! Nyligen samlades världsledare för att utlova det största bidragspaketet någonsin till tredje världen: 4 biljoner dollar per år, med syftet att bekämpa den globala fattigdomen. Ambitioner råder det ingen brist på, men verklighetsförankringen lyser med sin frånvaro. Tyvärr kommer inte det här att hjälpa de mest utsatta.

Fokus borde ligga på rent vatten, näring och vård. I stället satsar man på att minska koldioxidutsläpp, i länder där många helt saknar el, eller på kvotering och jämställdhetsprojekt, medan mammor inte ens kan ge mat till sina barn. Vi har sett det förut. Påkostade konferenser, fina tal och löften, men sen försvinner pengarna i byråkrati och korruption och befäster bidragsberoende.

Charles Goerens (Renew). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, la conférence de Séville a été l'occasion de répondre aux attentes des personnes qui se retrouvent dans une situation de détresse. Malheureusement, les États-Unis avaient déjà décidé de tourner le dos aux pays qui souffrent en faisant une croix sur 60 milliards de dollars d'aide publique au développement.

Sur cette toile de fond, la conférence de Séville a été l'occasion de répondre, ne fût-ce que partiellement, aux attentes concernant la famine, l'insécurité, la précarité, la maladie et le sous-développement. Le Parlement européen n'avait hélas pas réussi, en amont de cette conférence, à adopter une position susceptible d'influer sur le cours des choses. On peut épiloguer longuement sur la question de savoir si, entre-temps, le côté indifférent ou calculateur de la mouvance trumpiste aura contaminé ce Parlement, entraînant le rejet de mon rapport.

Toujours est-il que des positions qui avaient été rejetées par le Parlement européen le mois dernier ont, ce matin, trouvé une très large majorité en son sein.

Je vous invite dès lors à respecter la ligne approuvée ce matin en matière d'objectifs de développement durable et à revenir à la pratique, bien rodée au sein de cette maison, qui consiste à rechercher des compromis au centre de l'échiquier politique.

Leire Pajín (S&D). – Señor presidente, en los últimos años, el número de crisis relacionadas con el desarrollo ha aumentado y, sin embargo, han descendido claramente los recursos financieros para hacerles frente.

Cuatro de cada diez personas viven en países donde se destina más dinero a los intereses de la deuda que a la educación pública o a la salud, como se ha dicho aquí. Y a este ritmo, según todos los estudios, no cumpliremos ni de lejos los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible.

El mundo nos pide más acción y nosotros le damos la espalda. Se la dan los Estados Unidos, sí, pero también los Estados miembros, que llevan reduciendo la ayuda desde hace mucho tiempo, y también este Parlamento Europeo, que ni siquiera nos permitió tener una posición para Sevilla.

La Cumbre se celebró en un país europeo por primera vez en muchos años. Un país que se ha comprometido con el canje de deuda y con la ayuda oficial. Y —como decía el comisario— ahora, en este punto de partida de Sevilla, que debe ser para la acción, necesitamos avanzar en un sistema financiero global justo, en la cancelación de la deuda, en una arquitectura de salud global mucho más justa.

Señorías, este debate no es solo sobre solidaridad, es sobre cómo construimos el liderazgo político de la Unión Europea, sobre qué valores, con qué aliados; en definitiva, sobre nuestra talla moral y sobre nuestra credibilidad.

Juan Carlos Girauta Vidal (PfE). – Señor presidente, esta casa rechazó por mayoría estar presente como tal en la Conferencia de Sevilla. ¿En calidad de qué asistieron los diputados que se presentaron allí?, ¿en calidad de qué?, ¿a quién representaban?, ¿no se habrán arrogado una representación de la que carecen?

Por otra parte, uno empieza a estar un poco harto de la superioridad moral de una izquierda cuyo modelo de ayuda al desarrollo consiste en financiar a un entramado de ONG, como se ha demostrado cuando, en Estados Unidos, al retirar la financiación de USAID, se ha visto a dónde iba el dinero. En primer lugar, iba a ONG que lo distribuían de la manera que les pareciera conveniente y se supeditaban a posicionamientos ideológicos, a la ideología de género, al catastrofismo climático, etcétera.

La ayuda al desarrollo es un modelo que, tal como se ha planteado hasta ahora, ha resultado fallido. Lo que desarrolla los países es que se den las condiciones de desarrollo. Estoy citando a Angus Deaton, que es el principal especialista mundial en esta materia, premio nobel de economía de 2015. Las condiciones de desarrollo son unas instituciones sólidas, con buena gobernanza y con condiciones de competitividad, con condiciones favorables a los negocios y a la innovación. Cuando estas circunstancias se dan, cuando los Gobiernos son fiables, los jueces independientes, los contratos se cumplen, los registros son fiables…, cuando todo eso ocurre, entonces el desarrollo llega por sí mismo.

Robert Biedroń (S&D). – Mr President, Commissioner, Minister, thank you very much, colleagues, for voting today my and Mr Farantouris' report on SDGs. We go with a strong mandate finally to the UN meeting in New York.

But with five years remaining to implement the 2030 agenda for Sustainable Development, the world is on track to achieve only 17 % of the targets. We are falling short of trillions of dollars, euros, whatever. We are unfortunately losing a lot of opportunities, and as the UN Secretary-General António Guterres said, the conference was not about money, it was about investing in the future we want to build together. He was right, because we know there is no plan B for SDGs. That's why we need to seize this opportunity and start implementing policies.

I fully agree with Minister Bjerre: we have 'compass', we have 'pathway' and now we need 'delivery'. This essential for us. This is the obligation, because the promise of SDGs is that no one must be left behind, and we need to deliver.

Murielle Laurent (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, Madame la Ministre, il y a quelques jours, l'Agence fédérale américaine d'aide internationale a cessé d'exister. Selon une étude récente, 14 millions de personnes pourraient mourir de faim et de maladie d'ici à cinq ans, faute de soutien. Un chiffre effarant. Et pourtant, alors que l'urgence est évidente, certains États membres européens, dont la France, réduisent eux aussi leurs engagements.

Au sein de cet hémicycle, le texte préparatoire à la conférence de Séville a été rejeté par une alliance désormais bien rodée entre la droite et l'extrême droite. Pendant ce temps, les crises climatiques, sanitaires et géopolitiques s'accumulent, la famine progresse, la dette qui étrangle les pays les plus pauvres atteint un niveau critique et ce sont les plus vulnérables, les femmes, les enfants et les réfugiés, qui paient le prix fort. Il nous reste cinq ans pour atteindre les objectifs de développement durable. Alors ne sacrifions pas notre responsabilité historique et exigeons un budget européen ambitieux, prévisible et à la hauteur des enjeux.

Francisco Assis (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, Senhora Comissária, Senhora Ministra, quando os países desenvolvidos ajudam os países em desenvolvimento, o que é uma obrigação moral, também se estão a ajudar a si mesmos. A pobreza extrema leva às desigualdades, ao êxodo, ao conflito e à guerra. Leva a que esses países fiquem fragilizados no concerto das nações, mais vulneráveis à influência estrangeira e à desestabilização, ao terrorismo, à corrupção e às sistemáticas violações dos direitos humanos. E isso acaba por ter efeitos negativos também nos países mais prósperos.

Infelizmente, aquilo a que temos assistido é um recuo no apoio ao desenvolvimento, designadamente por parte dos Estados Unidos com o fim do USAID, que pode ter — já está a ter —, de forma cada vez mais visível, consequências trágicas para milhões de pessoas. E se é de saudar a enorme convergência em torno do Compromisso de Sevilha alcançado, a retirada das negociações por parte dos Estados Unidos é mais uma confirmação de que é à União Europeia que cabe, neste momento histórico, estar à altura das suas responsabilidades.

Joanna Scheuring-Wielgus (S&D). – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie Komisarzu! Dane, które zostały opublikowane w magazynie The Lancet, są rzeczywiście porażające. 14 milionów osób na całym świecie może umrzeć przez fatalną i złą politykę Donalda Trumpa. Jest to oczywiście wielka tragedia, ale dla nas, dla Europy, jest to naprawdę niezwykła szansa, żeby stanąć po dobrej stronie historii. Możemy się w polityce rozwojowej stać liderem, bo my wiemy, że inwestowanie w globalny rozwój to inwestycja w przyszłość dla nas wszystkich.

Ja byłam w Sewilli i chciałabym zwrócić uwagę jeszcze na jedną rzecz. Podczas obrad brałam udział w konferencji o feministycznej polityce zagranicznej i to było bardzo symboliczne, że było niezwykle duże zainteresowanie. W bardzo małej sali bardzo dużo osób siedziało na podłodze, również ja. Mówię o tym dlatego, aby nie ulegać trendom zza oceanu i nie odwracać się od kobiet, bo nawet jeżeli nie ma miejsca dla nas przy stole, to my i tak wejdziemy drzwiami i oknami i przy tym stole będziemy siedziały. My wiemy, że bez kobiet nigdy nie osiągniemy żadnych celów, do których się zobowiązaliśmy. I to jest, uważam, też kluczowe i ważne.

Jozef Síkela, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members of the European Parliament, in these difficult times for international development cooperation, the fourth international conference in Seville showed that the world can still come together and agree on transformative action. It also showed that Europe is the leader in supporting sustainable development, and this leadership is something we can be proud of. But we must turn this leadership into concrete benefits for our citizens and for our partners.

At the same time, country ownership must make up the bedrock of change. Sustainable development can never be something we do to our partners, but something we can achieve together with them. Multilateralism, international partnerships and effective development cooperation are crucial to bring important support. The commitment of Seville and the 130 initiatives that comprise the Seville platform for action show we are walking the talk.

Dear colleagues, to achieve our ambitions, cooperation across institutions is essential. We should turn Europe's development leadership not only into more global impact, stability or opportunities for our partners, but also into stronger competitiveness and economic security for Europe. This will require closer coordination between the Commission, Member States and this Parliament.

As a former banker and economist, I am used to working with small budgets, with decent budgets, with big budgets. I am used to spending them in a most efficient way, and not overrunning them. What I cannot do is to work without funding I can commit, and without clear balance between authorities and responsibilities. Therefore, let me thank you for today's discussion and I look forward to our further cooperation.

Marie Bjerre, President-in-Office of the Council. – Mr President, honourable Members, Commissioner, the conference in Seville has set a renewed agenda for financing sustainable development and hope for multilateral cooperation. The EU has played a key role in this by confirming that we are united and reliable. We remain committed to working with all partners to turn the promises of the outcome document into tangible progress, while recognising that much more must be done to address systemic shortcomings and deliver on the SDGs for all. The EU calls for continued ambition, partnership and accountability to ensure that no one is left behind.

President. – The debate is closed.

Declarații scrise (articolul 178)

György Hölvényi (PfE), írásban. – A segély és segélyezett viszonyára épülő globális fejlesztéspolitika ideje lejárt, fordulóponthoz érkeztünk. Az elmúlt évtizedek hatékonyságot nélkülöző politikája, az átláthatatlan finanszírozás, a rosszul megválasztott célok, valamint az afrikai országok érdekeinek figyelmen kívül hagyása odáig vezetett, hogy ma az európai polgárok elveszítették bizalmukat a fejlesztési segélyezés iránt.

A döntéshozók most ezt felismerve csökkentik az erre szánt forrásokat. Ez azonban nem jelentheti a szolidaritás elvesztését, meg kell találni a helyzetben rejlő lehetőséget. Most alkalom nyílik egy olyan fejlesztési együttműködés kialakítására, amely végre valóban egyenlő partnerséget épít. Márpedig egyenlő partnerség csak egyenlő felelősséggel lehetséges. Ideje, hogy partnerországaink vezetői is felelősséget vállaljanak, úgy politikai, mint pénzügyi szempontból. Az eredményekre összpontosító, hatékony, és a realitásokat figyelembe vevő fejlesztéspolitikára van szükség.

A sevillai konferencia záródokumentuma helyesen ismeri fel, hogy a biztonság, a megfelelő oktatás és szakképzés, valamint a munkahelyek hiánya a fejlődés akadályát jelenti Afrikában. Ezek nélkül ugyanis a fiatal lakosságnak nem marad más lehetősége, csak az elvándorlás. Legfőbb ideje, hogy tegyünk ez ellen, és helyben kezeljük a migráció kiváltó okait. Ennek kell az a fejlesztési együttműködés középpontjában állnia.

18. 51 let po turecké invazi do Kyperské republiky: odsouzení pokračující turecké okupace a podpora obnovení jednání o komplexním řešení v souladu s mezinárodním právem, rezolucemi Rady bezpečnosti OSN a zásadami a acquis EU (rozprava)

Președinte. – Următorul punct de pe ordinea de zi este dezbaterea privind Declarația Comisiei referitoare la 51 de ani de la invadarea Republicii Cipru de către Turcia: condamnarea continuării ocupației turcești și sprijinirea reluării negocierilor pentru găsirea unei soluții cuprinzătoare în conformitate cu dreptul internațional, cu rezoluțiile CSONU și cu principiile și acquis-ul UE (2025/2794(RSP)).

Jozef Síkela, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, the European Commission remains fully committed to a comprehensive settlement of the Cyprus issue, and let me be clear what we mean by this: within the UN framework, in accordance with the relevant UN Security Council resolutions and in line with the principles on which the EU is founded and to which it ascribes. These principles include democracy, the rule of law and the right of the people of Cyprus to live in peace without outside interference. These are not empty words. The settlement of the Cyprus issue remains a key priority for the EU.

At the European Council in April 2024, EU leaders emphasised the importance of this issue for the relationship between the EU and Türkiye. They made clear that this issue is of particular importance to the EU and an important issue in EU-Türkiye relations. Notably, we want to see the resumption of, and progress in, settlement talks to further enhance this relationship. The EU leaders declared their willingness to play an active role in the reunification of Cyprus. The EU stands ready to support all stages of the UN-led process with all appropriate means at its disposal.

The outcome of the informal talks in March was encouraging. The EU strongly supports the work of the UN Secretary-General and his personal envoy in Cyprus, together with the two Cypriot leaders and the three guarantor states. We hope that the next round of such talks scheduled for 16 and 17 July in New York will also produce a positive result.

On 14 May, the Commission appointed Johannes Hahn, a former European Commissioner, as Special Envoy for Cyprus. He reports directly to the Commission President. His appointment underlines the Commission's commitment to the reunification of Cyprus. Special Envoy Hahn has already travelled to Cyprus. He has had contacts with many actors, including the UN Secretary-General's Personal Envoy in Cyprus, María Angela Holguín Cuéllar. His mandate is to contribute to the settlement process within the UN framework and in close cooperation with the UN Secretary-General's personal envoy.

One of the key issues is the building of trust between the two communities. To facilitate this, the Commission implements major EU-funded measures in Cyprus. The goal is to build trust between the two communities and so prepare the ground for a resumption of negotiations.

Through the EU aid programme for the Turkish Cypriot community, the European Commission has, since 2026, invested EUR 727 million in measures which build trust. We are helping expand trade between the two communities. This leads to more contacts and greater confidence between people. We have offered to help build a bi-communal solar power plant. This would increase bi-communal cooperation in the energy field. We are implementing the all-island halloumi/hellim protected designation of origin scheme in Cyprus. This protects a centuries-old product of the whole island, bringing together and benefiting both Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot producers.

EU funding is also bringing together civil society organisations from the two communities in fields such as education, environment and culture. EU funding is restoring cultural monuments across the island, conserving Cyprus's rich and multifaceted cultural heritage. On a more sombre note, EU funding is helping find the remains of people who went missing during the fighting in 1963, 1964 and 1974. This is a reminder of the human cost of the conflict, and should spur us all on to find a peaceful solution, supporting Cypriot reunification within the UN framework.

The EU will continue to invest political and financial capital in this solution, supporting dialogue and cooperation, implementing confidence-building measures and paving the way for formal settlement negotiations. This issue is made all the more pressing by today's geopolitical shifts. In these troubled times, we must do all we can to promote stability and security in the Eastern Mediterranean and beyond. Thank you very much. I'm looking forward to our discussion today.

Λουκάς Φουρλάς, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας PPE. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε, δεν είναι απλά θέμα εμπιστοσύνης το Κυπριακό. Είναι θέμα εισβολής και κατοχής και αυτό θα πρέπει να το ξέρετε πολύ καλά. Μια τουρκική εισβολή 51 χρόνια ατιμώρητη. Eποικισμός; 51 χρόνια ατιμώρητος. Βιασμοί από τον τουρκικό στρατό εκατοντάδων κοριτσιών και γυναικών; Ατιμώρητοι. Εκτελέσεις παιδιών και ανδρών μπροστά στα μάτια των οικογενειών τους; Ατιμώρητες. Πήραν τη γη μας, πήραν τις ζωές μας, πήραν τη μισή μας πατρίδα. Η Κύπρος ακόμα αιμορραγεί, οι πληγές δεν κλείνουν.

Αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, ο κατάλογος των εγκλημάτων της Τουρκίας έναντι της χώρας μου είναι τεράστιος και δεν τελειώνει. Αυτό που τελειώνει είναι η υπομονή και η ανοχή μας, διότι αυτό που συμβαίνει είναι συνενοχή. Φαίνεται ότι η Κύπρος στα μάτια κάποιων είναι λιγότερο Ευρώπη για την ένωση των 27 από ότι η Ουκρανία. 51 χρόνια μετά, πού βρισκόμαστε; Με τον κύριο Erdoğan και τον εγκάθετό του τον Tatar να μιλάνε για δύο κράτη, να συνεχίζουν να εποικίζουν, να σφετερίζονται τις περιουσίες μας και να προκαλούν. Και, αντί να υπόκεινται σε κυρώσεις, να απαιτούν και να κερδίζουν ευρωπαϊκούς πόντους.

Δεν μας αρκούν πια οι φραστικές καταδίκες. Έργα και πράξεις χρειάζονται. Τα εγκλήματα του εισβολέα δεν παραγράφονται, όσα χρόνια και να περάσουν. Εμείς θα είμαστε εδώ να σας θυμίζουμε και να τρίβουμε στα μούτρα όλων αυτών που προσπαθούν να μας πείσουν ότι η Τουρκία είναι στρατηγικός εταίρος. Η Ευρώπη οφείλει να αντιδράσει έστω και τώρα. Η Κύπρος είναι Ευρώπη. Η κατοχή της είναι προσβολή και όνειδος όχι μόνο για εμάς αλλά και για εσάς.

Κώστας Μαυρίδης, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας S&D. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε, σας ακούσαμε με προσοχή. Τώρα θα ακούσετε εσείς εμάς, τους εκπροσώπους της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας. 51 χρόνια από την τουρκική εισβολή και συνεχιζόμενη κατοχή, με χιλιάδες σκοτωμένους, εκτελεσθέντες, εκατοντάδες γυναίκες που βιάστηκαν με κτηνώδη τρόπο από ηλικία 12 μέχρι 70 χρόνων, αγνοούμενους που ακόμα ψάχνουμε να βρούμε τα οστά τους. Και όσοι γλυτώσαμε και περάσαμε στην προσφυγιά από παιδιά και δυστυχώς μέχρι σήμερα, τα δικαιώματα τα θεμελιώδη των Κυπρίων Ευρωπαίων πολιτών και των Ελληνοκυπρίων και των Τουρκοκυπρίων παραβιάζονται ωμά από την Τουρκία.

Και αυτή η συζήτηση γίνεται σήμερα εδώ, γιατί το Κυπριακό είναι πρόβλημα ευρωπαϊκό. Η Τουρκία κατέχει έδαφος της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και αυτά που θα σας πω τώρα συμβαίνουν σε ευρωπαϊκό έδαφος. Δύο ξεκάθαρα εγκλήματα. Σφετερισμός ελληνοκυπριακών περιουσιών καθώς μιλάμε, με διασύνδεση με ξέπλυμα βρώμικου χρήματος. Δεύτερο έγκλημα. Παράνομος εποικισμός. Μεταφέρει η Τουρκία στην Κύπρο έποικους, στρατό, δημιουργεί υποδομές, και τα στοιχεία καταδεικνύουν σήμερα, με παραδοχή του κατοχικού καθεστώτος, ότι δεν υπάρχει Τουρκοκύπριος ηγέτης, αλλά εγκάθετος της Τουρκίας και είναι η επιλογή των εποίκων. Τελειώνω.

Για να υπάρχουν αυτά τα εγκλήματα υπάρχουν και εγκληματίες. Και απαιτούμε το αυτονόητο. Όπως λήφθηκαν μέτρα στην περίπτωση της Ουκρανίας και προασπιστήκαμε εμείς, που πιστεύουμε στις ευρωπαϊκές αρχές και αξίες, το διεθνές δίκαιο, έχουμε την απαίτηση και από εσάς να πράξετε το ίδιο. Και η μοναδική προοπτική που υπάρχει είναι η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση παρέχει την εγγύηση για τα θεμελιώδη δικαιώματα των Ευρωπαίων πολιτών της Κύπρου και για αυτό προασπιζόμαστε την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, της οποίας το μέλλον κρίνεται και στην Κύπρο σήμερα.

Αφροδίτη Λατινοπούλου, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας PfE. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αυτή είναι η τελευταία μου ομιλία για φέτος και έχω ιερό χρέος να την αφιερώσω στον Ελληνισμό και την Κύπρο μας. Ήταν 20 Ιουλίου του 1974 όταν η Τουρκία εισέβαλε στην Κύπρο, ξερίζωσε οικογένειες, βίασε γυναίκες, σκότωσε παιδιά, ισοπέδωσε εκκλησίες και πόλεις. Και 51 χρόνια μετά, όχι μόνο δεν ντρέπονται, αλλά συνεχίζουν να απειλούν την Ελλάδα και την Κύπρο. Συνεχίζουν να εκβιάζουν την Ευρώπη με λαθρομετανάστες και πολεμικές απειλές.

Και εσείς, πολλοί από εσάς εδώ μέσα, ως καλά γιουσουφάκια συνομιλείτε με τους σφαγείς, τους δίνετε λεφτά, όπλα, ενεργειακές συμφωνίες και κάνετε τα στραβά μάτια στην κατοχή της μισής Κύπρου και στην απειλή πολέμου κατά της Ελλάδας. Εγώ, όμως, δεν είμαι εδώ για να ικετέψω, ούτε να ζητήσω απλώς να θυμηθείτε. Είμαι για να απαιτήσω τιμωρία. Απαιτώ κυρώσεις, εμπάργκο όπλων, πάγωμα ενταξιακών διαδικασιών, καμία συμμετοχή σε ευρωπαϊκά εξοπλιστικά προγράμματα. Δεν θα κάνουμε τον βιαστή της Κύπρου ισότιμο συνομιλητή. Η Κύπρος δεν είναι διαπραγματεύσιμη. Είναι ελληνικός ιερός τόπος. Για αυτό, λοιπόν, Erdoğan μάζεψε τους πρέσβεις σου και τις γελοίες επιστολές σου και να θυμάσαι καλά: του Έλληνα ο τράχηλος ζυγό δεν υπομένει. Μην το ξεχάσεις ποτέ, γιατί τότε θα μας βρεις όλους ενωμένους μπροστά σου.

Γεάδης Γεάδη, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας ECR. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, 51 ολόκληρα χρόνια από την αποφράδα εκείνη μέρα του 1974, όπου η Τουρκία εισέβαλε στην Κύπρο παραβιάζοντας κάθε έννοια δικαίου και έκτοτε κατέχει παράνομα τα εδάφη της. 51 χρόνια από τα κατά συρροή εγκλήματα πολέμου και εγκλήματα κατά της ανθρωπότητας που διέπραξε ο Τούρκος βάρβαρος εισβολέας στο νησί, όπως εθνοκάθαρση, ανθρωποκτονίες, βίαιη εκδίωξη πληθυσμού, αγνοούμενοι, αιχμάλωτοι πολέμου, εγκλωβισμένοι, εποικισμός, σφετερισμός, βασανιστήρια, βιασμοί, βεβήλωση θρησκευτικής και πολιτιστικής κληρονομιάς.

Υπενθυμίζω ότι όλα αυτά έχουν συμβεί και κάποια συνεχίζουν να συμβαίνουν όχι σε μια τρίτη χώρα, αλλά σε ένα κράτος μέλος της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Και ενώ το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο έπρεπε να πράξει το αυτονόητο, δηλαδή ένα ισχυρό ψήφισμα καταδίκης της τουρκικής εισβολής και της παράνομης κατοχής, δυστυχώς περιορίζεται σε έναn γύρο ομιλιών, λες και τελούμε κάποιο φιλολογικό μνημόσυνο.

Συνάδελφοι, δεν μιλούμε για χαμένη πατρίδα, αλλά για αλύτρωτη που περιμένει καρτερικά απελευθέρωση, τους πρόσφυγες να επιστρέψουν στα σπίτια τους, και για τους συγγενείς των αγνοουμένων να εξακριβωθεί η τύχη των δικών τους ανθρώπων. Θα μπορούσα να εκφράσω ικανοποίηση που υιοθετήθηκε τουλάχιστο το αίτημά μου για συζήτηση. Οφείλω, όμως, να εκφράσω και τη λύπη μου που κάποιοι δεν στάθηκαν στο ύψος των περιστάσεων. Έτσι, αντί να προωθούν, υπονόμευσαν το καταδικαστικό ψήφισμα κατά της Τουρκίας.

Kai Tegethoff, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, 51 years of Turkish troops on EU ground is shattering trauma for Cyprus. For half a century, the island and its people have remained divided. A European capital cut in half.

But the deeper tragedy is that generation after generation of Cypriots have been let down. Let down by leaderships that lack courage, let down by politicians who preferred nationalism over compromise and let down by a world that treats the status quo as acceptable. Europe cannot claim to defend international law while tolerating its violation in Cyprus.

If we want peace, justice and European unity, we must act with clarity, urgency and political will. Pick up the threat from 2017 and work towards a peaceful, united, free and independent federal future. Cyprus deserves much more than commemoration.

Γιώργος Γεωργίου, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας The Left. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε, ένα φασιστικό πραξικόπημα και μια εισβολή από την Τουρκία, όλα μεθοδευμένα από το ΝΑΤΟ έφεραν στον τόπο μου την διχοτόμηση, ουσιαστικά. 51 χρόνια μετά, αυτή η διχοτόμηση με έναν εφιαλτικό τρόπο είναι μπροστά μας. Ο Erdoğan και ο Tatar προκλητικά ζητούν ξεχωριστό κράτος στον Βορρά. Ο ΟΗΕ προσπαθεί απεγνωσμένα να ξαναρχίσουν οι διαπραγματεύσεις σε ένα κλίμα απαισιοδοξίας. Το ΝΑΤΟ και οι Αμερικανοί κλείνουν τα μάτια μπροστά στην παραβίαση του διεθνούς δικαίου για να κρατήσουν στην αγκαλιά τους την Τουρκία. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση χαϊδεύει τον Erdoğan. Ανακηρύσσουν την Τουρκία σε στρατηγικό εταίρο και εγγυητή της ευρωπαϊκής ασφάλειας.

Αν είναι δυνατόν, βάλατε τον λύκο να φυλάει τα πρόβατα. Η Ευρώπη, όμως, αν θέλει, μπορεί στο πλαίσιο των ευρωτουρκικών σχέσεων να βοηθήσει. Για άρση του αδιεξόδου, επανέναρξη ουσιαστικών διαπραγματεύσεων, για μια λύση διζωνικής δικοινοτικής ομοσπονδίας με πολιτική ισότητα στη βάση των ψηφισμάτων του ΟΗΕ και του ευρωπαϊκού κεκτημένου. Αλλιώς, τι μένει; Μένει μια Κύπρος διχοτομημένη, ως αιώνιο στίγμα ντροπής για την ίδια την Ένωση αλλά και για τη διεθνή κοινότητα. Θα το δεχτείτε; Εμείς, σας διαβεβαιώ, ως Αριστερά, εδώ και στην Κύπρο, δεν θα το δεχτούμε ποτέ.

Marc Jongen, on behalf of the ESN Group. – Mr President, in the 21st century in Europe, there is still a divided country: Cyprus. And that's a disgrace, dear colleagues. As in any such long-lasting conflict, there is great mistrust and hurt on both sides, the Greek and the Turkish. Anyone who saw the interesting and courageous interview by our colleague Fidias Panayiotou with the political leader of Turkish Northern Cyprus will understand that there is no simple solution, but there can be a solution to this conflict.

Whether a confederation or a return to a unitary state is the best option, it only be resolved diplomatically between Greek and Turkish Cypriots, but the EU can provide and must provide much more support here, including more pressure on Türkiye, not least because a lot of illegal migration to Europe passes through Cyprus from the north to the south. And this has to stop.

One thing is also clear: Türkiye's role in the Cyprus conflict is one more reason to end the EU accession negotiations with Türkiye once and for all, and to finally stop the billions in payments to Türkiye that are still being made in this context.

Jozef Síkela, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, many thanks to all who have spoken. The Commission takes note of your contributions to this very important topic. In an unstable world, it becomes more important than ever that we stay true to our European values, including peaceful coexistence, democracy and the rule of law. We seek a successful settlement of the Cyprus issue, knowing that it will be highly beneficial not just for the people of Cyprus, not only for the Eastern Mediterranean, but for the whole of Europe.

A successful reunification, with the peaceful integration of all Cypriots under the United Nations-led process will have many lessons applicable elsewhere. We in the European Commission wholeheartedly support this process and will continue to do so every step of the way.

President. – The debate is closed.

Declarații scrise (articolul 178)

Μαρία Ζαχαρία (NI), γραπτώς. – Το Κυπριακό δεν είναι δικοινοτικό πρόβλημα. Είναι πρόβλημα παράνομης εισβολής, κατοχής και εποικισμού. Η Τουρκία κατέχει, από το 1974, το 37% της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας και έχει εγκαταστήσει πάνω από 300.000 εποίκους, αλλοιώνοντας τον πληθυσμό. Οι Τουρκοκύπριοι είναι πλέον λιγότεροι από 100.000. Δεν υπάρχει πλέον πολιτική βάση για πολιτική ισότητα σε επίπεδο κεντρικής εξουσίας.

Η ΕΕ καλύπτει τις ευθύνες της, επικαλούμενη διαπραγματεύσεις υπό τον ΟΗΕ. Αρνείται όμως να εφαρμόσει το κοινοτικό κεκτημένο σε ολόκληρη την επικράτεια κράτους μέλους της από το 2004. Η „διζωνική, δικοινοτική ομοσπονδία“ είναι αποικιοκρατική επινόηση και αποδοχή των τετελεσμένων της παράνομης εισβολής και κατοχής. Όπως αποδεικνύεται στο έργο „Cyprus 1974: Anatomy of an Invasion“ (Fouskas–Mallinson), η θεσμοθετημένη „πολιτική ισότητα“ οδήγησε στην κατάρρευση του Συντάγματος του 1960.

Το 2004, Ελληνοκύπριοι και Τουρκοκύπριοι απέρριψαν μαζικά αυτή τη „λύση“. Η μόνη ρεαλιστική και δίκαιη πρόταση είναι ένα ενιαίο, πολυκαντονιακό, αυτοδιοικούμενο κράτος, με επιστροφή όλων των προσφύγων και ισχυρή δημοκρατική κεντρική κυβέρνηση.

Η Κύπρος είναι κράτος μέλος της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Δεν επιτρέπεται να παραμένει υπό κατοχή. Η Ευρώπη οφείλει να σταθεί στο ύψος των αρχών της.

19. Rozpravy o případech porušování lidských práv, demokracie a právního státu (rozprava)

19.1. Případ Ryana Corneliuse v Dubaji

Președinte. – Următorul punct de pe ordinea de zi este dezbaterea privind cazuri de încălcare a drepturilor omului, a democrației și a statului de drept (articolul 150 din Regulamentul de procedură). Urmează dezbaterea privind cinci propuneri de rezoluție referitoare la cazul lui Ryan Cornelius în Dubai (2025/2796(RSP)).

The next item is the debate on five motions for resolutions on the case of Ryan Cornelius in Dubai (2025/2796(RSP)).

Seán Kelly, author. – A Uachtaráin, the European Union and the UAE enjoy a constructive and growing relationship and that's welcome. But we must be honest. Such partnerships cannot come at the expense of turning a blind eye to human rights abuses. Friendships must be grounded in shared respect for the rule of law and human dignity.

I want to thank President Metsola for championing Ryan's case at the highest level in Dubai, and my colleagues who negotiated this resolution. The cross-party consensus is a clear sign of the undeniable facts of this case. Namely, Ryan Cornelius has been arbitrarily and unjustly detained in Dubai since 2008. Ryan was arrested on debt-related charges despite being ahead on his repayments, and his assets – worth many times the size of his debt – were seized. Yet the Dubai authorities refused to release him from prison.

But the Dubai authorities do not only hold him in prison, they have subjected Ryan to solitary confinement, desperate living conditions and sleep deprivation – conditions amounting to torture under national law. Meanwhile, his serious medical conditions like tuberculosis, cardiovascular disease and high blood pressure go untreated. After nearly completing his 10-year sentence, his detention was cruelly extended by 20 years through the retroactive application of UAE law number 37 – a clear breach of international law.

Ryan has now spent 17 years behind bars while his children grow up and his family suffer. Ryan is now 71 years old. Under Dubai law, his ill health and his age are grounds enough to grant his release. The authorities of the UAE and Dubai must hear what we say: free Cornelius and free him now.

Aodhán Ó Ríordáin, author. – Mr President, colleagues, we are doing something this Parliament doesn't do often: speaking with one voice united. We are united in demanding justice for Ryan Cornelius.

Ryan is the 71-year-old British national married to an Irish and EU citizen. He's been locked up in a Dubai prison since 2008 in what the UN has branded as an arbitrary and unlawful detention. Originally sentenced to 10 years, his sentence was cruelly extended by another 20 just before his release, using a law that was applied retroactively. That's not justice. It's legalised cruelty.

Ryan's health has deteriorated badly and he's been denied proper medical treatment. Tonight, we stand in solidarity with Ryan and his wife Heather, who alongside their children have been fighting for years for his release. The youngest child was six when Ryan was jailed. Today, they are 23 years old. He has never known his dad outside a prison cell.

Tonight, this Parliament stands together with clear demands. We demand that adequate medical care be provided without delay. We demand compensation and reparations for the profound injustice he has suffered. Above all, we demand Ryan Cornelius's immediate and unconditional release.

IN THE CHAIR: JAVI LÓPEZ

Vice-President

Petras Auštrevičius, author. – Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, Ryan Cornelius, a British national, was convicted of alleged financial crimes in 2008 and is set to remain in captivity in the United Arab Emirates until 2038. In total he will serve 30 years. Given his dire and unattended health situation, it is unlikely that he will live that long.

In 2022, the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention concluded that Mr Cornelius' detention is unlawful, contravening multiple articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and recommended his immediate release, along with compensation and other reparations. By keeping Mr Cornelius and his seized assets in captivity, the UAE is confirming that its courts have rightly been accused of bias and of breaching legal procedures and international laws. Imprisoning Mr Cornelius and causing hardship for his family seriously damages the UAE's international image and sets a negative precedent for negotiations on the strategic agreement with the European Union.

Free Ryan Cornelius!

Catarina Vieira, author. – Mr President, dear colleagues, the arbitrary and unjust imprisonment of Ryan Cornelius for 17 years in the United Arab Emirates is extremely concerning. He should be immediately and unconditionally released. But I must say he is not the only one. The Emirates have a concerning track record of arbitrary detention, unfair trials and allegations of torture.

So why is it that the EU and this House too cannot name Ahmed Mansoor as well, and a long list of others who are arbitrarily detained, often in inhumane conditions? Is it perhaps related to our dependency in UAE oil, or perhaps related to the USE 67 billion in non-oil trade between the EU and the UAE? Or perhaps the special partnership and trade agreement that is under negotiation?

While it might seem economically convenient to stay silent about human rights abuses by our partners in the short term, rest assured that we are paying the price in the long term. Our global reputation as a promoter of human rights is deteriorating at a rapid pace. We should end the double standards.

Free Ryan, yes. And free all the other prisoners.

Reinhold Lopatka, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, dear colleagues, as Chair of the European Parliament's Delegation for Relations with the Arab Peninsula, I feel compelled to address the ongoing detention of Ryan Cornelius in the United Arab Emirates.

I work for strengthening our relationship, but we have to be honest with our friends in the United Arab Emirates. Mr Cornelius was convicted in 2008. He served 10 years – a 10-year sentence. However, in 2018, his detention was extended by an additional 20 years unless a substantial sum – over USD 400 million – is repaid. The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention reviewed the case in 2022 and found that his imprisonment violates international human rights law. It concluded that Mr Cornelius has been arbitrarily detained and called for his immediate release.

We recognise the importance of strong and constructive relations between the UAE and the European Union, and fully respect the independence of judicial systems. But our partnership must also be grounded in core principles, and these are the rule of law and human dignity. I therefore urge the UAE authorities to seriously re-examine Mr Cornelius's case. We have to continue with the already well-established human rights dialogue between the UAE and the European Union.

Barry Andrews, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Mr President, Commissioner and colleagues, like other speakers, I came to this issue through the work of Sir Bill Browder. His endorsement of the cause of Ryan Cornelius was very persuasive by itself, given Mr Browder's track record with the Magnitsky legislation, but when I looked at the detail of the case, I was astonished at the injustice of it.

The EU and this Parliament should be clear that cases like this, involving EU citizens and their families, must be resolved before serious progress can be made on improving trade relations with the United Arab Emirates.

As has previously been mentioned, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention concluded that the detention of Ryan Cornelius violates the UN Declaration of Human Rights and called for his immediate release seven years ago. The national law of the UAE also makes it clear that when you are over 70, you should be automatically released.

What is hard to understand is why the United Kingdom Government turned its back on its own citizen. I am therefore happy to see this case receive the prominence it deserves this evening. Ryan Cornelius and his family can be assured that the European Parliament will remain vigilant.

Jozef Síkela, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, human rights represent the core dimension of the EU's external policy. This also applies to the United Arab Emirates, one of our key partners in the Gulf and the broader MENA region. Human rights questions are regularly addressed during our political and human rights dialogues with this country and at all levels.

The first ever visit of the President of this Parliament to Abu Dhabi on 23 June following parliamentary missions by the Delegation for Relations with the Arab Peninsula, the Committee on Foreign Affairs and the Subcommittee on Tax Matters earlier this year allowed for a direct engagement of the Members of this honourable assembly with the Emirati authorities.

In addition, the fourth high-level political dialogue in Abu Dhabi on 27 May provided a good opportunity to discuss pertinent issues of concern with the Emirati authorities. In the joint statement following this dialogue, both sides emphasised their commitment to further strengthen the EU-UAE partnership by facilitating cooperation on the bilateral front, with a particular focus on human rights and also on key regional issues both in Europe and in the Middle East. In this context, we encouraged the UAE to further align their national legislation with international human rights law, adhere to international instruments, and ensure the universal rights of freedom of expression, assembly and association. These issues remain of particular importance in the context of negotiations with the UAE over a bilateral free trade agreement, alongside the broader strategic partnership agreement.

The EU's EEAS has been closely following the case of the British citizen Ryan Cornelius, both from Brussels and from our delegation in Abu Dhabi. EU officials, the EEAS and the office of the EU Special Representative for Human Rights have also met with the family of Mr Cornelius. We took note of the opinion of the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, adopted on 22 April, which found his continued detention to be arbitrary and in violation of international law.

The EU deeply regrets the prolonged and unjustified deprivation of liberty to which Mr Cornelius has been subjected. We reiterate the importance of respect for the rule of law, the right to a fair trial and the full implementation of the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detentions' recommendations by the authorities concerned. In the same vein, the EU Special Representative for Human Rights will continue to closely monitor individual cases in the United Arab Emirates. Her office remains actively engaged on this file over the past months.

Overall, the EU is committed to continue engaging constructively on the human rights situation in the EU, notably through the regular political and human rights dialogues. We will also continue to follow the case of Mr Cornelius in close coordination with the United Kingdom Government, which holds the primary consular responsibility on this case, and with Ryan Cornelius's family. We sincerely hope that this that his potential detention will end soon.

President. – The debate is closed.

The vote will take place tomorrow.

19.2. Svévolné zatčení a mučení belgicko-portugalského výzkumníka Josepha Figueiry Martina ve Středoafrické republice

President. – The next item is the debate on five motions for resolutions on the arbitrary arrest and torture of Belgian-Portuguese researcher Joseph Figueira Martin in the Central African Republic (2025/2797(RSP)).

Wouter Beke, auteur. – Voorzitter, commissaris, collega's, al meer dan een jaar wordt onze landgenoot Joseph Figueira Martin onterecht vastgehouden in de Centraal-Afrikaanse Republiek. Al 411 dagen, 411 nachten worden hij, zijn familie, zijn vrienden gekweld door onzekerheid. Al die tijd wordt hij gefolterd, geïsoleerd, met de dood bedreigd, zonder enig toekomstperspectief. Het spreekt voor zich dat zijn fysieke en mentale gezondheid met rasse schreden achteruitgaat.

En waarom? Wel, Joseph Figueira Martin kwam zich voor een humanitaire organisatie inzetten om de lokale bevolking te ondersteunen op het vlak van gezondheidszorg en onderwijs. Zoals steeds in zijn professionele loopbaan, met een passie voor de regio en het geloof in een betere toekomst voor gewone mensen. Maar dat was buiten de Wagnergroep gerekend.

Collega's, we kennen allemaal de verhalen van deze paramilitaire organisatie die vanuit Rusland heel wat gruwelen in de wereld wist te verspreiden. Ook Joseph Figueira Martin werd ontvoerd door de Wagnergroep en onterecht beschuldigd van spionage en terrorisme. Deze beschuldigingen werden overgenomen door de Centraal-Afrikaanse autoriteiten zonder enig bewijs. Al 411 dagen lang zonder reden, zonder bewijs, opgesloten, gemarteld. Dat moeten wij een halt toeroepen.

Daarnaast is ook de Russische invloed in de Centraal-Afrikaanse Republiek zorgwekkend en teistert die niet alleen Joseph Figueira Martin, maar ook tal van anderen. Het gaat niet alleen om hardhandige repressie via de Wagnergroep, maar ook om uitgebreide desinformatiecampagnes met als doel Europa te verzwakken. Net nu we onze steun herbevestigen om de veiligheidsdiensten in het land daar te ondersteunen.

Collega's, er is al heel veel werk aan de winkel in de Centraal-Afrikaanse Republiek en dat zal stap voor stap moeten gebeuren. Een eerste stap is de vrijlating van deze onschuldige Europese staatsburger, die enkel met de meest nobele bedoelingen zijn expertise kwam delen in het land. Ik vraag jullie morgen allemaal massaal deze resolutie te ondersteunen, zodat Joseph Figueira Martin na meer dan een jaar onterechte opsluiting terug naar huis kan. Zijn familie en hijzelf zullen u danken.

Francisco Assis, Autor. – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, Joseph Figueira Martin é um especialista em transumância e em pastoralismo que teve o supremo azar de cair nas garras do Grupo Wagner, mercenários que agora prosperam em África à custa da desestabilização, da violência e do sofrimento de muitos africanos.

Joseph é um cidadão belga, um cidadão português e um cidadão europeu. Apesar disso, está encarcerado há mais de um ano numa prisão da República Centro-Africana, em condições deploráveis, a pretexto da acusação absurda de ser um espião ao serviço dos Estados Unidos. Não foi ainda interrogado por um juiz, muito menos julgado. Está extremamente debilitado. Arrisca a prisão perpétua com trabalhos forçados.

Perante a gravidade da situação deste nosso compatriota europeu, é impensável que a União Europeia não mova mundos e fundos para obter a sua imediata libertação, inclusive, se preciso for, recordando às autoridades os programas de cooperação com o país e o respeito pelos direitos humanos a que está obrigado, por exemplo, no quadro do Acordo de Samoa entre a União Europeia e os ACP.

Hilde Vautmans, auteur. – Monsieur le Président, aujourd'hui, je m'adresse à vous avec gravité et détermination. Joseph Figueira Martin, mon compatriote, un travailleur humanitaire belgo-portugais, est détenu depuis plus d'un an en République centrafricaine, sans procès équitable, sans accusation crédible, sans soins médicaux adaptés. Il a été enlevé par le groupe Wagner, torturé et isolé.

Nous ne pouvons plus rester silencieux face à cette injustice. L'Europe doit exiger sa libération immédiate et inconditionnelle. Nous appelons à son évacuation médicale d'urgence, à une assistance juridique et consulaire complète et à une action diplomatique renforcée de l'Union européenne, de la Belgique et du Portugal. Si ses droits continuent d'être violés, des sanctions ciblées doivent suivre.

Libérez Joseph Figueira Martin maintenant, tout de suite!

Saskia Bricmont, auteur. – Monsieur le Président, Joseph Figueira Martin, travailleur humanitaire belgo-portugais, doit être libéré. Voici plus d'un an qu'il a été enlevé par le groupe Wagner en République centrafricaine, avant d'être arbitrairement placé en détention, sans procès, et dans un état de santé préoccupant, conséquence des mauvais traitements qui lui ont été infligés.

C'est le cœur lourd que je m'adresse à vous aujourd'hui, parce qu'il n'est pas normal que la famille de Joseph doive lancer un appel à l'aide. Nos gouvernements et l'Union européenne ont le devoir de protéger leurs ressortissants et leurs travailleurs humanitaires et de leur venir en aide. Face à de telles injustices, nous ne pouvons rester silencieux. Sa liberté est un combat pour nous tous, pour nos valeurs, pour notre humanité. Nous avons la responsabilité de protéger ceux qui, au péril de leur vie, s'engagent pour sauver les autres.

Il est donc grand temps que justice soit rendue et que Joseph Figueira Martin soit libéré, immédiatement et sans condition. L'Union européenne doit mobiliser tous les leviers diplomatiques possibles pour exiger – et obtenir – des autorités centrafricaines la libération de Joseph. En l'absence de réaction, nous demandons que des mesures ciblées soient adoptées par l'Union européenne.

Catarina Martins, Autora. – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, Joseph Figueira Martin é membro de uma ONG, a FHI 360, e trabalhava na República Centro-Africana, quando, há mais de um ano, foi detido pelo Grupo Wagner e posteriormente entregue às autoridades.

Mais de um ano depois e apesar das muitas alegações do governo da República Centro-Africana, não foi deduzida qualquer acusação contra Joseph Figueira Martin. Não houve julgamento, não há sequer data marcada e há, isto sim, queixas de tortura que têm de ser investigadas. Mas há sobretudo uma exigência inadiável. A lei da própria República Centro-Africana está a ser violada, porque se há provas contra José Figueira Martin, então há acusação e julgamento; se não há provas e elas não aparecem há mais de um ano, Joseph Figueira Martin tem de ser libertado e já vai tarde.

Bem sei que não é função deste Parlamento averiguar da culpa ou da inocência de nenhum cidadão da União Europeia e não o quero fazer. Mas é função deste Parlamento e das restantes instituições europeias exigir o respeito pelos direitos básicos de todos os cidadãos em qualquer parte do mundo.

Kathleen Van Brempt, namens de S&D-Fractie. – Voorzitter, collega's, al meer dan een jaar zit Joseph Figueira Martin vast in de Centraal-Afrikaanse Republiek, gekidnapt door de Wagnergroep, vastgehouden, gefolterd, bedreigd met de dood. En hij zit daar nog steeds. Hij riskeert een levenslange celstraf op basis van valse beschuldigingen, zonder proces, zonder rechtvaardigheid.

Collega's, dit is meer dan een persoonlijke tragedie. Het is een aanval op een Europese burger en een aanval op het internationaal recht en de mensenrechten. We roepen de autoriteiten van de Centraal-Afrikaanse Republiek op om Joseph onmiddellijk vrij te laten en hem ook dringende medische hulp te geven. Collega's, het is tijd om Joseph naar huis te brengen.

João Cotrim De Figueiredo, em nome do Grupo Renew. – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, Joseph Figueira Martin está preso, sem acusação, há quase 15 meses na República Centro-Africana. Está cativo em condições desumanas e degradantes. Tem problemas de saúde que se agravam todos os dias e não dispõe de qualquer apoio médico. Joseph Martin deve ser libertado imediatamente.

Esta descrição é, infelizmente, idêntica a muitas outras que esta câmara apreciou noutras resoluções de emergência. É idêntica, mas não é igual e as diferenças são grandes e com muito significado político. Joseph Martin não foi inicialmente detido pelas autoridades da República Centro-Africana. Foi detido e torturado e mantido em isolamento total pelo Grupo mercenário Wagner, que tem naquele país um dos seus maiores destacamentos em todo o mundo, sempre a soldo da Rússia, em defesa dos seus interesses. Joseph Martin, longe de ser um espião, era um especialista de uma ONG humanitária em Bangui. Acontece que essa ONG é americana e isso bastou para os mercenários do Grupo Wagner o acusarem, sem quaisquer provas, de ser um espião americano.

Por isso, honoráveis membros, ao apoiarem esta resolução, estarão a dizer que não aceitam que a interferência da Rússia em países terceiros promova a violação dos direitos humanos de cidadãos europeus e estarão a dizer também que jamais aceitarão que a ameaça que a Rússia representa para os europeus tenha sequer o menor paralelo com o que já sofreu Joseph Martin.

Para nós, fica a advertência. Para Joseph Martin, liberdade imediata.

Catch-the-eye procedure

Seán Kelly (PPE). – (Start of speech off mic) … the Belgian-Portuguese researcher, Joseph Figueira Martin, and compliment them for raising this case. I think it's wonderful that we have MEPs here in the House who are prepared to, first of all, take the case, then research it, then come up with a resolution and then debate it here and then colleagues to vote on it, because these are cases where there are extreme violations of the rights of individuals, and particularly if they are European nationals, they certainly must be highlighted here.

I think, like the previous case of Ryan Cornelius, and this case of Joseph Figueira Martin, we should say within a specified time, if they're not released, we're going to revisit it, re-highlight it and put further pressure on these countries to act, because I think that might be the way to ensure that some justice is done, and particularly for the people we are discussing here tonight.

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

Jozef Síkela, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members of the European Parliament, we share your concerns regarding the case of Mr Joseph Figueira Martin, a European citizen currently detained in the Central African Republic.

Since the outset of this case in May 2024, the High Representative and the European External Action Service have been closely monitoring developments in coordination with the Belgian and Portuguese authorities. Indeed, while the European External Action Service and the EU delegations support coordination and information sharing, they do not provide direct consular services themselves. That remains within the competence of the Member States.

Belgium and Portugal have been granted access to Mr Figueira Martin and are providing him with regular consular assistance, in accordance with their obligations under Article 23 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union and Directive 2015/637 on consular protection for unrepresented EU citizens.

Both in Bangui and in Brussels, on every possible occasion and at all possible levels, we have consistently stressed to the Central African authorities the imperative that Mr Figueira Martin's rights to due process be fully respected. We have also underlined the importance of ensuring that his conditions of detention meet international standards, in line with the Central African Republic's obligations under international law, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention against Torture. We will continue to do so.

More broadly, the EU remains deeply concerned by the human rights environment in the Central African Republic, particularly in areas where the Wagner Group has been active. The EU has repeatedly condemned the actions of this group and its affiliates, which have been associated with serious human rights abuses and violations of international humanitarian law. The Wagner Group has been listed under the EU's global human rights sanctions regime, along with key individuals and entities operating in the Central African Republic.

The EEAS and the EU delegation in Bangui, in coordination with Belgium and Portugal, will continue to follow with great attention the developments of Mr Joseph Figueira Martin's legal case, but also of his health. We hope for a positive outcome and we extend our sympathy and support to his family.

President. – The debate is closed.

The vote will be held tomorrow.

19.3. Naléhavá potřeba ochrany náboženských menšin v Sýrii po nedávném teroristickém útoku na kostel Mar Elias v Damašku

President. – The next item is the debate on eight motions for resolutions on the urgent need to protect religious minorities in Syria following the recent terrorist attack on Mar Elias Church in Damascus (2025/2798(RSP)).

Ingeborg Ter Laak, author. – Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, it is not that long ago that we negotiated a resolution for just transition for Syria. I continue to be hopeful, and we should give trust to the transitional government to create connections among citizens and groups and create a peaceful, democratic society – hence the conditional lifting of the sanctions, as well as diplomatic conversations with the transitional authorities. It is a prerequisite for good relations within Syria, and this is also the only chance to create a new Syria. This is the time for change in Syria. As Europe, we need to take our diplomatic role, facilitate stability in the region and be a helpful partner where possible for the reconstruction of Syria.

And yes, I was shocked by the horrific attacks on the Mar Elias Church in Damascus. Religious minorities are under pressure and still under threat in Syria. The Christian communities in Syria are vulnerable, as are other minorities and communities, including Arabs, Kurds, Alawites, Druze and Yazidis.

The new regime must now put its fine words into action. The EU should urge the Syrian transitional authorities to guarantee freedom of religion and act upon actors responsible for religious freedom violations within Syria. The end goal must be a peaceful and harmonious Syria in which all communities and the full colourful mosaic of Syria, with all its religious and ethnic diversity, is protected, and they are free from violent attacks.

Marco Tarquinio, autore. – Signor Presidente, signor Commissario, onorevoli colleghi, la strage di cristiani a Mar Elias ha riaperto ferite profonde.

Quando vite vengono spente da odio e fanatismo è un'atroce sconfitta comune.

L'Unione europea, gli Stati membri e l'intera comunità internazionale devono perciò supportare le autorità siriane nella lotta contro il terrorismo – in questo caso islamista – affinché simili orrori divengano un ricordo del passato.

Questo significa anche sostenere un processo di transizione democratica basato sul rispetto dei diritti umani, sul coinvolgimento delle comunità siriane e della società civile, e sul diritto internazionale, che, ricordo, tutela anche l'integrità territoriale della Siria, purtroppo ancora oggi violata da paesi confinanti, Israele e Turchia usano in modo diverso le differenti comunità siriane per spaccare il paese.

Se vogliamo difendere tutto il popolo di una Siria che è mosaico di culture e fedi, umanità e buon diritto siano la nostra stella polare.

Nathalie Loiseau, auteur. – Monsieur le Président, l'horreur et l'effroi ont frappé les chrétiens en Syrie lorsqu'un attentat-suicide a tué 25 fidèles et en a blessé plus de 60 dans l'église Saint-Élie de Damas. L'horreur et l'effroi avaient frappé la communauté alaouite il y a quelques mois. Les Kurdes sont inquiets, les Druzes sont inquiets. Ici, en Europe, on scrute l'attitude des nouvelles autorités syriennes.

On fait bien de s'inquiéter du sort de la Syrie et des Syriens, mais, franchement, nous étions bien peu nombreux à nous en émouvoir quand Bachar al-Assad dressait les Syriens les uns contre les autres et que le pays comptait un demi-million de morts. Toutes les communautés syriennes ont alors souffert: les sunnites, majoritaires, et toutes les minorités, pris en étau entre un régime appuyé par la Russie et l'Iran d'un côté et Daech de l'autre.

Aujourd'hui, les nouvelles autorités sont seules. Daech est affaibli, mais toujours là. La Syrie est fragile, et ni la Turquie ni Israël n'aident à la stabiliser. Il nous revient de veiller à la protection de toutes les communautés de Syrie sans exception, de continuer à lutter contre Daech, et aussi – peut-être surtout – d'éviter de se servir de la cause des chrétiens d'aujourd'hui pour couvrir les complicités d'hier de certains politiques, y compris dans ce Parlement, aux côtés du „boucher de Damas“.

Hannah Neumann, author. – Mr President, dear colleagues, Assad may be gone, but the hate and division he sowed still poison Syria. The massacres of Alawites on the coast, the brutal attack on Christians praying in Mar Elias Church, hundreds of violent flashpoints across Syria – no community is untouched. Syria's authorities must act. Heal the deep wounds, pursue real justice, dismantle armed radicalism and rebuild trust shattered by war.

We Europeans have a responsibility too, not to use Syrians as pawns in a political game, but to stand with them and to say it clearly: today's Syria is not safe. We must restart asylum processes, allow family reunification, create safe ways to visit Syria without forcing return.

There are many in this Chamber who speak so passionately for persecuted Christians. But why don't you show the same passion extending Christian values to all Syrians seeking refuge in Europe? As in Leviticus 19, verse 33, it says: 'the foreigners residing amongst you must be treated as your native-born. Love them as yourself, for you were foreigners in Egypt too.'

Νικόλας Φαραντούρης, συντάκτης. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, είχα προειδοποιήσει για αυτό που συνέβη, για τον εξτρεμισμό που σαρώνει τη Συρία. Με ερώτησή μου από τον Ιανουάριο. Με επιστολή μου προς την Ύπατη Εκπρόσωπο τον Φεβρουάριο. Με προσωπική μου επίσκεψη στη Δαμασκό και τη Συρία τις ημέρες των μεγάλων σφαγών, τον Μάρτιο, 7 με 9 Μαρτίου. Με καινούργια ερώτηση προς την Επιτροπή τον Απρίλιο. Και τελικά έχουμε θύματα. Ανθρώπους, ορθόδοξους χριστιανούς που πήγαν να λειτουργηθούν την Κυριακή στην Εκκλησία.

Πώς είναι δυνατόν να αίρονται οι κυρώσεις χωρίς ένα στοιχειώδες χρονοδιάγραμμα για δημοκρατικές εκλογές; Πώς είναι δυνατόν να μην αντιπροσωπεύονται οι εθνικές και θρησκευτικές κοινότητες της Συρίας με υπερχιλιετή παρουσία εκεί; Σας καλώ να υπερψηφίσετε το ψήφισμα και σας καλώ επίσης επιτέλους για δράση.

Silvia Sardone, autrice. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, una certa sinistra non ce la fa proprio a mettere „islamico“ vicino alla parola „terrorista“.

L'abbiamo visto anche in questa risoluzione, così come abbiamo visto le immagini della chiesa insanguinata a Damasco, che dovrebbero scuotere le coscienze. Eppure, alcuni media, alcune istituzioni – anche istituzioni europee – e partiti di sinistra tentano da tempo di cancellare l'orrore: scene agghiaccianti che sono di una chiara matrice islamista.

Negarlo è semplicemente indecente e lo dico guardando proprio le persone che volevano negarlo.

La comunità cristiana siriana resta, ovviamente, particolarmente esposta sotto questo governo islamico di transizione, con cui ora, persino, qualcuno ha in mente di collaborare. Il rischio concreto è quello di avere un nuovo califfato, istituzionalizzato e legittimato proprio dall'Europa.

Basta silenzi contro le continue persecuzioni dei cristiani, anche perché – dobbiamo dirlo chiaramente, dobbiamo dircelo qua – i cristiani sono il gruppo religioso più perseguitato al mondo.

L'Unione europea ha – come dire – quasi il timore di dire che questi crimini sono frutto dell'estremismo islamico. Questo silenzio puzza di sottomissione e non solo di sottomissione, anche di arretramento sconvolgente sui nostri valori.

Ma vi rendete conto? Voi tirate uno schiaffo nei confronti di chi chiede aiuto, chi vuole professare la propria fede e chi si rifiuta di piegarsi all'islamismo.

Bert-Jan Ruissen, auteur. – Voorzitter, beste collega's, de christenen in Syrië zijn bang, heel erg bang. En dat geldt ook voor andere bevolkingsgroepen, zoals de alawieten en de druzen.

Al-Julani, die zich tegenwoordig al-Sharaa laat noemen, mag dan inmiddels keurige pakken dragen en door veel westerse leiders als een held worden ontvangen, dat maakt van Syrië nog geen land waar het voor minderheden goed toeven is. De gruwelijke aanslag op de Mar Elias-kerk in Damascus en het geweld tegen de alawieten en de druzen bewijzen het tegendeel.

Wat moet Europa nu doen? In elk geval niet langer genoegen nemen met vage beloftes, maar eisen dat alle daders worden opgepakt en berecht en het jihadistisch geweld stopt en dat minderheden worden beschermd en gelijke rechten krijgen. Ik denk aan grondwettelijke erkenning van het Aramese volk, de Aramese taal en bescherming van het Aramees als cultureel erfgoed. En natuurlijk ook zo snel mogelijk vrije en eerlijke verkiezingen.

Maakt al-Sharaa hier onvoldoende werk van, dan moeten wij de sancties maar opnieuw opschorten en de toegezegde steun ook opschorten. Ik bedoel: de sancties weer opnieuw instellen. Want al-Sharaa moet nu laten zien dat hij de angst die er is onder christenen en anderen, serieus neemt en daadwerkelijk wil investeren in een vreedzame samenleving.

Tomasz Froelich, Verfasser. – Herr Präsident! In Syrien werden systematisch Minderheiten abgeschlachtet – Christen, Alawiten, Schiiten. Kirchen werden bombardiert, die neuen dschihadistischen Herrscher zementieren ihren Machtanspruch mit Terror, und was macht die EU? Sie schickt noch mehr Geld nach Damaskus. Sie verurteilt die, die sich dem blutigen Terror nicht beugen. Sie stellt sich auf die Seite des islamistischen Terrorregimes, und sie adelt den neuen Machthaber al-Dschaulani. Gestern noch Al-Qaida-Kämpfer, heute schon vorzeigbarer Westminster-Musterdemokrat. Was für eine moralische Bankrotterklärung!

Ja, wir müssen mit den neuen Realitäten in Syrien umgehen, aber nicht so, wie das gerade geschieht. Syrien wurde 15 Jahre lang mit härtesten Sanktionen geknebelt, ohne Rücksicht auf die Bevölkerung. Jetzt, wo Assad weg ist, hebt die EU alle Sanktionen auf. Selbst dann, wenn die neuen Machthaber zum Genozid schreiten. Sind ja nur Christen, Alawiten und Schiiten, die da ums Leben kommen – einfach nur schäbig! Wir müssen auf Damaskus Druck ausüben, um zwei Dinge zu verlangen: Erstens, den Schutz religiöser Minderheiten, zweitens, die Millionenfache Rücknahme sunnitischer Syrer aus Europa.

Sander Smit, on behalf of the PPE Group. – Mr President, the suicide bombing of the Mar Elias Antiochian Orthodox Church in Damascus killing 25 innocent worshippers and wounding over 60 is a vile act of terror which must be condemned with the strongest possible words.

Religious minorities in Syria – Syriac, Aramean, Armenian, Chaldean Christians, Alawites and Yazidis – face increasing violence and existential threats to their ancient identity and heritage, including the Aramaic language and culture as preserved in places like Maaloula, are vanishing before our eyes. Let us not forget, the See of Antioch and the biblical city of Damascus are among Christianity's first cradles.

Let me be very clear: there must be no more EU funds for the new Islamist-led Syrian transitional authorities without firm guarantees for the full protection of Christians and all religious and ethnic minorities. And yes, the lifted sanctions can be reinstated in case of non-compliance, as rightly secured by the Dutch Government.

Freedom of religion is non-negotiable. The Mar Elias bloodbath should be a wake-up call to stop our silence.

Save the minorities of Syria!

Γιάννης Μανιάτης, εξ ονόματος της ομάδας S&D. – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η τρομοκρατική επίθεση στον ελληνορθόδοξο ναό του Προφήτη Ηλία στη Δαμασκό της Συρίας, με 25 νεκρούς και πάνω από 60 τραυματίες, μας υπενθυμίζει ότι η πτώση του καθεστώτος Assad από μόνη της δεν είναι αρκετή για την αλλαγή σελίδας σε αυτή τη δοκιμαζόμενη περιοχή. Η αύξηση των τρομοκρατικών επιθέσεων με θρησκευτικά κίνητρα, οι βιαιοπραγίες, οι αρπαγές, οι εκφοβισμοί των χριστιανών της Συρίας έχουν αυξηθεί σημαντικά τους τελευταίους μήνες.

Το τζιχαντιστικό παρελθόν του μεταβατικού προέδρου al-Sharaa προκαλεί εύλογες ανησυχίες για την προστασία του πολυπολιτισμικού και διαθρησκευτικού χαρακτήρα της συριακής κοινωνίας. Είναι απαραίτητο η άρση των κυρώσεων και η οικονομική βοήθεια να συνοδεύονται από αυστηρές προϋποθέσεις, με ιδιαίτερο βάρος τόσο στον σεβασμό των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων και της θρησκευτικής ελευθερίας, όσο και στον σεβασμό του διεθνούς δικαίου και του δικαίου της θάλασσας, ιδιαίτερα μετά τις ανακοινώσεις του Τούρκου υπουργού Εξωτερικών για οριοθέτηση Αποκλειστικής Οικονομικής Ζώνης μεταξύ Συρίας και Τουρκίας.

Matthieu Valet, au nom du groupe PfE. – Monsieur le Président, mesdames et messieurs, chers collègues, voilà plus de six mois que Bachar al-Assad est tombé, remplacé par un gouvernement issu du djihad et de l'islamisme radical. Après de longs mois, le Parlement se penche enfin sur le sort des chrétiens, logiquement persécutés.

Depuis six mois, les minorités religieuses, et en particulier les chrétiens, sont en danger de mort. Leur nombre est passé de 1,5 million à environ 400 000 depuis l'an dernier. Et que fait l'Union européenne? Elle soutient un pouvoir qui, sous couvert d'alternance, laisse les mains libres aux islamistes. Le costard trois-pièces du président syrien, Ahmed al-Charaa, ne remplace pas son côté djihadiste, qu'il n'a jamais quitté. Cela vaut aussi lorsqu'il est reçu, avec tapis rouge, à l'Élysée par Emmanuel Macron – c'était le 7 mai dernier. S'il a réussi à aveugler le président français, ses troupes sur le terrain n'en perpétuent pas moins leur projet mortifère: persécutions, pillages, meurtres.

Nous avions prévenu du danger mortel que représentait le soutien européen au Front al-Nosra – c'est-à-dire Al-Qaida. Par quel miracle le djihadisme est-il devenu politiquement correct à vos yeux? Au moment où, en France, s'ouvre enfin une commission d'enquête et une campagne sur l'entrisme islamiste – oui, je sais, ça fait saigner les oreilles des gauchos –, il est temps pour l'Europe de faire son examen de conscience. C'est un ancien policier qui a vu ses compatriotes exécutés par des islamistes armés de Kalachnikov le soir du 13 novembre 2015 qui vous parle, et ça m'a fait mal au bide de voir mon président recevoir un djihadiste à l'Élysée.

Małgorzata Gosiewska, w imieniu grupy ECR. – Ostatnie miesiące w Syrii to nowa fala przemocy wobec mniejszości religijnych, zwłaszcza chrześcijan. Morderstwa. Porwania. Niszczenie cmentarzy. 22 czerwca w Damaszku, w cerkwi Mar Elias doszło do ataku terrorystycznego podczas liturgii, zginęło 25 niewinnych ludzi, ponad 60 zostało rannych. To był zamach nie tylko na życie, ale na tożsamość, na obecność chrześcijan na Bliskim Wschodzie.

Pracujący na Bliskim Wschodzie ksiądz profesor Waldemar Cisło powiedział: „Zamach w Damaszku jest tragicznym odbiciem sytuacji mniejszości chrześcijańskich w Syrii po zmianie władzy. Śmierć niewinnych chrześcijan obnaża realne zagrożenie, na które władze powinny natychmiast reagować, ale nie reagują. Rząd Ahmeda al-Szara obiecywał równość, neutralność religijną, bezpieczeństwo. Tymczasem w szkołach wprowadza się elementy szariatu, a islamizacja życia publicznego postępuje.“

Wzywam Parlament Europejski do potępienia tego ataku i wywarcia presji na nowe władze Syrii, by mniejszości religijne mogły żyć bez strachu. Domagam się międzynarodowej ochrony miejsc kultu. Warunkujmy pomoc unijną przestrzeganiem wolności religijnej. Pokażmy, że Europa nie zapomina o swoich braciach i siostrach w wierze, nawet jeśli są tysiące kilometrów stąd.

Μιχάλης Χατζηπαντέλα (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αξιότιμοι συνάδελφοι, η φρικτή τρομοκρατική επίθεση στον Ιερό Ναό του Προφήτη Ηλία στη Δαμασκό, που άφησε πίσω της δεκάδες νεκρούς και τραυματίες, αποδεικνύει την τραγική πραγματικότητα που βιώνουν οι θρησκευτικές μειονότητες στη Συρία. Καταδικάζουμε απερίφραστα κάθε αποτρόπαια πράξη βίας που στοχεύει αθώους πιστούς εν ώρα λατρείας και εκφράζουμε τα ειλικρινή μας συλλυπητήρια στις οικογένειες των θυμάτων.

Η παρουσία του Χριστιανισμού στη Συρία είναι βαθιά ριζωμένη στην ιστορία της περιοχής και η ορθόδοξη κοινότητα αποτελεί αναπόσπαστο κομμάτι της πλούσιας πολιτιστικής και θρησκευτικής κληρονομιάς της Συρίας. Αποτελεί χρέος μας να υπερασπιστούμε τα θεμελιώδη δικαιώματα όλων των θρησκευτικών μειονοτήτων και να απαιτήσουμε από τις αρχές της Συρίας αλλά και από τη διεθνή κοινότητα να διασφαλίσουν την προστασία, την ελευθερία και την ασφάλεια των χριστιανικών κοινοτήτων και όλων των μειονοτήτων στη χώρα.

Η Ευρώπη οφείλει να σταθεί αρωγός στην υπεράσπιση της θρησκευτικής ελευθερίας και της προστασίας των χριστιανικών κοινοτήτων, όπου και αν αυτές βρίσκονται, για να μπορούν να συνεχίσουν να εξασκούν την πίστη τους. Οφείλουμε να αναλάβουμε πρωτοβουλίες για την άμεση προστασία των χριστιανών στη Συρία. Η προστασία των θρησκευτικών μειονοτήτων δεν είναι μόνο ηθικό μας χρέος, αλλά και αναγκαία προϋπόθεση για τη σταθερότητα και το μέλλον της περιοχής.

Evin Incir (S&D). – Mr President, minorities keep being in danger in the new Syria. The recent terrorist attacks on the Mar Elias Church in Damascus and the ongoing massacres on Alawites are examples of heinous violence.

Among the perpetrators are even commanders of the Minister of Defence of the new government. If we stay silent, this will be the future of all minorities in Syria.

I welcome the European Council's decision to sanction those responsible, including Turkish-backed SNA groups, but the EU must do more. Every single support given to the new government must be done with demands on a Syria that respects all its citizens and respects international law.

Margarita de la Pisa Carrión (PfE). – Señor presidente, señorías, señor comisario, Europa está ciega o quizá prefiere cerrar los ojos. El pasado 22 de junio, en Damasco, treinta cristianos fueron asesinados durante la misa del domingo en un atentado terrorista islámico. Su iglesia —lugar de refugio y oración— se transformó en un escenario de muerte y violencia.

¿Se puede confiar en un fundamentalismo islámico que se ha hecho con el poder? Alauitas, drusos o cristianos, que son ejemplo de reconciliación, sufren sin freno ofensas, agresiones, raptos, violaciones, masacres por su religión.

Recordemos que los cristianos en Siria son parte fundamental de la historia y los orígenes del país desde hace más de 2 000 años. Hoy, son un pilar imprescindible en la sociedad, porque ofrecen servicios esenciales, como hospitales, escuelas y atención a la discapacidad. En 2011 eran el 10 %, hoy solo el 3 %.

Su persecución y éxodo no solo supone una amenaza al cristianismo en la región, también acaba con la esperanza de un futuro democrático, de estabilidad y de paz en Oriente Medio. Pero no solo allí, nuestras raíces espirituales están allí, el alma de Europa es cristiana. Protegerlos es proteger quienes somos, proteger nuestra identidad, especialmente frente al islamismo radical que muchos de ustedes…

(el presidente retira la palabra a la oradora)

Laurence Trochu (ECR). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, à Damas, le 22 juin dernier, 25 personnes ont perdu la vie et 63 autres ont été blessées parce que chrétiennes. À quelques centaines de mètres de leur église, Saint-Élie, la rue Droite était empruntée par saint Paul il y a deux mille ans. Eh oui, la Syrie fut un des berceaux du christianisme, et par conséquent de notre civilisation.

Aujourd'hui, l'islamisme est à la tête de cet État fragile, et il obtient les bonnes grâces de la communauté internationale. Pour l'Union européenne, la ligne a toujours été la même: tout sera meilleur que Bachar al-Assad, y compris le pire des islamistes. Emmanuel Macron a même déroulé le tapis rouge, à Paris, à Ahmed al-Charaa. Cette naïveté coupable a coûté la vie à des centaines d'alaouites et de chrétiens en mars dernier. Les Druzes, les ismaéliens, les Yézidis sont la cible d'exactions similaires, perpétrées par des milices plus ou moins liées au pouvoir en place, et dont les chrétiens sont une cible privilégiée.

Alors, la naïveté de l'Union européenne doit cesser au profit d'exigences et de pressions à la mesure de la situation. Le peuple syrien et ses minorités, notamment chrétienne, ne peuvent être sacrifiés sur l'autel de la passivité.

Christophe Gomart (PPE). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, à plusieurs reprises, en plénière, j'ai alerté. Un nouveau massacre ciblant une minorité a eu lieu en Syrie, sous la présidence d'Ahmed al-Charaa, ancien chef terroriste islamiste issu d'Al-Qaida. Les experts en contre-terrorisme sont formels: les terroristes islamistes n'avouent pas et ne se repentent pas. Je suis sans doute l'un des rares ici à les avoir combattus directement.

Après les Kurdes et les alaouites, ce sont les 400 000 chrétiens de Syrie qui sont visés. Aux persécutions quotidiennes s'ajoute donc ce terrible attentat-suicide du 22 juin, commis dans une église bondée, à Damas même, et qui a fait 25 morts – dont plusieurs enfants – et de très nombreux blessés. Les chrétiens ont toutes les raisons de ne pas se sentir protégés dans le quatrième pays le plus corrompu de la planète, qui a pour dirigeants d'anciens terroristes islamistes – lesquels n'ont ni exprimé de regret ni admis leur responsabilité.

Malgré tout cela, l'Union européenne, dans sa grande générosité, ne regrette pas d'avoir versé, en mars, 2,5 milliards d'euros en un week-end pour le développement économique du pays. Or, qui peut ignorer la pyramide de Maslow? Il n'y aura pas de développement économique en Syrie sans avoir satisfait les besoins du pays en matière de sécurité.

J'appelle donc à adapter notre relation à la réalité du terrain. Nous devons accélérer la tenue d'élections démocratiques afin d'aider à la mise en place d'un homme de paix, au lieu de soutenir un terroriste. N'oublions pas qu'al-Charaa, alias Abou Mohammed al-Joulani, et son gouvernement sont des terroristes, avec beaucoup de sang sur les mains.

Paolo Inselvini (ECR). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, mentre le grandi potenze si sfidano per il dominio del globo, spesso incuranti delle vite umane, scorre senza sosta il rosso sangue di cristiani innocenti.

Violenze, abusi, omicidi nei confronti di sacerdoti, donne, bambini e anziani sono diventati ormai una triste normalità, dalla Siria al Libano, dalla Cisgiordania alla martoriata Africa, i cristiani hanno visto crescere giorno dopo giorno l'odio e le stragi nei loro confronti.

Non è un caso se i cristiani rappresentano la categoria più perseguitata al mondo. Per i figli di Cristo, il martirio per la fede è diventato quotidiano. L'ultimo esempio è la strage alla chiesa di Sant'Elia di Damasco, perpetrata in quella Siria che ancora non ha superato dieci anni di guerra civile, lì dove governano coloro che segnavano le case dei cristiani per poterli identificare e uccidere scientificamente.

Cosa dobbiamo vedere, ancora, prima di agire? Sembra che dei cristiani non interessi, e l'Europa si occupa di tutti fuorché dei cristiani. Questa sofferenza dobbiamo sopportarla ancora per tanto? Dobbiamo aspettare ancora, prima che l'Europa agisca? Agiamo, o i cristiani scompariranno uno alla volta, anche per colpa nostra.

Joachim Stanisław Brudziński (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Syria ma jedną z najstarszych wspólnot chrześcijańskich na świecie, sięgającą pierwszego wieku naszej ery. Jest opisywana jako kolebka chrześcijaństwa. Przed rozpoczęciem wojny domowej w 2011 roku chrześcijanie stanowili około 10% populacji. Przez wieki byli pomostem na Bliskim Wschodzie pomiędzy walczącymi ze sobą muzułmanami i frakcjami szyitów i sunnitów. Obecnie stanowią mniej niż 2%, a ich liczba spadła z półtora miliona w 2011 r. do zaledwie 300 000 w 2020 r., głównie z powodu wojny, trwających prześladowań, przesiedleń i emigracji. Dziś mówimy o kolejnej odsłonie islamskiego szaleństwa, islamskiego terroryzmu. Samobójca otworzył ogień podczas mszy w cerkwi, w której przebywało 350 chrześcijan.

Uważam za niewyobrażalny skandal, że po raz kolejny w tym miejscu, w Parlamencie Europejskim o tej sprawie mówimy o godz. 22.00. Kiedy mówiliśmy o prześladowanych chrześcijan w Nigerii, również Parlament Europejski wyznaczył debatę jako ostatnią w godzinach nocnych, tak jak byśmy się wstydzili w tym miejscu upominać się o braci chrześcijan. Gdyby rzecz dotyczyła wyimaginowanych prześladowań społeczności LGBT, byłaby to debata priorytetowa o dziewiątej rano.

Γεάδης Γεάδη (ECR). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, η τρομοκρατική επίθεση στην ελληνορθόδοξη εκκλησία του Προφήτη Ηλία στη Δαμασκό, με θύματα πιστούς, ανάμεσά τους και μικρά παιδιά, είναι ένα χτύπημα στην ελευθερία της πίστης, στην ανθρώπινη αξιοπρέπεια και στον ίδιο τον ευρωπαϊκό πυρήνα αξιών. Δεν ήταν ένα μεμονωμένο περιστατικό. Προηγήθηκαν κατά συρροή φριχτές εκτελέσεις αμάχων. Η αδράνεια, η ανοχή και η επιβράβευση της κυβέρνησης των τρομοκρατών με άρση κυρώσεων μας οδήγησε στην επίθεση. Δυστυχώς, όταν προειδοποιούσαμε ήμασταν ακραίοι, αλλά τελικά ακραίοι ήταν αυτοί που δεν είχαν αντιληφθεί τους κινδύνους.

Είναι ηθική υποχρέωση προς τα θύματα να προχωρήσουμε με λήψη αποφασιστικών μέτρων, με αναστολή εκταμίευσης κονδυλίων μέχρι να διασφαλιστεί η προστασία όλων των θρησκευτικών και εθνοτικών μειονοτήτων. Η Ευρώπη δεν μπορεί να χρηματοδοτεί την τρομοκρατία. Αν δεν ενεργήσουμε αποφασιστικά, θα έχουμε αποτύχει όχι μόνο ως πολιτικοί αλλά και ως άνθρωποι. Καμία έκκληση και κανένα ψήφισμα δεν φέρει αποτέλεσμα εάν δεν επιφέρει κόστος. Μόνον όταν η παραβίαση δικαιωμάτων έχει συνέπειες, αρχίζει η συμμόρφωση.

Catch-the-eye procedure

Φρέντης Μπελέρης (PPE). – Κύριε Πρόεδρε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, η προστασία των χριστιανικών πληθυσμών στη Συρία δεν είναι απλώς ανθρωπιστικό καθήκον. Είναι ζήτημα γεωπολιτικής σταθερότητας, πολιτισμικής ταυτότητας και ευρωπαϊκών αξιών. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση οφείλει να σταθεί με σαφήνεια στο πλευρό των χριστιανών της Ανατολής, οι οποίοι επί αιώνες αποτελούν αναπόσπαστο μέρος του πολιτισμού της περιοχής και σήμερα απειλούνται με αφανισμό.

Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση οφείλει να δράσει σε τέσσερις άξονες. Πρώτον, απαιτείται διεθνής αναγνώριση της στοχευμένης βίας που έχουν υποστεί και ενσωμάτωση ρητρών προστασίας σε κάθε διαπραγμάτευση για τη μεταπολεμική Συρία. Δεύτερον, η ανθρωπιστική και αναπτυξιακή βοήθεια της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης πρέπει να κατευθυνθεί με όρους, να στηρίξει εκείνους που σέβονται τις ελευθερίες, τα ήθη και την παράδοση. Τρίτον, χρειάζονται ασφαλείς ζώνες και μηχανισμοί παρακολούθησης για τις απειλούμενες κοινότητες στις περιοχές Χομς, Χαλέπι, Μαλούλα αλλά και αλλού. Και τέλος να διασφαλιστεί το δικαίωμα επιστροφής των εκτοπισμένων και η στήριξη της διασποράς. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση οφείλει να ενσωματώσει την προστασία των χριστιανικών πληθυσμών στη Συρία ως σταθερή πολιτική επιλογή. Δεν πρέπει να μείνει θεατής στον αφανισμό του Χριστιανισμού.

Costas Mavrides (S&D). – Mr President, the recent attack against the Mar Elias Orthodox Church is one more atrocity taking place under the new jihadist regime in Syria. From the very beginning, the new rulers, according to credible reports, the same organisations that serve as our sources of information for the crimes committed during the Assad regime, hundreds of people were murdered in their homes, thousands were tortured and abducted, including children, women and men, and even more were forcibly displaced by the new jihadist regime. All of these individuals were targeted solely because of their identity or religion. And they were Alawites, Druze, Christians and Kurds.

We condemn the atrocities committed against members of ethnic and religious communities and ask for action by the High Representative. However, as long as the mastermind and the promoter of all these atrocities, the Erdoğan regime, is considered a strategic partner by some of our representatives and offices in the EU, unfortunately the deadly attack on Mar Elias will not be the last one.

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

Jozef Síkela, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members of the European Parliament, as we close today's debate I wish to reiterate our firm and unequivocal condemnation of the terrorist attack perpetrated on 22 June against the Mar Elias Church in Damascus. We extend our deepest condolences to the families of the victims and to all Syrians who face sorrow once again. This heinous act is not only an attack on Christians, it is an attack on the very fabric of Syria's society. It seeks to inflame fear, create division and derail the fragile hopes of peace that have begun to take root since the fall of the brutal Assad regime.

Let us be clear: terrorism in all its forms should have no place in Syria's future. We are reminded today of the long road still ahead. The EU remains steadfast in its commitment to the Syrian people, to their dignity and to their universal human rights. This includes the right of every Syrian to worship freely their own belief, alone or with their communities, to live without fear and to participate in a national life that is inclusive and just.

We acknowledge the commitments and some positive steps taken by the transitional authorities to move toward an inclusive and peaceful transition, and we will continue to support, in every way we can, security and the protection of all Syrians with no distinction, and the rule of law must be tangible for every Syrian. We will continue to press for human rights, accountability and inclusive governance in Syria.

We call on all actors inside and outside the country to unite in the fight against terrorism. This requires moving towards integration of all armed groups into national security forces as part of a wider security-sector reform, and a swift and comprehensive implementation of the agreement between Damascus and the Syrian Democratic Forces.

The EU is strongly engaged with international partners in the anti-Daesh coalition and will intensify its support in this regard. International cooperation with the new Syrian authorities on the fight against terror groups is increasing and should continue to be a priority.

Human rights and fundamental freedoms must be respected, protected and fulfilled for everyone in Syria, without discrimination of any kind. Let this Parliament's voice today be one of solidarity, vigilance and commitment.

President. – The debate is closed.

The vote will be held tomorrow.

Written Statements (Rule 178)

Λουκάς Φουρλάς (PPE), γραπτώς. – Η επίθεση στην εκκλησία του Αγίου Ηλία (Mar Elias) στη Δαμασκό, όπου σκοτώθηκαν τουλάχιστον 25 πιστοί και τραυματίστηκαν πάνω από 60 πιστοί, αποτελεί μία ακόμη τραγική υπενθύμιση της ευαλωτότητας των θρησκευτικών μειονοτήτων στη Συρία. Το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο τονίζει την ανάγκη για άμεση, διαφανή και ανεξάρτητη έρευνα και για λογοδοσία των υπευθύνων. Η προστασία των θρησκευτικών και πολιτιστικών χώρων είναι θεμελιώδης για τη διατήρηση της κοινωνικής συνοχής και της ειρήνης. Ως ΕΕ, πρέπει να στηρίξουμε τη δημιουργία ενός πλαισίου που διασφαλίζει την ίση εκπροσώπηση όλων των κοινοτήτων στη Συρία. Παράλληλα, πρέπει να διατηρήσουμε στοχευμένες κυρώσεις κατά εκείνων που διαπράττουν ή ενθαρρύνουν βία κατά θρησκευτικών ομάδων. Η ανασυγκρότηση της Συρίας δεν μπορεί να επιτευχθεί χωρίς σεβασμό στα θεμελιώδη δικαιώματα όλων των πολιτών της. Η προστασία των θρησκευτικών μειονοτήτων δεν είναι μόνο ανθρωπιστικό καθήκον αλλά και προϋπόθεση για βιώσιμη ειρήνη. Η Ευρώπη οφείλει να σταθεί στο πλευρό αυτών των κοινοτήτων. Το μήνυμα πρέπει να είναι σαφές: δεν υπάρχει χώρος για μίσος, διακρίσεις ή τρομοκρατία.

20. Písemná vysvětlení hlasování (článek 201 jednacího řádu)

(Explanations of votes given in writing would appear on the Members' pages on Parliament's website.)

21. Pořad jednání příštího denního zasedání

President. – The next sitting is tomorrow, Thursday, 10 July 2025, at 09:00. The agenda has been published and is available on the European Parliament website.

22. Schválení zápisu z tohoto denního zasedání

President. – The minutes of this sitting will be submitted to Parliament for its approval tomorrow, at the beginning of the afternoon.

23. Ukončení denního zasedání

(The sitting closed at 22:02)