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take stock of, and strengthen, Europe’s control of the value chains of the various decarbonisation technologies;

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evaluate dependence risks and propose corrective measures where the risks are high, or even where there are monopolies or quasi-monopolies at global level;

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promote the uptake of decarbonised products by means of incentives (taxes, subsidies, standards, labels), while maintaining technology neutrality;

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understand why the electrification of energy uses has stalled and take measures to address it;

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ensure funding via an appropriate framework and support Member States, in order to achieve quick and effective success in meeting energy building renovation needs;

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verify, through the 2024 national energy and climate plans, how the Member States’ projections are consistent with European targets and draw subsequent conclusions;

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develop electricity market models that reward flexibility in an amount relative to the growing value of the service provided;

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take account of the EESC’s proposals on the Blue Deal; and

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assess the consequences of and propose plans in case of solar flares.

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continue to monitor Europeans’ computer literacy and encourage Member States to raise public awareness of the risks associated with the use of digital technology;

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assess the actual application of self-regulation provided for in the Code of Practice on Disinformation, especially in this European election year;

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identify where European data is stored, keeping in mind that sensitive data must be stored within the EU;

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propose solutions to the conflicts between the US Cloud Act and the European GDPR;

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monitor Europeans’ knowledge of cybersecurity;

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learn from the industrial success of certain EU companies, and draw conclusions from it in terms of global competition; and

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continue to invest in developing supercomputers in Europe.

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The funding gap with the US and China is widening. European space budgets are six times lower than those in the US, and the budgets available within the EU are mostly uncoordinated, while American space doctrine has made space a key instrument for its supremacy and independence in this domain. China’s exponential rise cannot be ignored. Other actors such as Russia and India are also stepping up their game. Finally, the European space industry is now competing with giant players outside Europe, which have optimised their internal supply chains and are massively disrupting the markets (SpaceX in particular).

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The crisis in the European launcher industry highlights the vulnerabilities in this segment and is now affecting the satellite segment in the same way. Current figures show that the space industry’s profitability rate is rarely positive at a time when crucial investments are becoming more vital than ever.

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The European Space Agency’s (ESA) geographical return principle has proven to be an effective way of securing most of the funding for the programmes, but it is not without fault. This principle could lead to fragmentation in the supply chain due to the participation of very small contributors. Preserving national capacities at all costs increases duplication and fragmentation in a very narrow market. This leads to a lower production volume for all, and higher unit costs for customers.

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design and implement a European industrial space strategy, taking into account fragmentation, duplication and the small size of our core European institutional markets, which threaten the sustainability and sovereignty of our industry;

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ensure that public authorities have unhindered access to the space capabilities necessary to implement public policies, with the required level of independence (i.e. capabilities that can be obtained in a unified way across Europe and must be under the control of European entities);

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support the competitiveness of the European space industry, given the industry’s dependence on open markets – and therefore also the essential need to be competitive; and

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integrate the strategic nature of the space sector, its characteristics (long-term, high-risk, capital-intensive) and the policies of other powers to implement this space industrial strategy. European authorities could rely on a number of tools (public procurement rules, R&D funding, legislation and diplomacy).

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providing the EU Member States and their armed forces the defence equipment and capacity they need to defend Europe and its people against an array of complex threats;

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preserving Europe’s sovereignty and ensuring that Europe’s democracy and stability are protected in the long term, with an adequate level of strategic autonomy; and

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directly supporting the stability, peace and security of the NATO and EU Member States and their allies.

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ensure that the European defence industry is better coordinated (in particular by encouraging joint public procurement) and has the capacity to deliver the equipment that our armed forces need, at all times and under all circumstances; it must therefore be able to rapidly increase production to better respond to the urgent needs of the moment and maintain an appropriate level of preparation;

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invest heavily in R&D to strengthen Europe’s technological sovereignty in critical areas and ensure its operational superiority against would-be opponents. The EU should substantially increase the budget for a European Defence Fund, which will need to be more strategic;

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ensure that under the next Multiannual Financial Framework the EU and its Member States significantly increase their contributions to the defence budget line in order to adapt European defence to the new strategic environment;

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facilitate access to private and public investments and financing through policies and regulatory measures aimed at ensuring that sustainability considerations and criteria do not discriminate against our defence enterprises; and

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stimulate and support Member States’ efforts to reverse the current situation, by devoting most of their budgets to equipment and systems from European suppliers – this is an absolute requirement for supporting a viable European defence industry.